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FJiOM  2W£  gtk   TO  THE  igth   CENTfTRY, 

Part   I. 



'Henry  H.  Howorth,  f.s.a. 

i  TWO    MAPS    BY    E.     G.    RAVENSTEIN,    F.R.G.S. 

Longmans,   Green,  and   Co. 

•  1876. 







SIR   HENRY   C.  RAWLINSpN,  K.C.B.,  F.R.S. 

It  was  once  the  fashion  for  authors  to  dedicate  their  works  to  patrons 
from  whose  bounty  some  advantage  was  expected,  and  few  things  are 
more  humbling  in  literary  history  than  the  servile  addresses  which 
sycophancy  under  these  circumstances  has  produced.  We  now  live  in 
more  dignified  times;  and  may  place  on  the  threshold  of  our  work 
the  name  of  some  friend  whom  we  reverence  and  respect  without 
degrading  our  pens  to  such  mercenary  uses. 

I  feel  it  a  privilege  to  be  permitted  to  dedicate  this  the  first-fruits 
of  not  inconsiderable  toil  and  exertion,  to  one  who  has  raised  very  high 
the  reputation  of  England  for  wide  and  cultured  scholarship,  and  for 
brilliant  fertility  in  discovery.  Your  kind  and  considerate  notice  of  my 
efforts  when  a  boy  encouraged  me  to  persevere  in  an  arduous  task,  of 
which  this  is  the  outcome.  It  is  probable  that  you  will  find  some- 
thing to  object  to  and  much  to  correct,  besides  the  errors  inevitable 
in  such  a  work;  but  I  shall  feel  gratified  if  you  conclude  that  I  have 
in  some  measure  thrown  light  on  a  difficult  and  perplexing  subject. 




^NE  can. conceive  few  things  more  melancholy  than  an  author 
reading  his  own  work.  A  man  may  easily  overrate  the  virtues 
and  be  blind  to  the  vices  of  his  children,  but  unless  he  be 
singularly  isolated  and  unaccustomed  to  the  searching  breezes  of 
criticism,  he  cannot  avoid  feeling  sober  and  sad  as  he  turns  over  the 
pages  of  his  own  book.  One  can  school  oneself  into  treating  mankind, 
the  Vorld,  the^critics,  contemporary  opinion,  or  even  posterity  with 
cynical  disregard,  but  it  is  hardly  possible  to  be  cynical  with  one's  own 
product ;  and  yet,  unless  steeped  to  the  finger-ends  in  vanity,  even  * 
the  most  accurate  and  careful  author  must  feel  that  many  sentences 
might  have  been  better  written,  that  mistakes,  the  results  of  careless 
writing  and  careless  correcting — some  due  to  the  author,  some  to  his 
unsuspecting  friend  the  printer — feeble  logic,  slovenly  English,  and 
other  faults  mar  the  product  at  every  turn  ;  and  although  the 
book  itself;  has  worried  him  and  caused  him'  endless  anxiety  and 
trouble,  he  will  see  the  blemishes  more  distinctly  than  all  the  rest. 
If  this  be  true  of  most  authors,  it  is  assuredly  true  of  those  who  have  to 
deal  with  a  vast  mass  of  facts  and  inferences,  to  thread  their  way  through 
tortuous  quagmires  in  which  authorities  are  at  variance,  and  to  march 
over  some  of  those  arid  tracts  of  human  literature  in  which  the  heaps  of 
shingle  have  fe^  rhetorical  flowers  to  grace  them,  and  yet  every  pebble 
of  which  has  a  separate  and  individual  existence,  and  marks  a  truth  or  an 
error,  fi  is  in  such  a  wilderness  that  we  have  been  wandering,  and  we  know 
that  what  we  have  done  is  very  imperfect,  and  is  as  remote  from  our 
ideal  as  the  rude  efforts  of  Theodores  from  the  marbled  flesh  of  Phidias. 

We  know  too  well  that  those  who  wish  to  use  a  critical  lash  upon  us 
may  find  a  knot  of  scorpions  in  every  page.  We  are  not  afraid  of  those, 
however,  who  have  traversed  the  same  path.  They  will  know  how  the 
thorns  prick  and  how  hard  it  is  to  come  out  with  a  whole  skin ;  and  if 
they  are  as  candid  to  us  as  they  would  be  to  their  own  work,  they  will  at 
least  do  justice  to  the  difficulty  of  the  way.  But  let  that  pass.  The 
book  is  Writ,  and  who  will  care  to  read  it  ?  It  is  hard  to  say.  What 
excuse  then  for  writing  it  ?  Are  there  not  books  enough  and  to  spare  in 
the  huge  lumber-room  of  the  world  ?  Docs  not  the  future  groan  by 
anticipation  at  the  burden  we  are  piling  upon  it  ?  Most  true ;  and  yet  it  is 
not  merely  the  cacoethes  scribendi,  the  mania  for  writing  that  has  stirred 
us.    Like  others,  many  others  whom  we  know,  we  have  looked  along 


that  fascinating  road  which  leads  back  towards  the  cradle  of  human 
progress.  Looked  with  longing  eyes  at  those  great  banks  of  cloud  and 
mist  and  darkness  behind  which  the  sun  of  human  history  first  fose,  to 
try  and  dispel  some  of  them,  and  help  to  solve  the  riddle  of  whence  it 
came,  why  it  came,  and  whither  it  hastens.  It  is  a  romantic  an4  a 
stirring  problem,  only  to  be  solved,  if  it  ever  can  be  solved,  by  a  dreary 
process,  namely,  that  of  mapping  out  accurately  the  nearer  vistas  of  the 
landscape,  and  from  that  vantage  making  a  fiirther  conquest  of  the  land 
beyond.  Taking  up  the  intertangled  and  crooked  skein,  the  thousand 
twisted  threads  into  which  the  story  has  been  ravelled,  and  following 
each  one  up  to  the  beginning  to  reach  at  last,  may  be,  the  fountain  source* 
whence  Bushman  and  Englishman,  Fetishman  and  Pope,  black  and  red 
and  white  all  came.  Like  others  who  have  gone  before,  we  too  started 
ambitiously,  our  object  having  been  to  give  a  conspectdft-of  ethnol^icai 
facts,  to  write  a  treatise  in  which  the  human  race  and  its  various  varieties 
should  figure  as  it  does  in  Pritchard's  great  work,  with  such  additions  as 
fresh  discoveries  have  necessitated.  But  our  purpose  fell  through ;  the 
work  was  too  great  We  next  essayed  a  narrower  field,  in  which  our  early 
reading  had  delighted,  namely,  to  treat  of  the  nomade  races  of  Asia,  a 
field  very  much  unexplored  and  very  confused,  upon  which  we  have 
written  and  printed  sundry  papers,  some  worthless  and  some  otherwise 
may  be.  But  our  hobby  grew  bigger  as  we  tended  it,  it  outgrew  our 
resources,  and  we  had  once  more  to  restrain  our  coat  within  the  limits  of 
our  cloth ;  our  last  resolve  has  resulted  in  these  800  pages,  and  more 
which  may  follow.  And  now  as  to  our  fitness  for  the  work,  a  question 
often  a  stumblingblock  to  a  vain  man,  who  dreams  he  is  exceptionally 
qualified  to  do  what  he  has  done,  and  that  none  could  have  done  it 
better,  but  no  stumblingblock  to  us,  who  know  ho#  much  better  it 
might  have  been  done  by  friends  whom  we  could  name.  The  field  was 
singularly  unoccupied.  Amidst  the  myriad  volumes  which  the  press 
turns  out,  few  indeed  touched  even  the  skirts  of  our  question.  Like  the 
Sahara  in  Africa,  or  like  the  Saharas  which  occur  in  large  libraries  where 
ancient  folios  lie  asleep  amidst  dust  and  cobweb,  our  subject  has  a 
forbidding  aspect,  a  dry  and  arid  look  which  might  well  frighten  any 
traveller  who  looked  across  it,  and* will  doubtless  scare  many  readers  who 
are  not  aware  that  even  the  Sahara  has  some  oases,  and  almost  every 
elephant  folio  some  few  paragraphs  to  lighten  up  the  rest.  Dry  and 
repulsive  a  good  deal  of  Mongolian  history  undoubtedly  is,  but  it  forms  a 
vast  chapter  in  human  annals,  which  we  may  not  evade  without  seriously 
marring  our  historic  knowledge.  In  the  absence  of  better  guides,  an 
inferior  traveller  may  find  a  great  work  to  his  hand,  which  he  may  do  in 
the  hope  that  when  he  has  reduced  it  somewhat  to  order,  and  traced  out 
its  topography  rudely,  others  may  follow  who  shall  have  the  lighter  task 
of  correcting  his  mistakes,  of  fiUing  in  the  canvas  with  more  attractive 


detail,  and  of  completing  the  worjc  which  the  pioneer  can  only  begin.  It 
is  because  the  field  was  vacant  that  we  took  up  the  mattock,  and  if  it  be 
beyond. our  power  frequently,  to  do  well,  we  may  justify  our  conscience  by 
doing  our  best. 

I  approach  the  problem  as  an  ethnologist  and  historian,  and 
not  as  a  linguist,  and  I  have  to  state  at  once  that  I  have  had  no 
access  to  the  authorities  in  their  original  language,  and  only  to  trans- 
lations and  commentaries.  Here,  therefore,  at  the  very  threshold,  I  have 
to  break  not  a  lance  but  only  a  bodkin  with  my  friend  Sir  Henry 
Rawlinson.  At  the  meeting  of  the  Oriental  Congress  in  London  he  laid 
it  down  that  a  man  ought  not  to  write  history  who  cannot  read  the 
original  script  in  which  the  narrative  was  put  down,  in  other  words,  that 
those  only  who  can  reach  the  flowers  have  a  right  to  use  the  honey. 
This  view,  I  hurilbly  submit,  is  not  a  reasonable  one.  His  own  brother, 
my  old  friend  the  Canon  of  Canterbury,  who  has  done  so  much  for 
Eastern  history,  is  an  instance  to  the  contrary',  and  so  are  many  others  ; 
but  I  go  deeper  than  this.  Take  the  history  of  the  Mongols  as  a 
crucial  example,  and  consider  the  various  languages  in  which  the 
original  story  is  enshrined.  To  be  a  profound  Chinese,  Persian, 
Armenian,  Russian,  German,  French,  and  Latin  scholar  is  in  itself 
an  impossibility ;  several  of  these  languages  are  so  difficult  and  com- 
pHcated  that  a  lifetime  is  required  for  their  mastery,  and  no  time  is  left 
for  the  other  portion  of  the  work,  the  comparing  and  sifting  of  the 
evidence  j  and  of  course  the  argument  requires  that  a  man  shall  have  a 
profound  and  not  a  superficial  knowledge,  or  else  his  reading  of  the 
original  is  very  inferior  in  value  to  a  reading  taken  second-hand  from  a 
profound  master  of  the  language.  I  hold  the  two  works  to  be  entirely 
apart.  One  matt  carves  the  stone  from  the  quarry,  and  another  shapes 
it  into  a  figure  ;  one  man  digs  out  the  gold,  and  another  makes  the 
embossed  bowl  out  of  it.  It  would  be  as  unfair  and  unreasonable  to 
forbid  the  painter  to  paint  his  picture  unless  he  knew  how  to  make  his 
colours,  or  the  architect  to  design  his  palace  unless  he  were  the  master  of 
every  handicraft  necessary  to  supply  the  building  with  materials,  as  to 
deny  the  historian  the  right  to,  build  up  his  story,  to  fill  in  his  canvas, 
unless  he  can  quarry  his  own  materials  out  of  the  rock  for  himself.  It  is 
not  only  unreasonable,  but  it  is  in  fact  securing  very  inferior  work  ;  it  is 
the  case  of  the  western  farmer  whittling  his  own  chairs  and  tables 
with  his  pocket  knife,  instead  of  furnishing  his  house  with  objects  made 
by  men  specially  skilled  in  their  various  crafts.  How  vcry«engrossing 
even  one  language  may  be,  may  best  be  illustrated  by  a  story. 
When  making  inquiries  once  about  some  of  the  tribes  of  Cashmere,  I 
was  introduced  by  a  friend  of  mine,  a  very  distinguished  Eastern  scholar, 
to  a  German  gentleman  who  had  long  lived  on  the  borders  of  Cashmere. 
I  put  my  question  to  him,  and  he  answered  that  he  knew  nothing  about 

viii  PREFACE. 

these  tribes,  for  he  was  a  pure  Sanskritist.  I  was  almost  appalled  by 
the  reply.  The  difficulty  of  Sanscrit  was  a  matter  with  which  I  was 
more  or  less  familiar,  but  that  it  should  so  engross  a  mao*s  whole  life  as 
to  leave  him  no  time  or  inclination  for  an  inquiry  into  a  not  remotely 
connected  subject,  which  was  at  his  very  elbow,  was  startling.  If 
this  be  true  of  Sanscrit,  it  is  surely  doubly  true  of  Chinese,  a  language  so 
difficult  that  the  quarrels  of  Chinese  linguists  as  to  the  meaning  of 
Chinese  words  and  phrases  form  a  not  inconsiderable  literature.  It 
is  only  once  in  a  thousand  years  that  men  of  the  gigantic  powers  of 
Klaproth,  at  once  a  profound  linguist  and  a  most  acute  ethnologist,  come 
to  the  surface.  For  these  reasons,  therefore,  I  do  not  deem  it  an 
objection  that  one  who  is  writing  an  Eastern  history  should  collect  his 
materials  from  secondary  sources,  but  rather  an  advantage.  The  only 
thing  in  which  he  should  be  careful  is  to  consult  the  translations  of 
scholars  and  of  men  of  repute,  and  I  trust  that  in  the  following  pages  1 
have  done  so,  and  to  the  best  of  my  ability  have  ransacked  the  literature 
of  Germany,  France,  and  England  to  bring  together  my  materials.  A 
more  detailed  criticism  of  them  will  appear  in  the  introduction. 

There  is  one  pitfall  into  which  I  am  aware  that  I  have  frequently  fallen, 
and  for  which  my  distinguished  correspondent  Major  Raverty  will 
lake  me  to  task,  and  that  is  in  the  orthography  of  the  proper  names. 
Here  1  confess  to  have  been  met  by  a  difficulty  of  singular  moment, 
and  one  which  appears  to  be  almost  insuperable  until  some  uniform 
scheme  of  spelling  shall  have  been  devised. 

There  are  hardly  two  authors  whom  I  have  consulted  who  spell 
the  names  in  the  same  way,  and  ver>'  often  their  spelling  is  so 
different  that  it  is  nearly  impossible  to  recognise  the  name  under  its 
various  aspects  ;  I  am  aware  that  1  have  in  consequence  in  several 
cases  failed  to  spell  the  same  name  consistently.  The  difficulty  is  a 
profound  one^  Thus  in  Erdmann's  history  of  Jingis  Khan,  an  admirable 
work,  the  letter  g  is  used  constantly  where  other  writers  put  k,  and  a 
friend  of  mine,  a  distinguished  linguist,  assures  me  that  with  many 
Germans  known  to  him  the  difference  between  the  pronunciation  of  the 
two  letters  is  not  an  appreciable  one.  Again,  the  Chinese  orthography 
of  names  so  disguises  them  that  it  is  not  always  possible  to  recognise 
them.  Major  Raverty,  in  his  capital  edition  of  the  Tabakat  i  Nasiri, 
lays  down  certain  methods  of  speUing,  and  is  very  severe  on  those  who 
differ  from  him  ;  but  we  must  remember  that  in  adopting  the  Persian 
orthography  for  Turkish  and  Mongolian  names,  we  are  applying  an 
Arian  orthography  to  Turanian  names,  and  that  such  a  solution  is  really 
an  arbitrary  one.  The  way  in  which  Mongol  names  are  pronounced  at 
Shiraz  or  Teheran  is  no  doubt  to  be  gathered  from  Persian  authors,  but 
hardly  the  way  in  which  Mongol  names  are  pronounced  in  Mongolia.  As 
a  rule,  I  have  followed  the  speUing  of  Schmidt  in  his  edition  of  Ssanang 


Setzen,  the  native  chronicler.  In  other  cases  I  have  followed  Erdmann, 
who  was  a  professor  at  Kazan  and  a  good  scholar ;  in  the  absence  of  these 
authorities  I  have  been  guided  by  what  seemed  to  me  the  best  authority, 
but  in  doing  so*I  have,  I  am  aware,  made  some  mistakes,  and  can  only 
do  the  kow-tow  humbly  to  my  readers  for  them.  After  all,  the  spelling 
of  the  names,  so  long  as  we  arc  not  misled  by  it,  is  not  a  very  grave 
error,  and  we  can  only  hope  that  in  due  time  some  settled  system  may 
make  the  path  of  my  successors  a  more  easy  one. 

Having  said  so  much  about  the  difficulties  of  the  author,  I  must  now 
turn  to  the  work.  If  we  wish  to  enter  upon  a  branch  of  inquiry  which 
seems  utterly  wanting  in  unity,  to  be  as  disintegrated  as  sand,  and 
defying  any  orderly  or  rational  treatment,  we  can  hardly  choose  a  better 
one  than  the  history  of  the  Asiatic  nomades.  These  tribes  which,  under 
a  variety  of  names,  occupy  the  vast  steppe  lands,  the  deserts,  moun- 
tains, and  river  valleys  which  stretch  from  the  frontiers  of  Hungary 
to  the  Yellow  Sea,  seem  at  first  sight  to  be  quite  unconnected  with 
one  another  in  history  and  traditions,  and  unless  we  can  find  some 
common  element  around  which  to  group  the  story,  we  cannot  hope 
to  make  much  headway.  In  looking  round  to  find  a  girdle  with  which 
to  bind  these  disconnected  threads,  I  have  chosen  what  seems  to  be  the 
most  convenient  one.  In  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century  the 
Mongols,  an  obscure  tribe  of  Eastern  Asia,  headed  by  their  chief  Jingis 
Khan,  succeeded  in  conquering  t*he  greater  portion  of  the  nomades  of 
Asia.  Not  all  of  them,  but  the  greater  portion  ;  destroyed  or  displaced 
the  many  ruling  families  which  controlled  them,  and  integrated  under 
one  government  and  one  law  a  multitude  of  independent  tribes.  Jingis 
Khan  left  the  empire  which  he  had  conquered  to  his  son  Ogotai,  while 
he  left  to  his  other  sons  dependent  appanages.  They  were  subject  in  a 
kind  of  feudal  fashion  to  their  more  fortunate  brother.  And  thus  matters 
continued  for  generations,  until,  as  is  almost  inevitable  in  vast  unwieldy 
empires,  where  intercommunication  is  difficult  and  interests  are  different, 
the  various  appanages  broke  away  and  became  independent,  each  one, 
however,  ruled  over  by  descendants  of  Jingis  Khan.  These  appanages 
in  turn  were  broken  into  lesser  fragments,  still,  however,  ruled  by  princes 
of  the  same  royal  stock,  until  the  vast  empire  was  shattered  into  the  many 
fragments  which  make  the  political  geography  of  Asia  so  confusing. 

The  empire  of  Jingis  was  anything  but  homogeneous  in  its  elements. 
It  consisted  of  tribes  of  various  languages  and  origins,  the  Turks  pre- 
dominating largely  in  numbers,  while  the  Mongols,  who  lived  mainly  in 
their  old  homes  in  Eastern  Asia,  formed  but  a  ruling  caste  elsewhere. 
What  the  empire  was,  its  fragments  became,  very  heterogeneous,— some 
Turkish,  some  Mongol,  &c.,  but  all  having  one  common  bond  in  that 
they  were  ruled  by  princes  of  the  same  stock,  the  descendants  of  the 
Mongol  Jingis  Khan.     It  is  this  common  bond  which  I  have  chosen  as 


my   sheet-anchor,   on   which  to  hook  on  the  histories  of  the  various 
tril:«Si  and  thus  give  unity  and  coherence  to  the  story.     The  history  of 
the  Mongols  in  this  sense,  ilicrefore,  includes  not  only  t^kc  history  of  the 
Mongols  proper  of  Mongoha,  but  of  all  the  trilx.'s  whose  ruling  house  was 
Mongol,  and  who  could  trace  descent  from  the  royal  stock  of  Jingis 
Khan.     In  the  present  volume  I  shall  contine  myself  to  the  history  of  the 
Mongols  proper,  and  leave  the  various  Turkish  tribes  which  obey  princes 
of  the   Mongol  royal  stock  for  another  volume.     The  Mongols  may  be 
divided  into  two  sections ;  the  Kastcrn  Mongols,  to  whom  the  name  more 
properly  belongs,  and  the  Western  Mongols  or  Kalmuks.     The  former 
occupy  the  first  eight  chapters  of  the  volume,  and  the  latter  the  last  four. 
The   history  of  the   Mongols   is   necessarily   a   **  drum  and  trumpet 
history."      It   deals    chiefly   with    the    con(|uests   of   great    kings    and 
the  struggles  of  rival  tribes,  and  many  of  its  pages  are  crowded  with 
incidents  of  butcher>',  and  a  terrible  story  of  ravage  and  destruction. 
It  is  in  the  main  the  story  of  one  of  those  hardy,  brawny  races  cradled 
amidst  want  and  hard  circumstances,  in  whose  blood  there  is  a  good 
mixture  of  iron,  which  are  sent  periodically  to  destroy  the  luxurious  and 
the  wealthy,  to  lay  in  ashes  the  arts  and  culture  which  only  grow  under 
the  shelter  of  wealth  and  easy  circumstances,  and  to  convert  into  a  desert 
the  paradise  which  man  has  painfully  cultivated.     Like  the  pestilence 
and  the  famine,  the  Mongols  were  essentially  an  engine  of  destruction  ; 
and  if  it  be  a    painful,  harassing   story  to    read,  it  is  nevertheless  a 
necessary  one  if  wc  are  to    understand  the  great  course  of  human 
progress.     Nor  is  the  story  wholly  one  of  bloodshed  and  destruction  ;  far 
from  it.     I  would  commend  those  who  wish  to  see  the  other  side  of  the 
shield  to  the  concluding  pages  of  the  lives  of  Jingis  Khan,  and  Ogotai, 
his  son,  and  to  the  lives   of  Khubilai   and   his  successors.     Political 
philosophy  has  much  to  learn  from  institutions  which  were  founded  by  a 
race  of  nomades,  and  were  found  capable  of  reducing  to  order  and  to 
good  government  the  disintegrated  robbers  of  Asia,  and  for  a  while  to 
make  the  desert  as  safe  as  the  Queens  highway.     It  is  assuredly  a 
valuable  lesson  to  learn  what  wise  and  beneficent  laws  and  institutions 
could  be  devised  by  the  ingenuous  shepherds  of  the  Mongolian  desert, 
and  what  worldly  wisdom  and  shrewd  insight  into  human  character  they 
were  masters  of.    And  it  may  be  that  while  we  deplore  the  terrible 
destruction  that   wc  shall   conclude    that  what  was  swept  away  had 
seen  its  heyday  that  like  the  apple  which  ripens  and  then  becomes 
overripe  till  it  rots,  human  society  reaches  a  term  at  last,  when  there  is 
no  longer  progress,  when  there  is  nothing  but  stagnation,  and  with  it 
the  products  of  stagnation,  vice,  and  mental  disease.      If  we  cannot 
forget  that  Byzantium  was  the  daughter  of  Rome,  and  the  rival  factions 
of  the  Circus,  in   some  measure,  the  heirs  of  the   old  parties  in  the 
Forum,  wc  shall  not  be  cynical  enough  to  affirm  that  the  child  was  as 

a  PREFACE.  id 

good  as  the  parent,  that  the  scrofulous  and  utterly  base  and  degraded 
moral  atmosphere  of  the  mistress  of  the  Bosphorus,  with  its  decrepitude 
in  the  arts,  in  literature,  in  everything  save  vice,  was  not  ready  for  the 
destroyer,  nor  ^affect  to  deplore  the  revolution  which  swept  it  away. 
Greece  liad  been  dwarfed  in  every  sense,  and  become  a  poor  shadow  of 
its  former  self  when  the  Romans  trampled  it  under.  The  Saxons  had, 
for  nearly  two  centuries,  been  almost  stagnant  in  literature  and  the  arts 
when  the  Norman  heel  crushed  them  and  restored  new  life  to  the 
decaying  carcase  ;  and  it  was  so,  to  a  large  extent  with  the  victims  of  the 
Mongol  arms ;  their  prosperity  was  hollow  and  pretentious,  their 
grandeur  very  largely  but  outward  glitter,  and  the  diseased  body  needed 
a  sharp  remedy ;  the  apoplexy  that  was  impending  could  probably  only 
be  staved  off  by  much  blood  letting,  the  demoralised  cities  must  be  sown 
with  salt,  and  their  inhabitants  inoculated  with  fresh  streams  of  vigorous 
blood  from  the  uncontaminated  desert.  And  then  there  came,  as 
there  always  comes,  a  Renaissance — a  new  life.  When  the  wave  of 
destruction  was  spent,  the  relics  and  fragments  of  the  old  arts  and 
auture  became  the  seeds  of  a  more  vigorous  growth.  The  virgin  soil 
was  speedily  covered  with  fresh  green.  From  China,  Persia,  Europe, 
from  all  sides,  where  tlie  hoofs  of  Mongol  horses  had  tramped,  there  was 
furnished  a  quota  of  ideas  to  the  conmion  hive,  whence  it  was  distributed. 
Europe,  which  had  sunk  into  lethargy  under  the  influence  of  feudal 
institutions  and  of  intestine  wars,  gradually  awoke.  An  afflatus  of 
architectural  energy,  as  Colonel  Yule  has  remarked,  spread  over  the 
world  almost  directly  after  the  Mongol  conquests.  Poetry  and  the  arts 
began  rapidly  to  revive.  The  same  thing  occurred  in  Persia  under  the 
Ilkhans,  the  heirs  and  successors  of  Khulagu,  and  in  Southern  Russia  at 
Serai,  under  the  successors  of  Batu  Khan.  While  in  China  it  would  be 
difficult  to  point  to  any  epoch  of  Asiatic  history  which  could  rival  the 
vigorous  life  and  rejuvenescence  which  marks  the  reign  of  the  great 
Khubilai  Khan,  whose  history  I  have  described  in  the  fifth  chapter. 
As  the  Mongols  controlled  the  communications  between  these  various 
centres,  and  protected  them  effectually  so  long  as  they  remained  powerful. 
Eastern  and  Western  nations  were  brought  together,  and  reacted 
on  one  another.  I  have  no  doubt  myself,  as  1  have  pointed  out  in  the 
following  pages  that  the  art  of  printing,  the  mariner's  compass,  firearms, 
and  a  great  many  details  of  social  life,  were  not  discovered  in  Europe, 
but  imported  by  means  of  Mongol  influence  from  the  furthest  East. 

I  must  now  give  a  short  abstract  of  the  contents  of  this  volume.  The 
first  chapter  contains  a  description  of  the  most  important  tribes  and 
nations  which  the  Mongols  came  in  contact  with  in  their  early  days.  I  have 
remitted  the  controversial  questions  to  the  notes  at  the  end  of  the  volume, 
to  which  I  would  commend  my  ethnological  friends  for  a  good  deal  of 
new  matter  upon  the  ethnography  of  many  of  the  nomadcs.  Let  me 

xii  PREFACE.  , 

call  attention  especially  to  the  note  on  the  Keraits.  The  second  chapter 
is  devoted  to  an  examination  of  the  Origines  of  the  Mongols  and  a 
ciiticism  of  their  traditions,  and  the  accounts  we  have  of  them  in  the 
Persian  and  Chinese  authors  down  to  ilk  time  of  Jingis  Khan.  This  is 
dry  enough,  but  will,  I  hope,  be  found  to  be  a  considerable  advance  on 
any  previous  venture  in  the  same  field.  The  third  chapter  deals  with 
Jingis  Khan,  and  traces  his  history  from  his  early  days  to  his  death,  with 
an  account,  as  far  as  I  have  met  with  it,  of  his  various  laws  and 
institutions.  This  is  more  or  less  well  trodden  ground.  Erdraann, 
D'Ohsson,  and  De  la  Croix  have  written  largely  upon  it.  I  have  added 
several  Sagas  from  Ssanang  Setzen,  the  native  chronicler,  and  have 
tried  to  make  the  narrative  more  correct.  I  must  beg  my  readers, 
however,  to  consult  the  notes  in  reading  it,  for  it  is  a  difficult  part 
of  the  subject,  and  I*  have  modified  my  views  about  certain  portions 
of  it.  The  fourth  chapter  is  devoted  to  Ogotai,  the  son  and  successor 
of  Jingis  Khan,  and  his  descendants.  Ogotai  consolidated  the  empire 
his  father  had  won,  and  largely  widened  its  borders.  The  account  of 
the  campaign  undertaken  during  his  reign  into  Central  Europe  has  beA 
carefully  elucidated  by  Wolff,  and  his  results  will  be  found  condensed  in 
this  chapter.  Ogotai  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Kuyuk  Khan,  to  whom 
the  Franciscan  missionary  Carpini  went.  On  the  death  of  Kuyuk  there 
was  a  revolution  in  Mongolia.  The  family  of  Ogotai  was  displaced  by 
that  of  Tului,  but  Ogotai's  descendants  kept  up  a  struggle  for  the  throne 
for  a  long  time,  and  were  de  facto  sovereigns  of  a  large  territory  in 
Central  Asia.  I  have  given  their  history  until  they  finally  submitted  to 
the  rival  house.  In  the  fifth  chapter  I  have  given  the  history  of  the 
two  brothers  Mangu  Khan  and  Khubilai  Khan,  whose  reigns  coincide 
with  the  apogee  of  Mongol  power  and  greatness.  During  the  reign  of 
the  former,  the  Khaliphate  and  the  Assassins  were  conquered  by  his 
brother  Khulagu,  who  founded  a  line  of  Mongol  sovereigns  in  Persia 
known  as  the  Ilkhans.  The  court  of  Mangu  was  visited  by  the 
Franciscan  Rubruquis,  who  has  left  a  graphic  picture  of  it.  Khubilai 
was  the  patron  of  Marco  Polo.  He  moved  the  seat  of  government  from 
Mongolia  to  China,  subjected  the  southern  half  of  that  empire,  and 
became  the  virtual  founder  of  the  Mongol  dynasty  of  Chinese  Wang  tis 
or  emperors  known  as  the  Yuen  dynasty.  His  reign  is  a  brilliant  one, 
not  merely  in  Mongol  history,  but  in  the  annals  of  Asia.  The  sixth 
chapter  is  devoted  to  the  history  of  the  Yuen  dynasty,  the  successors 
of  Khubilai  down  to  their  expulsion  from  China,  and  continues 
their  history  through  the  period  of  depression,  when  the  Kalmuks  and 
Mongols  separated  and  formed  two  distinct  nations,  and  down  to  the 
final  conquest  of  the  Chakhars,  the  tribe  ruled  over  by  the  senior  line  of 
Mongol  chiefs  representing  the  old  supreme  Khans  of  the  Mongols. 
The  seventh  chapter  contains  an  account  of  the  topography  and  history 

PREFACE.  xiii 

of  the  Chakhars  and  of  the  various  tribes  constituting  the  so-called 
Forty-nine  Banners,  that  is,  of  the  various  Mongol  tribes  who  migrated 
to  the  south  of  the  desert  of  Gobi  and  became  subjects  of  the  Manchus 
in  the  early  days  of  the  latter's  prosperity.     In  this  chapter  will  be  found 
considerable  details  about  the  conversion  of  the  Mongols  to  Lamaism. 
The  eighth  chapter  contains  the  history  of  the  Khalkhas,  whose  several 
divisions  constitute  the  Mongols  who  live  north  of  the  desert  of  Gobi, 
and  who  did  not  become  subject  to  China  until  much  later.    As  in  the 
case  of  the  former  tribe,  my  account  of  them  closes  with  their  conquest 
by  China.    In  this  chapter  will  be  found  many  details  about  the  early 
intercourse  of  the  Russians  with  the  Mongols.    In  the  ninth  chapter  I 
commence  the  history  of  the  Kalmuks,  and  begin  with  the  Khoshotes  or 
Kalmuks    of   Thibet.      There  will   be   found,  collected    from   various 
sources,  an  account  of  the  influence  of  the  Lamas  upon  the  Mongols, 
and  of  the  rise  and  growth  of  the  now  dominant  sect  of  the  Yellow 
Lamas,  who  are  presided  over  by  the  well-known  Dalai  Lama.    I  believe 
this  is  the  first  account  of  this  interesting  story  which  has  appeared  in 
Enghsh.    The  tenth  chapter  contains  the  history  of  the  Keraits.    When 
I  wrote  it  I  believed  the  Keraits  to  have  been  the  ancestors  of  the 
Torguts,  following  in  this  respect  the  very  able  lead  of  Abel  Remusat. 
As    I    have   said   in    the    note    on   the    Keraits    at  the  end  of  the 
volume,   I   no  longer  think  so,  and   I   have  given  my  reasons  there 
for  my  change  of  opinion.     In  this  chapter  will  be  found  a  detailed 
account    of    that    hero    of    so    much    romance    and    fable,    Prester 
John,  with  a  criticism  of  the  latest  views  in  regard  to  him,  as  well 
as   an    account  of  the   most  important   tribe   among   the  European 
Kalmuks,  namely,  the  Torguts.     The  tenth  chapter  is  devoted  to  the 
Sungars,  Derbets,  &c.,  whom  I  class  under  the  generic  name  Choros. 
In   this    will    be    found    the    history    of    the    rise    of    the    Sungar 
royal  family,  which  for  a  while  built  up  a  power  in  Central  Asia  that 
promised  to  rival  that  of  the  older  Mongols,  and  to  fight  upon  equal 
terms  with  the  Manchu  conquerors  of  China.     The  twelfth  and  last 
chapter  deals  with  the  Buriats,  the  least  sophisticated  of  the  Mongol 
tribes,  and  the  one  about  whose  history  we  have  the  least  information. 
While  nearly  all  the  other  Mongols  are  subject  to  China,  the  Buriats  live 
under  the  authority  of  Russia.     In  the  notes  and  corrections,  &c.,  I  have 
added  such  new  information  as  has  become  accessible  to  me  since  the 
book  was  written,  and  corrected  the  errors  which  I  have  found,  and 
others  which  have  been  pointed  out  to  me  by  my  very  kind  friend 
Colonel  Yule.    Many  still  remain,  and  I  shall  be  exceedingly  grateful  to 
any  critics  who  may  notice  my  work,  for  pointing  out  to  me  where  I  have 
gone  astray,  that  I  may  add  their  hints  to  an  appendix,  for  I  hardly 
expect  that  in  this  generation  there  will  be  found  another  English  student 
who  will  venture  over  the  same  ground. 

xiv  PREFACE. 

It  now  remains  to  thank  those  who  have  assisted  me.  In  the  intro- 
duction I  have  given  a  list  of  the  authorities  upon  which  the  work  is 
founded~I  hope  a  fair  and  tolerably  complete  one.  To  that  list  I 
must  commend  my  readers  for  the  sources  of  my  matter.  These 
I  have  had  very  largely  to  consult  in  my  own  library,  away  in  the 
Boeotian  fields  of  Lancashire,  far  from  the  pleasant  book  shelves  of  the 
Great  National  Library  ;  far,  too,  from  the  companionship  of  those  who 
could  have  helped  me  in  many  a  crooked  comer.  I  may  say,  without 
exaggeration,  that  it  has  been  written  alone.  After  it  was  written  and 
printed  off,  the  sheets  were  posted  to  Palermo  to  Colonel  \\x\c,/acile 
princeps  in  questions  relating  to  Central  Asia,  and  not  more  widely- 
known  for  his  great  stores  of  learning  and  his  accuracy  than  for  his 
urbanity  and  kindness.  Most  of  the  suggestions  he  has  made  I  have 
incorporated  in  the  notes,  and  I  only  repeat  myself  when  I  return  him 
grateful  thanks  for  them.  To  Dr.  Rost,  of  the  India  Library,  I  am 
specially  indebted  for  loans  of  books  in  any  number,  and  still  more  for 
the  confidence  with  which  I  have  been  allowed  to  retain  them  as  long  as  I 
pleased.  He  also  is  widely  known  for  his  profound  scholarship,  and  his 
willingness  to  assist  the  humblest  student ;  and  I  am  very  proud  to  be 
allowed  to  call  him  my  friend.  The  Librarians  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
the  Anthropological  Institute  and  of  the  Geographical  Society  have  also 
earned  my  thanks  for  their  ready  loan  of  books.  Lastly  there  are  three 
names  which  I  cannot  leave  out  without  grave  injustice.  First,  my  dear 
old  mother,  who  was  the  first  to  teach,  and  who  has  never  ceased  to 
encourage  me,  who  was  always  prodigal  in  every  favour,  and  who  will, 
of  all  my  critics,  I  know,  be  the  most  tender  to  my  failings.  Secondly, 
my  friend  George  Hector  Croad,  now  the  honoured  Secretary  of  the 
London  School  Board,  my  old  master,  whose  enthusiasm,  whose 
thoroughness,  and  whose  integrity  I  feel  it  a  privilege  to  have  tested 
in  a  hundred  ways,  and  who  first  gave  me  a  taste  for  historical  inquiries. 
I  hope  he  will  not  deem  I  have  disgraced  him.  Lastly,  my  wife,  my 
ever  patient  wife,  who  has  sat  out  many  hundred  lonely  hours  while  I 
have  turned  over  the  dusty  pages,  who  has  resisted  the  importunities 
of  many  kind  friends  to  burn  the  heaps  of  dry-as-dust — which  I  call 
my  library.  She  has  done  what  no  amount  of  gratitude  can  repay  ;  but 
there  is  one  thing  she  will  not  dare  to  do,  and  that  is  to  read  my  book.  I 
have  now  finished.  It  is  a  cold  shivering  world  that  such  a  work  as  this 
goes  into ;  the  hard  names  and  the  dry  sentences  are  not  tempting  to  the 
casual  reader.  Some  few,  may  be,  will  read  it ;  others  turn  to  it  to  verify 
a  fact,  or  to  find  materials  for  a  pedantic  sentence  ;  others  may  busy 
themselves  with  tearing  it  to  pieces.    All  are  welcome ;  and  to  all  I  say — 

"  Vive,  vale  1  si  quid  novisti  recttus  istis, 
Candidus  imperii,  si  non,  his  ntere  mecum.*' 


THERE  can  be  no  greater  mistake  than  to  write  history  as  if  our 
views  were  immaculate  and  not  subject  to  revision.  The  fact  is, 
that  nearly  all  history  is  tentative,  and  subject  to  be  modified 
by  fresh  discoveries.  We  can  only  raise  our  ladder  to  a  certain  height, 
and  then  look  round  and  describe  the  narrow  horizon  which  we  see 
from  its  summit  Those  who  come  after  us  will  profit  by  our  work,  will 
start  where  we  ended,  will  raise  the  vantage  higher,  and  will  without 
doubt  secure  a  wider  view,  and  be  able  to  improve  upon  our  position, 
and  so  on  till  the  whole  story  is  secured.  This  is  not  a  very  encouraging 
conclusion.  It  has  one  moral,  however,  which  is  too  frequently  forgotten. 
If  we  see  further  than  those  who  went  before,  it  is  because  we  are 
raised  higher  from  the  ground  by  their  efforts,  we  in  fact  stand  on  their 
shoulders.  Where  we  should  have  been  had  they  not  preceded  us  is  not 
easy  to  say.  To  throw  stones,  to  cast  jibes  at  them  for  their  mistakes, 
is  surely  very  like  parricide.  We  who  move  the  coach  an  ell,  where 
they  perhaps  moved  it  a  mile,  are  but  poor  creatures  if  we  cannot  gauge 
their  work,  the  vast  mass  of  new  matter  they  brought  together,  without 
a  perpetual  snarl  at  their  small  mistakes,  or  a  perpetual  cackle  over  our 
own  superior  wisdom.  I  hold  that  the  value  of  a  man's  work  is  to  be 
measured,  not  by  the  fewness  of  his  mistakes,  but  by  the  number  of  new 
facts  and  ideas  he  has  brought  together.  He  who  never  opens  his 
mouth  will  not  speak  much  folly,  nor  will  he  add  much  to  the  world's 
resources.  Orientalists  are  proverbial  for  being  testy,  and  for  having 
many  quarrels.  They  too  often  crucify  a  victim  who  has  dug  knee-deep 
in  new  matter  but  who  has  failed  to  accept  some  shibboleth  which  has 
been  ear-marked  as  essential ;  nor  do  they  easily  pardon  a  writer  who 
has  not  quite  reached  their  stand-point,  and  a  large  portion  of 
writing  on  Oriental  matters  is  not  only  polemical  but  bitterly  so.  I 
feel  too  much  gratitude  for  the  great  dead  who  have  cleared  my 
path  to  imitate  this  example.  I  am  not  going  to  throw  any  stones 
at  my  father  Parmenides,  or  at  the  many  old  giants  whose  work  has 
made  mine  possible.  I  would  rather  greet  them  cap  in  hand  on  my 
knees,  as  I  would  my  ancestors,  if  they  could  be  summoned  and  made 


to  go  trooping  by.  If  I  have  corrected  some  of  their  mistakes,  it  is 
because  I  have  had  advantages  which  they  had  not ;  and  I  am  well 
aware  that  the  digging  into  historic  quagmires  is  a  mere  lottery,  in 
which  by  some  good  chance  a  student  may  discover  a  nugget,  while  his 
far  superior  master  close  by  will  find  only  barren  earth. 

I  now  propose  to  give  a  short  account  of  the  sources  from  which  the 
history  of  the  Mongols  in  this  volume  has  been  collected,  and  the 
authorities  to  which  I  have  been  indebted.  I  will  begin  with  the  native 
chronicler  Ssanang  Setzen. 

SSANANG  Setzen  was  a  prince  of  the  Ordus  tribe  of  the  Mongols. 
He  was  bom  in  1604.     His  original  name  was  Ssanang  Taidshi,  and  he 
was  sumamed  Ssanang  Setzen  Khungtaidshi  after  his  grandfather.*     He 
wrote  a  work  entitled  **  Mongol  Khadun  Toghudji,  or  a  History  of  the 
Mongol  Khans,**  which  was  completed  in  i662.t    This  work  was  trans- 
lated into  German,  and  published  with  elaborate  notes  at  St.  Petersburgh 
in  1829,  by  Isaac  Jacob  Schmidt,  who,  I  believe,  was  a  missionary  of  the 
Moravian  brotherhood  among  the  Mongols,  and  who  was  a  very  dis- 
tinguished Mongol  scholar.  This  is  the  only  indigenous  Mongol  chronicle 
which  has  been  made  accessible.     It  treats  of  the  histoiy  of  the  Eastern 
Mongols,  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  date  when  it  was  written.     The 
Mongol  royal  family  is  traced  up  to  that  of  Thibet,  and  the  earlier  portion 
of  the  work  is  in  fact  a  history  of  Thibet,   and  derived  from   Lama 
sources.    That  portion  which  deals  with  the  origines  of  the  Mongols  and 
their  history  down  to  the  reign  of  Toghon  Timur  Khan  is  a  mutilated 
translation  from  the  Chinese,  and  where   it  differs  from  the  Chinese 
authority  is,  as  has  been  shown  by  Remusat  and  Klaproth  in   their 
criticisms  in  the  Journal  Asiatique,  not  reliable.      I  have  extracted  a  few 
Sagas  from  this  portion  of  the  work,  rather  as  illustrative  of  Mongol 
habits  of  thought  than  as  being  convinced  of  their  reliability.     From  the 
reign  of  Toghon  Timur  to  the  date  of  its  completion,  the  work  of 
Ssanang  Setzen  is  an  independent  and  first-rate  authority,  and  during 
this  period  I  have  made  it  the  basis  of  my  narrative.     I  have  also  to 
express  my  great  indebtedness  to  Schmidt's  notes,  which  are  exceedingly 
valuable  and  interesting,  although  not  always  to  be  implicitly  followed. 
Schmidt  had  a  long  duel  with  Klaproth  and  Remusat  on  various  points 
of  Mongol  history.    The  controversy  may  be  read  in  the  earlier  volumes 
of  the  two  first  series  of  the  Journal  Asiatique,  and  in  it  Schmidt  was 
generally  discomfited.       I    have    carefully  examined    these    polemical 
writings,  and  used  them  in  my  text  and  notes. 

Schmidt  also  published  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  St.  Petersburgh 
Academy  for  1834,  a  translation  of  a  Manchu  description  of  the  various 
Mongol  tribes  (exclusive  of  the  Kalmuks),  which  were  subject  to  China, 

*  g««w«g  Setzen,  265.  t  /</•>  299,  &nd  Journ.  Asiat.,  ii.  193. 


with  the  history  of  their  chiefs  and  of  their  final  struggle  with  the  Manchu 
empire.  It  is  almost  the  only  authority  we  possess  for  the  subject  it 
treats  of.  This  has  been  much  used  in  writing  the  seventh  and  eighth 
chapters  of  this  work.  Another  of  Schmidt's  works,  to  which  I  have 
been  slightly  indebted  is  entitled  "  Forschungen  im  Gebiete  der  alteren 
Rehgiosen  Politischen  und  Literarischen  Bildungsgeschichte  der  Volker 
Mittel-Asiens  vozuglich  der  Mongolen  und  Tibeter/'  St.  Petersburgh, 

We  will  now  turn  to  the  Chinese  authorities  for  Mongol  history,  no 
doubt  the  most  important  and  valuable  authorities  we  possess. 

De  Mailla. — Joseph-Anne  Marie  de  Moyriac  de  Mailla  was  a  French 
Jesuit,  belonging  to  the  Peking  mission,  one  of  a  noble  band  of  scholars 
to  whom  we  are  under  very  great  obligations.  He  translated  an  epitome 
of  Chinese  history,  known  as  the  Tong-Kieng-Kang-Mu,  which  was 
published  in  Paris  in  1779,  ^^  thirteen  quarto  volumes,  and  is  the  only 
general  history  of  China  we  possess.  It  has  constantly  been  at  my  elbow 
during  the  progress  of  this  work,  and  will  be  found  quoted  on  almost 
every  page.  The  volumes  which  contain  references  to  the  Mongols  are 
the  eighth  to  the  twelfth.  The  ninth  is  devoted  almost  entirely  to  them. 
The  translation  of  De  Mailla  was  edited  under  the  superintendence  of 
M.  Deshautesrayes  and  the  Abbe  Grosier.  As  I  have  said,  the  work 
professes  to  be  a  translation  of  the  Kang  Mu,  and  is  evidently  very 
carefully  done.  We  are  told  by  the  editor  that  for  the  period  covered  [by 
the  dynasties  of  the  Liau,  Kin,  and  Yuen  or  Mongols,  the  Kang  Mu  was 
singularly  deficient  in  details  about  the  foreign  dynasties,  and  that 
consequently  De  Mailla  had  recourse  to  other  sources.  The  Emperor 
Shun  shi,  father  of  Kang  hi,  caused  the  history  of  these  three  dynasties 
to  be  translated  into  Manchu  by  Charbukai,  Nantu,  Hokiton,  Liau  hong 
yu,  and  many  other  skilled  literates.  This  history,  which  was  written 
with  the  most  critical  care,  has  equal  authority  with  the  Kang  Mu,  and 
it  was  translated  and  incorporated  by  De  Mailla  in  his  work.* 

Gaubil. — According  to  M.  Remusat,  Gaubil  was  the  greatest  of  the 
French  Jesuit  scholars  who  investigated  the  antiquities  of  China.  He 
was  born  at  Gaillac  in  Languedoc  in  1689,  became  a  Jesuit  in  1704,  and 
went  to  China  in  1723,  where  he  greatly  distinguished  himself  as  a 
scholar.  His  most  celebrated  work  was  the  translation  of  the  Shu  king 
into  French.  He  also  translated  from  the  Chinese  an  epitome  of  the 
history  of  the  Mongols,  which  was  published  in  1739  at  Paris,  under  the 
title  of  "  Histoire  de  Gentchiscan  et  de  toute  la  dynastie  des  Mongous."t 
It  is  a  capital  work,  and  contains  many  fact$  not  mentioned  by  De 
Mailla,  and  is  quite  an  independent  authority.  I  have  used  it  constantly 
in  the  following  work. 

*  De  MaiUft*  ix.  z.    Note.  t  Remutat,  Novveauz  MeUnget,  iu  277,  Ac. 


ViSDELOU. — We  owe  to  a  third  member  of  the  Jesuit  mission  at  Paris 
a  very  valuable  series  of  translations  from  the  Chinese,  relating  to  the 
history  of  the  various  nomades  who  lived  in  the  desert  north  of  China 
and  its  borderland,  namely,  Visdelou.  He  was  bom  in  Brittany  in  1656, 
and  went  to  China  in  1685.  His  translations  are  mainly  derived  from 
Matuanlin,  the  great  encyclopaedist,  who  hved  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
but  he  also  consulted  later  authors.  His  translations  are  praised  for 
their  faithfulness  by  M.  Remusat.  They  were  published  in  the  supple- 
mentary volume  to  D'Herbelot's  Bibliotheque  Orientale,  of  which  work 
they  form  the  most  valuable  portion.  I  have  frequently  used  them  in  the 
subsequent  chapters. 

De  Guignes.— The  author  of  the  history  of  the  Huns  wrote  a  history 
of  the  Mongols  as  a  part  of  his  great  work.  This  is  largely  taken  from 
Chinese  sources,  but  I  have  found  nothing  in  it  which  is  not  to  be  found 
elsewhere ;  nor  is  this  portion  of  De  Guignes's  work  very  satisfactory. 
We  have  considerably  advanced  in  our  knowledge  of  the  period  since 
his  day. 

Pauthier.— In  his  edition  of  Marco  Polo  and  elsewhere,  M.  Pauthier 
has  quoted  largely  from  the  Yuen  Si,  or  the  annals  of  the  Yuen  dynasty. 
His  translations  are  not  always  trusted  by  Chinese  scholars,  but  in  the 
main  are  no  doubt  correct.  I  have  used  all  the  materials  he  has 
published  which  I  could  reach  and  which  elucidate  my  subject.  These 
chiefly  illustrate  the  reign  of  Khubilai  Khan. 

De  la  Marre.— In  the  year  1865,  M.  I'Abbe  De  la  Marre,  attached 
to  the  French  missions,  published  a  translation  of  a  work  composed  by 
the  Emperor  Kien  lung,  entitled  "  Histoire  de  la  Dynastic  des  Ming." 
It  contains  many  references  to  the  later  Mongol  history  which  1  have 
abstracted.  Unfortunately  the  translation  is  only  a  fragment,  and  I  am 
assured  it  will  not  be  completed.  It  covers  the  ground  from  1368  to  1505. 
I  have  frequently  used  it,  and  occasionally  quoted  it  as  "the  Ming 
annals,''  which  is  a  somewhat  misleading  title. 

Amiot. — Father  Amiot,  another  member  of  the  Peking  mission,  pub- 
lished in  1776,  in  the  grand  collection  of  materials  for  Chinese  history 
known  as  the  "  Memoires  Concernant  I'Histoire  des  Sciences,  &c,  des 
Chinois,"  Volume  I.,  a  translation  of  the  inscription  put  on  the  monument 
erected  to  commemorate  his  conquest  of  the  Eleuths  or  Sungars  by  the 
Emperor  Kien  lung.  This  lengthy  document,  with  the  notes  upon  it,  has 
been  largely  used  in  the  following  history.  In  the  same  volume  is  a 
similar  document  relating  the  wonderful  march  of  the  Torguts  from 
China  back  to  their  old  homes  on  the  borders  of  China.  This  document 
was  also  engraved  on  stone,  and  we  owe  its  translation  to  Father  Amiot. 
Its  contents  have  been  used  in  writing  the  ninth  chapter. 

Hyacinthe,  a  member  of  the  Russian  mission  at  Peking,  and  a  very 
profound  Chinese  scholar,  translated  several  important  works  from  the 


Chinese,  but  unfortunately  he  translated  them  into  Russian,  a  language 
ahnost  if  not  quite  as  inaccessible.  Inter  alidy  he  translated  a  history  of  the 
first  four  Mongol  Khans.  This,  I  gather  from  D'Ohsson,  is  taken  from 
the  same  epitomes  which  were  consulted  by  De',Mailla  and  Gaubil.  The 
value  of  the  work  consists  in  the  variants  he  gives  us  for  the  proper 
names.  It  has  been  collated  by  both  Erdmann  and  D'Ohsson,  and  in 
their  works  we  probably  have  all  the  facts  which  are  of  any  use  in 
it.  A  second  of  his  works,  namely,  a  history  of  the  Kalmuks  from 
Mongol  sources,  I  have  not  been  able  to  meet  with,  although  I  have  sent 
to  Russia  for  it.  I  believe  it  is  not  to  be  had.  A  third  work,  namely,  an 
epitome  of  Chinese  history,  with  an  account  of  his  travels  in  Mongolia, 
was  translated  by  M.  Borg,  under  the  title  of  "  Denkwurdigkeiten  ueber 
die  Mongolei."  It  was  published  at  Berlin  in  1832,  and  I  have 
occasionally  used  it. 

TiMKOWSKl. — M.  Timkowski  was  a  savant  who  was  appointed 
to  accompany  the  Russian  mission  to  China  in  1820  and  the  following 
years.  He  wrote  an  account  of  his  journey,  which  was  edited  with  notes 
by  Klaproth,  and  was  translated  into  English  in  1827.  It  is  the  best 
topographical  account  of  Mongolia  we  possess.  To  the  account  of  his 
travels  has  been  appended  a  very  valuable  translation  from  the  Chinese 
by  Father  Hyacinthe,  consisting  of  an  historical,  geographical,  and  ethno- 
graphical description  of  Mongolia.  I  have  used  it  very  largely  in 
composing  the  seventh  and  eighth  chapters  of  this  work. 

SCHOTT. — Professor  Schott,  of  Berlin,  one  of  my  honoured  correspond- 
ents, has  published  a  number  of  very  valuable  papers  on  the  history,  &c., 
of  the  Altaic  peoples,  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Berlin  Academy. 
Among  these  is  one  I  have  frequently  used  in  the  second  chapter  of  this 
work,  in  which  he  has  examined  the  question  of  the  Origines  of  the 
Mongols  as  given  by  Chinese  authors.  It  is  entitled  "  iClteste  Nach 
richten  von  Mongolen  und  Tataren." 

Bergmann. — M.  Bergmann  was  the  author  of  a  capital  descriptive 
work  upon  the  Kalmuks,  published  at  Riga  in  1804,  under  the  title 
of  "  Nomadische  Streifercien  unter  den  Kalmuken  in  den  Jahren 
1802  und  1803."  I  have  used  it  a  good  deal  in  treating  of  the 

The  next  authorities  to  which  I  shall  refer  are  unfortunately  not  so 
accessible  as  the  Chinese ;  they  still  remain  largely  locked  up  in  their 
original  language,  and  in  fact  inedited.  I  refer  to  the  Persian  historians 
of  the  Mongols.  They  have,  however,  been  diligently  and  carefully 
sifted  by  such  experienced  Eastern  scholars  as  De  la  Croix,  D'Ohsson, 
Von  Hammer,  Erdmann,  &c.,  who  have  distilled  for  us  the  essence  of 
the  story  in  nearly  all  its  details,  and  criticised  in  a  very  skilful  way  its 
inconsistencies  and  enors.  Before  I  describe  their  works  it  will  be  well 
to  give  a  short  conspectus  of  the  authorities  upon  which  they  are  based, 



and  which  form  the  basis,  although  at  secondhand,  of  a  large  portion  of 
our  work.    The  first  in  date  of  them  was 

IBN  AL  Athir,  who  was  bom  at  Djezireh,  on  the  borders  of  the 
Tigris,  in  the  year  1160,  and  died  at  Mosul  in  1233.  He  was  thus  a 
contemporary  of  Jingis  Khan  and  of  his  son  Ogotai,  and  wrote  a  work 
entitled  "Kamil  ut  Tewarikh,"  1./.,  "complete  history,"  which  begins 
with  the  creation  and  terminates  in  1231  ;  under  the  year  1220  and  those 
that  follow  he  gives  a  description  of  the  Mongol  invasion  of  Transoxiana, 
Persia,  the  borders  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  Georgia,  and  the  north 
of  the  Caucasus.  As  he  lived  at  Mosul  he  had  special  opportunities  for 
learning  what  occurred  at  this  time  in  Western  Persia.* 

Nessavi. — ^The  next  author  in  date  is  Shihab  ud  din  Muhammed,  son 
of  Ahmed,  styled  el  Nessavi.  He  is  often  spoken  of  as  Nessavi,  from  the 
place  of  which  he  was  a  native,  namely,  Nessa.  He  was  of  princely  family, 
and  his  castle  was  the  well  known  fort  of  Karendar,  between  Nessa  and 
Nishapoor.  The  work  he  wrote  is  known  as  the  **  Siret  us  Sultan,  Jelal 
ud  din  Muhammed,"  and  is  a  biography  of  the  celebrated  Khuarezm 
chief,  Jelal  ud  din,  son  of  Muhammed,  whose  secretary  he  was.  He  was 
incited  to  write  this  book  from  having  casually  met  with  the  work  of  Ibn 
al  Athir,  and  there  read  an  account  of  the  end  of  Muhammed  and  of  the 
youth  of  his  son.  The  book  is  contained  in  108  chapters,  and  was 
written  in  1241,  and  gives  the  history  of  Jelal  ud  din  until  his  death  in 
1 23 1.  His  narrative,  we  are  told,  is  singularly  ingenuous  and  interesting, 
and  he  was  also  singularly  well-placed  for  acquiring  correct  notions  on 
what  he  wrote.    He  only  mentions  the  Mongols  occasionally. t 

Alai  ud  DIN  Ata  Malik  Juveini.— This  author  was  a  native  of 
Juvein  in  Khorassan,  and  his  work  is  called  "  Tarikh  Jihankushai,  or 
History  of  the  Conqueror  of  the  World."  In  1252  he  accompanied  his 
father,  who  was  in  the  Mongol  service,  to  the  grand  Kuriltai  held  at  the 
accession  of  Mangu  Khan.  He  accompanied  Khulagu  in  his  expedition, 
and  was  by  him  appointed  governor  of  Baghdad,  Irak  Arab,  and 
Khuzistan,  a  post  which  he  occupied  until  his  death  in  1283.  His  work  is 
divided  into  two  parts.  The  first  one  contains  an  account  of  the  last  ten 
years  of  the  reign  of  Jingis  Khan  and  of  the  reigns  of  Ogotai  and  Kuyuk, 
vdth  chapters  on  the  Uighurs  and  the  Khans  of  Kara  Khitai,  a  detailed 
history  of  the  Khuarezm  Shahs,  and  of  the  doings  of  the  Mongols  in 
Persia  until  the  arrival  of  Khulagu  there.  The  second  part  describes 
Khulagu's  western  campaign,  and  also  contains  a  detailed  account  of  the 
Ismailites  or  Assassins.  It  terminates  in  1257.  His  position  prevented 
Juveini  from  being  anything  but  a  panegyrist  of  the  Mongols,  whose 
conquests  he  excuses,  and  whose  western  campaign   he  argues  was 

*  D'OhBton,  i.  x.    Abel  Remuut,  Nouveaux  Melanges  Aiiatique,  i.  434^ 
t  D*Ohtson,  i.  xUL    Remotat,  op.  cit.,  435. 


providentially  arranged,  so  that  by  their  means  the  religion  of  Islam 
might  be  widely  disseminated.  He  praises  their  tolerance  and  the  way 
in  which  they  exempted  from  taxes  the  ministers  of  religion  and  others ; 
but  he  breaks  out  occasionally  in  a  different  strain.  *^  The  revolution," 
he  says,  *'  which  has  overwhelmed  the  world,  has  destroyed  the  colleges, 
and  slaughtered  the  learned,  especially  in  Khorassan,  which  was  the 
focus  of  light,  the  rendezvous  oi  the  learned,  as  is  shown  by  the  words 
of  the  prophet :  *  Science  is  a  tree  whose  roots  are  at  Mecca  while  it 
bears  fruit  in  Khorassan.'  All  the  learned  men  there  have  falle 
by  the  sword.  The  nobodies  who  have  replaced  them  know  only 
the  Uighur  language  and  writing.  The  highest  offices  are  filled  by  the 
meanest  people,  many  contemptible  folk  have  been  enriched.  Every 
intriguer  has  become  an  emir  or  vizier.  Every  braggart  has  become 
powerful.  The  slave  is  become  the  patron ;  anyone  who  wears  a  doctor's 
turban  deems  himself  a  doctor,  and  obscure  people  consider  themselves 
gentry.  In  such  times,  which  are  a  period  of  famine  for  science  and 
virtue,  and  of  a  full  market  for  ignorance  and  corruption,  where  all 
honesty  is  degraded,  where  everything  bad  is  held  in  honour,  it  may  be 
guessed  what  encouragement  there  is  for  science  and  letters."* 

Vassaf.— Abdullah,  son  of  Fazel  uUah,  styled  Vassaf  ul  Hazret,  or  the 
Panegyrist  of  his  majesty,  wrote  in  Persian  a  work  entitled  "  Kitab 
Tcdjziyet  ul  emssar  ve  tezdjiyet  ul  a'ssar  "  (i.^..  Division  of  countries  and 
transition  of  centuries).  It  contains  a  history  of  the  Mongols  from  1357 
to  1327,  and  forms  a  sort  of  continuation  to  the  Jihankushai.  It  is 
divided  into  five  parts,  and  describes  the  doings  of  the  Mongols  in 
Persia,  in  Turkestan,  and  Transoxiana,  with  the  contemporary  history  of 
Egypt,  Pars,  Kerman,  and  India.  He  was  a  proteg^  of  the  vizier 
Raschid  ud  din,  to  whom  I  shall  presently  refer,  by  whom  he  was 
presented  to  the  Ilkhan  Uldjaitu,  who  gave  him  the  soubriquet  of  Vassaf 
ul  Hazret  as  a  reward  for  an  ode  he  wrote  in  his  honour. 

Raschid. — The  most  valuable  Western  authority  on  the  history  of  the 
Mongols  is  the  "  Jami  ut  Tewarikh,"  or  collection  of  aimals  written  by 
Fadhl  allah  or  Fazel  ullah  Raschid,  son  of  Abulkhair  of  Hamadan.  Raschid 
was  a  doctor  in  the  service  of  the  Ilkhan  Gazan,  and  was  in  the  year 
1300  made  governor  of  Persia.  He  continued  in  the  office  of  vizier 
during  the  reign  of  Uldjaitu,  to  whom  he  presented  his  work  in  1307,  and 
was  put  to  death  by  his  successor  Abusaid  on  the  13th  of  September,  13 18. 
This  most  valuable  history  commences  with  a  conspectus  of  the  various 
tribes  of  Asia  at  the  accession  of  Jingis  Khan,  with  an  account  of  their 
origin  and  the  topography  of  the  districts  they  inhabited,  &c.  This  portion 
of  his  work  has  been  translated  by  Erdmann,  and  appeared  at  Kazan  in 
the  year  1841.     It  is  a  very  rare  work,  and  I  have  been  happy  in  having 

*  D'Ohnon,  i.  xvii.  to  xxviii.    RemuMt,  op.  dt.,  i.  436* 


had  it  beside  me.  The  same  part  of  Raschid's  history  is  extracted  ahnost 
verbatim  in  Erdmann's  life  of  Temudjin,  172-248.  Raschid  then  gives 
an  account  of  the  traditions  which  he  had  been  able  to  collect  on  the 
early  history  of  the  Mongols,  and  continues  his  story  by  relating  the 
events  that  happened  under  Mongol  rule  until  the  period  when  he  wrote. 
He  tells  us  that  in  the  archives  of  the  Persian  Mongols  were  many 
authentic  papers^  written  in  Mongol,  which  had  been  entrusted  to  him  by 
the  Ilkhan  Uldjaitu,  in  order  that  he  might  draw  up  a  history,  and  that 
to  assist  him  there  had  been  assigned  a  number  of  Chinese,  Indian, 
Uighur,  and  Kipchak  learned  men,  and  especially  the  great  Noyan  Pulad 
Ching  sang,  who  was  generalissimo  and  administrator  of  the  kingdom, 
and  was  well  versed  in  the  traditions  and  history  of  the  Turkish  nations, 
and  especially  of  that  of  the  Mongols.  His  work  is  largely  based  on  the 
JihankushaL  and  other  works  already  mentioned,  but  contains  a  great 
deal  of  additional  matter/  It  is  a  great  pity  that  it  is  still  inaccessible. 
M.  Quatremere  commenced  a  translation  of  it  on  a  very  large  scale,  with 
ample  notes,  but  it  did  not  go  beyond  one  volume.  The  work  of  Raschid 
forms  the  main  authority  used  by  Erdmann  in  his  life  of  Temudjin,  of 
D'Ohsson's  history  of  the  Mongols,  and  of  Von  Hammer's  Ilkhans,  and 
we  have  it  abridged  in  the  well  known  work  of  Abulghazi. 

Abulghazi. —  He  was  the  son  of  Arab  Muhammed  Khan,  and  a 
descendant  of  Juji,  the  son  of  Jingis,  was  born  in  1605,  became  chief 
of  Elhuarezm  in  1643,  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^  1663-64.  He  wrote  a  work  entitled 
"Shedjeri  i  Turki,"  the  genealogical  tree  of  the  Turks.  It  is  written  in 
Turki,  and  has  been  recently  edited  and  translated  by  M.  Des-maisons. 
The  earlier  portion  of  it  is  an  abridgment  of  Raschid,  the  latter  is 
founded  on  original  documents  otherwise  inaccessible.  It  will  be  found 
quoted  frequently  in  the  following  work. 

Abulfaradj. — Gregory  Abulfaradj,  also  known  as  Bar  Hebra^us,  was 
bom  in  1226,  at  Malattia  or  Mehtene,  and  was  the  son  of  a  doctor  named 
Aaron.  He  became  a  cleric,  and  at  the  age  of  twenty  was  appointed 
bishop  of  Gobos.  He  was  afterwards  translated  to  Aleppo,  and  became 
in  1264  Maphriam  or  primate  of  the  Jacobites.  He  wrote  a  meagre 
chronicle  in  Syriac,  known  as  the  "Abridgment  of  Universal  History.'' 
What  it  contains  in  regard  to  the  Mongols  is  chiefly  derived  from 
Juveini,  but  he  gives  us  a  good  many  details  about  the  eastern  Christians 
not  otherwise  to  be  met  with.t 

These  arc  the  chief  Eastern  authorities  for  Mongol  history. 

We  will  now  turn  to  European  authors  who  have  dealt  with  the  same 
subject.  First  in  point  of  date  are  the  narratives  of  the  missionary 

Carpini. — John  of  Piano  Carpini  was  so  called  from  a  place  in  the 

*  D'Ohftson,  i.  xzziii.  to  xUv.    RemuMt,  op.  cit.,  438.  t  D'Ohuon,  i.  46,  &c 


territory  of  Perugia.  He  was  a  Franciscan  friar  who  was  sent  by  Pope 
Innocent  on  a  mission  to  the  Mongol  Khan.  He  set  out  in  April,  1245, 
and  returned  in  the  autumn  of  1247.  His  narrative  has  been  edited  by 
M.  D'Avezac,  in  the  4th  volume  of  the  Receueil  de  Voyages  et  Memoires, 
399.     It  is  of  great  interest  and  value  for  the  reign  of  Kuyuk  Khan.* 

RUBRUQUIS. — It  has  been  supposed  that  this  traveller,  who  was  also  a 
Franciscan,  was  a  native  of  Ruysbrok  in  Brabant,  and  I  have  called  him 
more  than  once  William  of  Ruysbrok,  but  Colonel  Yule  says  there  is  a 
place  called  Rubrouck  in  French  Flanders,  and  its  name  occurs  fre- 
quently in  old  documents  published  by  M.  Coussemaker,  of  Lille,  in  which 
we  read  of  a  Thierry  de  Rubrouc  in  1 190,  a  Gauthier  du  Rubrouc  in  1202 
and'  1221,  a  Jean  du  Rubrouc  in  1250,  and  a  Woutermaun  de  Rubrouc  in 
1258;  and  NL  D*Avezac  and  Colonel  Yule  argue  that  our  traveller  was 
one  of  the  same  stock.t  He  was  sent  on  a  similar  mission  to  Carpini's 
by  St.  Louis,  and  arrived  at  the  Mongol  camp  in  the  reign  of  Mangu 
Khan.  He  entered  the  Black  Sea  on  the  7th  of  May,  1253.  His 
narrative  has  also  been  published,  with  valuable  notes  by  M.  D'Avezac, 
in  the  work  above  named.  Rubruquis  supplies  us  with  many  facts 
about  the  reign  of  Mangu. 

HAYTHON,the  king  of  Little  Armenia,  also  went  to  the  court  of  Mangu 
Khan,  and  has  left  us  a  short  account  of  his  journey,  which  has  been 
translated  by  Klaproth.t 

Marco  Polo. — The  most  valuable  of  all  Western  authorities,  however, 
from  the  means  he  had  of  acquiring  information,  from  the  long  time  he 
lived  among  the  Mongols,  and  from  the  length  and  accuracy  of  his  work, 
was  Marco  Polo.  Andrea  Polo,  of  St.  Felice  at  Venice,  says  Colonel 
Yule,  had  three  sons,  Marco,  Nicolo,  and  Maffeo.  The  three  brothers 
were  merchants,  and  had  houses  at  Constantinople  and  Soldaia  in  the 
Crimea.  In  1260  the  two  younger  of  these  brothers  started  on  a  trading 
venture,  first  to  the  Crimea,  then  by  way  of  the  Volga  to  Bokhara,  and 
thus  on  to  the  court  of  the  Great  Khan  Khubilai.  Khubilai  received 
them  kindly,  made  many  inquiries  about  Europe,  and  eventually 
sent  them  back  on  an  embassy  to  the  Pope.  They  arrived  at  Acre  in 
April,  1269,  and  found  the  Pope  dead,  Clement  IV.  having  died  the  year 
before.  They  then  went  to  Venice.  Nicolo  had  two  sons,  the  eldest  of 
whom  was  named  Marco.  He  was  the  subject  of  this  notice.  When  his 
father  returned  to  Venice  Marco  was  fifteen  years  old.  In  1271  the  two 
brothers  set  out  on  their  return  to  the  East,  taking  young  Marco  with 
them.  They  travelled  by  way  of  Baghdad  to  Hormuz  on  the  Persian 
Gulf,  then  turning  northwards  traversed  Kerman  and  Khorassan,  Balkh 
and  Badakshan,  and  reached  the  Pamir  steppe.    This  they  crossed,  and 

*  Catbay  and  the  Way  Thither,  cxxiii. 
t  Ynie'a  Marco  Polo,  2nd  Ed.,  ii.  336.  ;  Noav.  Jonro.  Asiat.,  xii.  373,  ice 



then  continued  by  way  of  Kashgar ,  Yarkand,  Khotan,  by  lake  Lob  and 
Tangut,  until  they  reached  Khubilai's  court  in  1275.  Khubilai  was  very 
kind  to  the  young  Polo,  whom  he  took  into  his  service.  His  first  mission 
was  one  to  Yunnan,  and  he  filled  various  offices.  For  three  years  he 
was  governor  of  the  important  city  of  Yang  chau,  on  one  occasion  he 
passed  a  year  at  Kanchau  with  his  uncle  Maffeo,  at  another  time  he  was 
at  Karakorum,  at  a  third  at  Champa  or  Southern  Cochin  China,  and  even 
in  the  Indian  seas.  The  Venetians  now  wished  to  return  home,  but 
Khubilai  did  not  like  to  part  with  them.  In  1286  the  Ilkhan  Argun 
sent  to  China  for  a  wife  of  the  Imperial  stock.  His  envoys,  who  rather 
dreaded  the  return  journey  by  sea  alone,  asked  that  the  three  Feringhis 
might  accompany  them,  and  Khubilai  at  length  consented.  They  set  sail 
in  1292,  and  after  many  mishaps  in  the  Indian  seas,  arrived  in  two  years 
at  the  Persian  court,  and  having  been  handsomely  entertained  there,  at 
length  reached  Venice  in  1295,  and  with  the  wealth  which  they  had 
accumulated  proceeded  to  either  purchase  or  build  themselves  a  palace 
there,  known  as  the  Corte  del  Millioni,  of  which  there  are  still  some 
remains.  A  year  or  two  later  Marco  appears  as  the  captain  of  a  galley 
fighting  for  Venice  against  Genoa ;  and  in  the  great  fight  which  took 
place  in  1298,  near  the  Island  of  Curzola,  the  Venetians  were  defeated 
and  Marco  was  taken  prisoner.  While  in  prison  he  met  a  learned  Pisan 
named  Rusticiano  or  Rustichello,  who  wrote  down  from  his  dictation  an 
account  of  the  marvellous  and  unique  adventures  of  the  traveller.  In 
July  1299  a  truce  was  agreed  to  between  the  two  rfepublics,  an2b  Marco 
once  more  regained  his  hberty.  He  lived  many  years  afterwards  at 
Venice,  and  died  in  1324.  Such  is  a  bald  epitome  of  the  most  romantic 
life  of  probably  any  traveller,  as  I  have  taken  it  from  Colonel  Yule's 
great  work.  It  will  be  seen  into  how  many  strange  lands  he  went,  and 
considering  that  in  all  probability  he  had  taken  few  notes,  it  is  marvellous 
how  exceeding  accurate  his  narrative  is.  It  is  in  every  way  very 
valuable,  and  I  have  used  it  freely.  Two  recent  editions  of  it  have  been 
before  me— one  by  M.  Pauthier,  which  is  accompanied  by  many  erudite 
notes  from  Chinese  authors  ;  and  the  other  by  my  friend  Colonel  Yule,  a 
complete  encyclopaedia  of  mediaeval  lore  about  Asia,  a  wonderful 
collection  of  illustrative  matter  from  various  sources,  and  a  very  pattern 
of  how  a  book  should  be  edited.  I  may  add  that  during  the  progress  of 
this  work  Colonel  Yule  has  brought  out  a  second  edition.  The  new 
matter  ^all  be  found  incorporated,  but  it  must  be  noted  that  the 
references  are  to  the  first  edition,  except  when  the  second  edition  is  men- 
tioned. Besides  Marco  Polo,  Colonel  Yule  has  brought  together  a  very 
interesting  series  of  small  notices  of  China  in  his  work,  published  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society,  entitled  "  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither."  Among  these 
are  the  letters  of  Odoric  of  Pordenone,  a  town  in  the  district  of  Friuli, 
who  was  bom  in  1286,  and  became  a  missionary  friar.     He  travelled  in 


the  earlier  part  of  the  fourteenth  century  in  India  and  China,  and  died  in 
1331.  I  have  extracted  what  he  says  of  the  Mongols.  Besides  Odoric 
there  may  be  found  in  the  same  work  the  letters  of  John  of  Monte 
Corvinoi  the  founder  of  the  Catholic  missions  in  China.  He  was  bom 
in  1247,  and  probably  reached  Khanbalig  in  1294,  and  about  1307  was 
created  archbishop  of  that  city.  His  letters  are  interesting,  and  I  have 
used  them  as  well  as  those  of  other  missionaries  in  the  same  collection. 
1  must  not  forget  to  say  that  Colonel  Yule's  notes  have  been  as  valuable 
to  me  as  the  text  they  illustrate.  We  will  now  turn  to  more  modem 

Petis  de  la  Croix. — De  la  Croix  was  bom  in  1622,  and  died  in 
1695,  and  was  a  distinguished  Eastem  scholar,  having  filled  the  post  of 
interpreter  to  the  French  king  in  the  Turkish  and  Arabic  languages. 
He  was  the  author  of  several  learned  works,  such  as  a  history  of  France, 
written  in  Turkish  ;  an  edition  of  the  travels  of  the  younger  Thevenot ; 
a  catalogue  of  the  Turkish  and  Persian  books  in  the  French  library,  &c.; 
but  the  two  works  with  which  his  name  is  chiefly  associated  were  his 
history  of  Jingis  Khan  and  his  successors,  and  of  Timur.  The  former 
work  he  undertook  at  the  instance  of  the  minister  Colbert.  It  cost  him, 
we  are  told,  ten  years'  labour,  and  it  was  published  after  his  death.  It  is 
a  wonderfully  able  work  considering  the  period  when  it  was  written,  and 
many  portions  of  it  may  still  be  read  profitably.  It  is  founded  on  the 
Persian  and  Arabic  authorities,  and  on  the  narratives  of  the  European 
travellers.  He  gives  a  list  of  his  sources,  which  range  over  nearly  the 
whole  field  of  Eastem  literature,  and  prove  him  to  have  been  a  very 
diligent  writer.     I  have  frequently  used  his  work. 

Von  Hammer. — Von  Hanmier's  name  is  known  wherever  Eastem 
studies  are  prosecuted.  His  history  of  the  Ottomans  is  a  gigantic  work, 
which  probably  equals  the  very  greatest  efforts  that  have  ever  been  put 
forth  by  a  historian  in  the  way  of  diligent  research  and  of  consulting  an 
immense  mass  of  authorities.  We  are  indebted  to  him  for  two  other 
works  which  throw  great  light  on  Mongol  history,  and  which  have  been 
constantly  at  my  elbow,  namely,  his  history  of  the  Golden  Horde  of 
Kipchak,  an  elaborate  examination  of  the  history  of  the  Mongol  Khanate 
founded  by  Batu,  the  grandson  of  Jingis,  in  Sou  them  Russia  and  the 
Kiighiz  Kazak  country,  which  is  the  standard  and  only  work  on  the 
subject,  and  which  I  shall  use  largely  in  the  second  volume ;  and  a 
history  of  the  Ilkhans  of  Persia,  pubhshed  at  Darmstadt  in  1842,  and 
from  which  I  have  drawn  largely  for  my  account  of  Khulagu's  campaign, 
and  shall  draw  still  more  in  the  second  volume. 

lyOHSSON. — ^Thc  name  of  D'Ohsson  occurs  on  very  many  pages  of 
this  work.  The  Baron  D'Ohsson  was  the  author  of  a  history  of  the 
Mongols  from  the  time  of  Jingis  Khan  to  that  of  Timur,  in  four  volumes, 
winch  was  published  at  Amsterdam  in  1853.     M.  D'Ohsson  was  a 



skilful  Eastern  scholar,  and  his  work  is  a  very  able  one.  He  has 
ransacked  almost  every  authority  for  his  facts,  and  his  book  forms  the 
main  pillar  upon  which  I  have  relied  in  large  sections  of  the  present 

Erdmann. — M.  Erdmann,  a  professor  at  Kazan,  to  whom  I  have 
already  referred,  published  in  1862,  at  Leipzig,  a  very  able  and  profound 
work  on  the  life  of  Jingis  Khan,  under  the  title  of  "  Temudschin  der 
Unerschutterliche,'*  with  an  ample  introduction  on  the  ethnography 
of  Asia,  and  a  great  crowd  of  most  useful  notes.  It  is  a  very  perfect  and 
detailed  monograph  on  the  subject,  and  I  have  made  ample  use  of  it,  as 
may  be  seen  from  my  references. 

Wolff.— M.  Wolff,  a  professor  at  Vienna,  has  recently  published  a 
history  of  the  Mongols  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  death  of  Ogotai 
Khan,  in  which  he  has  examined  with  great  care  and  skill  the  various 
accounts  extant  of  the  campaign  of  Batu  Khan  and  his  companions  in 
Russia  and  Central  Europe.  He  has  specially  availed  himself  of  the 
contemporary  narratives  of  European  writers,  many  of  which  he  has  first 
brought  to  bear  upon  the  subject.     I  have  frequently  used  his  work. 

MULLER. — M.  MuUer,  in  1732  and  the  following  years,  published, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Academy,  a  great  collection 
of  materials  on  Russian  history,  in  eight  volumes.  This  contains  many 
of  the  original  narratives  of  the  early  discoveries  of  the  Cossacks  in 
Siberia.    I  have  used  it  largely  in  writing  the  history  of  the  Kalmuks. 

Fischer.— Johann  Eberhard  Fischer,  a  professor  at  Gottingen,  pub- 
lished in  1768  a  history  of  Siberia  in  two  volumes,  which  unfortunately 
does  not  come  down  below  the  third  quarter  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
I  have  frequently  used  his  work. 

Pallas. — Pallas  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  scholars  the 
Russians  have  produced.  The  narrative  of  his  travels  through  Siberia 
and  Southern  Russia  are  well  known.  Besides  these  he  published  a 
great  work  on  the  history,  ethnology,  religion,  &c.,  of  the  Mongols.  This 
is  entitled  "  Samlun^en  Historischer  Nachrichten  ueber  die  Mon- 
golischen  Volkerschaften,"  and  it  was  published  in  two  quarto  volumes 
at  St.  Petersburgh  in  1776.  It  contains  large  materials  for  the  history  of 
the  Kalmuks,  which  I  have  freely  used. 

Klaproth. — Among  those  to  whom  I  bow  the  most  deeply,  who,  with 
all  his  faults  of  temper  and  some  few  mistakes  (and  who  has  made  so 
few),  I  hold  to  have  been  the  greatest  giant  among  the  writers  on 
Eastern  subjects,  is  Julius  Klaproth.  The  vast  range  of  his  linguistic 
acquirements,  his  instinct  and  ingenuity  and  fertility  are  astounding. 
He  was  the  first  to  reduce  the  chaos  of  Asiatic  history  to  something 
like  order,  and  it  is  astonishing  how  little  real  advance  has  been  made 
in  many  of  the  subjects  he  treated  since  he  wrote.  I  am  immensely 
indebted  to  him.    I  shall  never  cease  to  reverence  his  memory^.    His 


various  papers  and  essays  are  so  numerous  that  it  is  not  convenient  to 
enumerate  them.  Many  of  them  may  be  seen  in  the  Journal  Asiatique, 
others  in  various  collections,  while  his  travels  to  the  Caucasus  and  his 
Asia  Polyglotta  are  universally  known ;  but  there  is  hardly  a  point  of 
Eastern  history  which  he  has  not  illuminated. 

Remusat.— Abel  Remusat,  the  distinguished  French  Sinologue,  the 
author  of  the  great  work  unfortunately  incomplete,  entitled  "  Les 
Langrues  Tartares,"  of  many  essays  on  Eastern  subjects,  and  of  the  three 
scries  of  "  Melanges  Asiatiques,"  is  another  author  from  whom  I  have 
learnt  much.  In  the  present  work  I  have  chiefly  to  thank  him  for  the 
translated  biographies  in  the  first  series  of  the  "  Melanges  Asiatiques." 

I  have  now  given  a  cursory  survey  of  my  main  authorities.  There  are 
many  others,  such  as  Isbrand  Ides,  d'Auteroche,  Gmelin,  Georgi, 
Du  Halde  (whom  I  have  quoted  from  the  English  edition  of  I739f  in  four 
volumes  octavo),  Gregorief,  Madame  de  Hell,  Ritter,  Petermann,  Karamzin, 
Oppert,  Bruun,  Porter  Smith,  Vambery,  Hue,  Raverty,  &c.,  whom  I  have 
laid  under  contribution,  and  to  whom  I  have  given  references.  I  may 
say  that  in  every  instance,  save  perhaps  one,  these  references  have  been 
taken  from  the  works  quoted,  and  not  at  secondhand,  and  they  have 
been  generally  verified  three  or  four  times  over;  and  I  hope  that  I 
have  not  appropriated  credit  for  anything  which  has  not  been  duly 

It  is  permissible  here  to  express  a  regret  that  so  much  of  the  original 
matter  relating  to  the  history  of  the  Mongols  is  still  buried  in  MS.  or 
otherwise  inaccessible.  That  the  annals  of  the  Yuen  dynasty,  otherwise 
called  the  Yuen  si,  should  remain  untranslated  is  perhaps  pardonable, 
since  they  are  of  considerable  length  and  in  some  parts  intolerably  dry, 
but  that  the  great  history  of  Raschid,  perhaps  the  noblest  historical 
work  in  the  Persian  language,  and  one  also  of  the  most  critical 
and  valuable,  should  still  remain  in  manuscript  is  deplorable ;  and  one 
cannot  help  feeling  it  a  reproach  to  French  scholars,  who  have  done  so 
much  for  the  history  of  the  East,  that  they  have  not  completed  the  task 
so  nobly  begun  by  Quatremere.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  school  of 
Persian  scholars  presided  over  by  M.  Schefer  will  not  only  give  us  this 
work  but  also  Juveini  and  Muhammed  of  Nessa. 

It  is  another  matter  of  regret  that  so  much  that  is  valuable  in  the 
researches  of  Russian  scientific  men,  and  especially  of  the  Russian 
mission  at  Peking,  should  be  lost  to  nine-tenths  of  the  world  by  being 
written  only  in  Russian.  It  is  perhaps  natural  that  it  should  be  so 
written,  and  that  the  patriotism  of  Russian  scholars  should  rebel  against 
making  a  foreign  language  the  medium  of  publishing  their  researches 
to  the  world,  but  it  is  nevertheless  very  unfortunate,  for  it  inevitably 
buries  a  great  deal  of  matter  which  would  otherwise  fructify,  and  it 
inevitably  makes  Russia  a  very  much  smaller  figure  in  the  scientific 

xxrm  IXTRODrcnOS. 

MTjtid  iLjtn  It  CMtzTis.  Rossian  is  an  exceedingly  difiBcnh  language,  and 
h  is  Lard!T  to  be  expected  that  Western  students  who  arc  interested  in 
Eastern  S':d>ject5  shoald  master  Rossian  as  well  as  German  and  French 
as  a  prr!:Tn:nary  to  their  inquiries.  Rnssan  scholars,  on  the  other  hand, 
ve  iidlfsl  linguists,  and  it  b  not  very  long  ago  that  most  of  their 
•dexiti£c  papers  were  either  written  in  German  or  French,  or  appeared 
in  dopUcate.  We  are  all  very  grateful  for  such  publications  as  the 
Melanges  Russes  and  the  Nfelai^es  Asiadques,  published  by  the 
Imperial  Academy  of  St.  Petersburg,  and  their  vahie  prompts  me  (and  1 
know  I  speak  the  sentiments  of  the  great  majority  of  Western  scholars) 
to  desire  that  the  same  kind  of  work  was  done  on  a  larger  scale,  and  that 
the  results  of  the  profound  researches  of  Hyacinthe,  Palladius,  Gregorief, 
&c^  were  not  entirely  buried  from  us.  How  much  buried  one  anecdote 
win  suffice  to  show.  Among  the  Chinese  annals  probably  the  most 
valuable  and  interesting,  and  also  the  oldest,  are  the  well-known  annals 
of  the  elder  Han,  of  which  a  small  fragment  has  recently  been  translated 
by  my  friend  Mr.  Wylie.  Some  time  ago  it  was  proposed  at  the 
International  Congress  of  Orientalists  that  these  annals  should  be 
translated,  and  that  the  work  of  translation  should  be  distributed  among 
the  Chinese  scholars  of  Europe.  One  of  the  foremost  Russian  scientific 
men  was  approached  on  the  subject,  and  the  answer  given  was,  that  the 
matter  was  of  small  interest  to  them  since  the  annals  had  long  ago  been 
translated  into  Russian  by  Hyacinthe.  This  answer  was  literally  true, 
and  yet  how  disappointing.  Not  only  are  the  annals  as  much  buried  as 
they  were  before,  to  Western  scholars,  but  1  don't  know  of  any  Russian 
who  has  made  use  of  them.  I  hope  sincerely  that  it  may  be  seen  that  the 
vast  work  which  is  annually  done  by  Russian  scientific  men  deser\'es  to 
be  widely  known,  and  that  if  it  be  patriotism  to  write  in  Russian,  it  is 
surely  also  patriotism  to  make  Russia  take  the  ver}'  high  place  it  ought 
to  do  in  the  scientific  world,  instead  of  isolating  and  burying  from  foreign 
eyes  the  vast  wealth  of  matter  which  its  scholars  have  accumulated. 

The  maps  accompanying  this  volume  have  been  drawn  by  the 
practised  hand  of  my  friend  Mr.  Ravenstein,  and  incorporate  the  latest 
discoveries.  One  of  them  gives  a  view  of  that  portion  of  Europe  and 
Asia  which  was  trodden  under  by  the  Mongols  in  the  thirteenth  centur>', 
the  other  is  a  special  map  of  Mongolia  as  it  is  now  constituted. 

Derby  House,  Eccles,  j2th  April,  1876. 


BEFORE  entering  upon  the  proper  subject  of  this  work,  I  have 
deemed  it  convenient  to  give  in  the  following  chapter  a  general 
survey  of  the  various  nations  and  tribes  of  Asia  with  which  the 
Mongols  came  in  contact  in  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
And  I  have  included  in  it  all  the  tribes  mentioned  by  Raschid  which 
there  is  reason  for  believing  were  other  than  Mongol. 

CHINA — The  most  powerful  and  important  neighbour  of  the  Mongols 
in  their  early  days  was  no  doubt  the  Chinese  Empire,  which  had  been  for 
a  long  time  divided  into  two  sections.  On  the  fall  of  the  great  dynasty  of 
the  Thang,  which  reigned  from  6i6  to  907,  and  which  controlled  the  whole 
of  China  proper,  it  broke  into  ten  fragments,  ruled  over  by  the  governors 
of  the  various  provinces.  This  division  gave  rise  naturally  to  a  great 
deal  of  internal  dissention,  and  favoured  the  ambitious  views  of  the  tribes 
on  the  northern  frontier.  At  this  period  the  south-eastern  part  of 
Mongoha  and  the  districts  of  Liau  si  and  Liau  tung  were  occupied  by  a 
number  of  tribes  known  collectively  as  Khitan.  The  exact  affinities  of 
these  tribes  are  among  the  most  puzzling  riddles  in  Eastern  ethnology, 
Mr.  Wylie,  of  Shanghai,  a  very  much  esteemed  Chinese  scholar,  has 
favoured  me  with  a  list  of  Khitan  words,  considerably  more  extended  than 
that  collected  by  Klaproth,  and  from  an  examination  of  these,  and  from 
other  considerations  I  am  disposed  to  think  that  the  Khitans  (as  is  natural 
perhaps  in  a  frontier  race),  were  very  much  mixed  and  had  affinities  with 
Mongols,  Coreans,  and  Tunguses.  1  am  quite  satisfied,  at  all  events, 
that  it  is  a  mistake  to  make  them  a  Tunguisic  tribe  in  the  same 
sense  that  the  Manchus  and  their  ancestors  the  Juchi  Tartars  are 
Tunguses.  The  principal  tribe  among  the  Khitans  was  that  of  the 
Sh^  liu  or  Thie  la,  pronounced  Ye  liu  by  the  Chinese  which  lived  in  the 
district  where  is  situated  the  ruined  town  of  Barin  in  Mongolia.  About 
the  year  907  the  chief  of  this  tribe,  named  Juliji  Apaoki,  having  sub- 
dued the  other  Khitan  tribes,  made  himself  master  of  the  greater  part 
of  the  borderers  on  the  g^eat  desert  of  Shamo,  and  in  916  had  himself 
proclaimed  Wangti  or  Emperor.  With  an  astonishing  rapidity  he 
conquered  the  country  from  Kashgar  in  the  west  to  the  mountains  Thsun 
ling  in  the  east.     Lake  Baikal  bounded  his  empire  on  the  north,  while 


on  the  south  he  conquered  considerable  districts  in  the  north-east  Oi 
China  and  the  greater  part  of  Corea.     He  established  his  court  at  Liau 
yang  in  Liau  tung,  and  afterwards  moved  it  to  Yan  in  Pehchehli,  the 
modem  Peking.*    He  died  in  927  a.d.     His  son  and  successor  Tai  tsun 
assisted  a  Chinese  general  who  had  rebelled  and  helped  him  to  mount 
the  throne.     In  return  for  this  service  the  new  Emperor,  who  held  his 
court  at  Pien,  now  Kai  fong  fu,  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Yellow 
River,  ceded  sixteen  districts  in  the  provinces  of  Pehchehli,  Shansi,  and 
Liautung  to  him,  and  undertook  to  pay  him  annually  a  subsidy  of 
300,000  pieces  of  silk,  and  even  acknowledged  himself  his  vassal  in 
the  letters  which  he  addressed  to  him,  by  styling  himself  his  grandson 
and  subject.  The  successor  of  this  Emperor  having  endeavoured  to  break 
these  engagements,  Tai  tsun  marched  against  him,  conquered  the  pro- 
vinces north  of  the  Yellow  River,  captured  Pien,  siezed  the  Emperor  and 
carried  him  off  into  Tartary.     In  the  year  937  the  Khitan  Emperor  gave 
his  dynasty  the  title  of  Liau,  which  means  iron.t     After  the  fall  of  the 
Thang,  five  small  dynasties    successively  occupied    the    metropolitan 
throne  of  Kai  fong  fou.    On  their  ruins  there  arose  in  960  the  dynasty  of 
the  Sung,  which  once  more  reunited  the  greater  part  of  China  under  its 
sceptre.    The  Sung  Emperors  fought  against  the  Khitans,  but  could  not 
wrest  from  them  the  sixteen  districts  which  had  been  ceded,  as  I  have 
mentioned,  and  at  length,  in  1004,  the  Sung  Emperor  undertook  to  pay 
the  Khitan  ruler  an  annual  tribute  in  silver  and  silken  goods,  t    The 
power  and  influence  of  the  Khitans  must  have  been  both  very  great  and 
very  wide  spread.    They  seem  to  have  been  obeyed  by  all  the  tribes  of 
Mongols,  Turks,  and  Tunguses  who  inhabited  the  country  from  lake 
Balkhash  to  the  Yellow  Sea,  and  a  very  good  proof  of  their  influence 
may  be  cited  in  the  fact  that  they  gave  a  name  to  China  by  which  it 
became  familiar  to  the  Arabs,  Persians,  and  Turks,  and  through  them 
to  the  mediaeval  writers  of  Europe,  namely,  Cathay.    The  contact  of  the 
Khitans  and  the  Chinese  was  followed,  as  seems  to  be  universally  the  case 
there,  by  the  gradual  weaning  of  the  race  of  soldiers  from  their  old  habits 
and  the  acquirement  of  the  effeminate  manners  which  prevail  in  Eastern 
courts.  This  change  enabled  another  and  more  vigorous  face  to  supplant 
them.    This  was  the  race  of  the  Juchi  or  Niuchi,  the  ancestors  of  the 
present  Manchu  dynasty  in  China.     The  Juchi  lived  in  that  part  of 
Manchuria  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Amur,  on  the  east  by  the  ocean, 
on  the  south  by  Corea,  and  on  the  west  by  the  river  Sungari,  which 
separated  their  country  from  that  of  the  Khitans.    The  leader  of  this 
revolt  was  named  Aguta.     He  rebelled  in  11 14,  won  several  victories 
ov^r  the  Khitans,  and  the  following  year  adopted  the  title  of  Wangti,  and 
gave  his  new  empire  the  name  of  Aijin  kurun,  in  Chinese  Kin  kue,  />., 

*  Klaprotb,  Tableaux  Hiitoriques,  &c.,  83, 89.  t  D'Ohason,  i.  115.  ;  Id.,  iij. 

CHINA.  3 

golden  realm,  whence  its  Mongol  name  Allan  or  Altun,  "  golden.**  He 
then  commenced  a  vigorous  campaign  against  the  Khitans,  whom  he 
rapidly  conquered.  He  died  in  1123.  His  successor  U  ki  nai  followed 
up  his  victories,  subdued  the  empire  of  Hia,  and  captured  the  Khitan 
Emperor  Yeliu  Yen  hi,  who  had  fled  in  that  direction,  the  ninth  and  last 
of  his  race  who  ruled  in  China.  A  prince  of  the  fallen  house  and  some 
of  his  followers  escaped  westwards  and  founded  another  empire,  namely, 
that  of  the  Kara  Khitai,  to  which  I  shall  presently  refer. 

The  invasion  of  the  Juchi  was  abetted  by  the  Sung  Emperor,  who 
doubtless  hoped  by  their  means  to  recover  possession  of  the  lost  pro- 
vinces in  Northern  China,  but  he  soon  found  reason  to  repent  of  his  policy. 
In  1 125  the  Juchi  invaded  Southern  China.  The  year  following  they 
advanced  as  far  as  the  river  Hoang  ho,  and  laid  siege  to  Kai  fong  fu,  the 
capital  of  the  Sung  empire.  The  Sung  Emperor  went  to  the  camp  of  the 
invaders  to  ask  for  terms,  but  was  sent  off  to  Tartary  with  his  family. 
His  brother  escaped  and  was  proclaimed  Emperor  by  the  Chinese.  The 
Juchi  proceeded  to  conquer  the  northern  portion  of  China,  penetrated 
beyond  the  river  Yang  tsi,  captured  Lin  ngan,  the  chief  city  of  the 
province  of  Che  kiang,  and,  after  securing  many  victories,  made  peace  with 
the  Sung  Emperor  in  1142,  by  which  the  conquests  they  had  made  were 
ceded  to  them,  and  they  were  to  receive  an  annual  tribute  of  250,000 
ounces  of  silver  and  250,000  pieces  of  silk,  while  the  Sung  Emperor 
declared  himself  their  vassal.  The  rivers  Hoai  and  Han  became  the 
boundaries  of  the  two  empires,  the  Kin  Emperor  ruling  over  the  provinces 
of  Pehchehli,  Shan  si,  Shang  tung,  Honan,  and  the  northern  part  of 
Shen  si,  which  were  collectively  known  as  Khan  zi  to  the  Chinese,  while 
the  southern  empire  was  known  to  them  and  to  Marco  Polo  as  Manzi. 
The  Mongols  called  it  Nangkias.  The  capital  of  the  former  was  the  city 
anciently  known  as  Yen  king  or  Chun  king.  When  the  Kin  Emperor  in 
1 1 53  moved  the  seat  of  empire  there  he  gave  it  the  name  of  Ta  hing  fu, 
and  the  title  of  Chung  tu,  or  Imperial  city  of  the  centre.  It  is  now 
widely  celebrated  as  Peking,  <>.,  "  the  northern  capital."  The  Mongols 
called  it  Khanbalig.  The  Sung  Emperor's  capital  was  Lin  ngan,  called 
also  Hang  chau  in  Ch6  kiang.  In  the  northern  section,  subject  to  the 
Kin  dynasty,  thete  were  five  cities  distinguished  as  Imperial  residences  : 
I.  Liau  yang  chau  in  Liau  tung,  called  the  eastern  court ;  in  Chinese 
Tung-ldng.  2.  Tai-tung-fu  in  Shansi,  the  western  court,  or  Si-king.  3. 
The  present  city  of  Peking,  then  called  Chung  tu  or  Chung  king,  or 
central  court.  4.  Pien  leang  or  Kai  fong  fu,  on  the  southern  bank 
of  the  Yellow  River  in  Honan,  which  was  the  southern  court,  or 
Nan  king.  And  lastly,  5.  Ta  ning  fu,  on  the  river  Loha  in 
Northern  China,  then  called  the   northern   court,   or  Peking,*   which 

*  D'Ohsson,  120, 121.    Notes. 


must  of  course  be  carefully  distinguished  from  the  Peking  or 
northern  court  of  our  day.  Besides  their  authority  in  China,  the  Kin 
Emperors  were  lords  paramount  in  the  steppes  and  deserts  beyond,  but 
their  influence  there  was  very  much  more  Umited  than  that  of  the 
Khitans.  It  probably  extended  little  beyond  the  immediate  borders  of 
China.  We  know  that  Sungaria  and  the  towns  on  either  side  of  the 
Thian  Shan  mountains,  which  were  apparently  subject  to  the  Khitans, 
were  controlled  by  the  enemies  and  rivals  of  the  Kin,  the  Kara  Khitai, 
while  the  Mongols,  as  we  shall  see,  began  to  act  a  very  independent  part 
almost  immediately  after  the  Kin  conquest  of  Northern  China.  Even  in 
Manchuria  we  find  Juchi  tribes  acting  independently  of  the  central 
authority  in  China  under  their  own  princes.  These  independent  tribes 
were  probably  the  ancestors  of  the  modern  Solons.  We  may  take  it, 
therefore,  that  although  they  were  no  doubt  dependent,  their  dependence 
was  largely  nominal.  Having  briefly  pointed  out  the  condition  of  China, 
we  will  now  turn  to  the  adjoining  and  subordinate  empire  of  Hia,  which 
was  so  terribly  desolated  by  Jingis  Khan,  and  where,  as  one  learns  from 
Mr.  Morgan,  the  groans  and  shrieks  of  the  spirits  of  those  whom  he  so 
ruthlessly  slaughtered  still  haunt  the  place,  and  add  to  the  horrors  of  the 
surrounding  wilderness.* 

HIA,  OR  TANGUT. — This  empire  was  known  in  early  times  to  the 
Mongols  as  Kashin  or  Eashi,  which  is  a  corruption  of  the  Chinese  word 
Ho-si.  This  means  "  west  of  the  river,"  and  designated  the  great 
province  of  Shen  si,  which  lay  west  of  the  Yellow  River.  While  Jingis 
was  undertaking  the  conquest  of  Kashi,  Ogotai  had  a  son  to  whom  the 
name  of  Kashi  was  given,  but  he  died  young  from  excessive  drinking, 
upon  which  the  name  was  changed.!  At  first  it  was  changed  to  Kurik, 
and  afterwards  to  Tangut.t  A  Chinese  Uighur  vocabulary,  cited  by 
Klaproth,  gives  Cho  si  as  the  synonym  of  Tangut,  and  another  of 
Chinese  and  Bukharian  words  gives  it  as  TanghutJ  The  Thibetans 
called  it  Niraak.||  The  name  of  Tangut  is  derived  from  the  tribe 
Thang  hiang,  who  according  to  Ma  tuan  lin,  were  descended  from 
the  primitive  inhabitants  of  China,  namely,  the  San  Miao,  and  were 
driven  by  the  Chinese  into  Kokonur  and  Eastern  Thibet.  They  lived  in 
early  times  in  the  country  of  Si  chi,  west  of  the  department  of  Liu 
thao,  in  the  modern  Chinese  province  of  Kan  suh ;  their  country  was 
traversed  by  the  very  sinuous  channel  of  the  Yellow  River.  In  the  third 
and  fourth  centuries  of  our  era  the  Emperors  of  the  Chinese  dynasties 
Wei  and  Tsin  began  to  abate  the  power  of  the  Eastern  Thibetans  called 
Khiang.  In  the  sixth  century  the  Emperors  of  the  Chau  dynasty 
destroyed  the  power  of  the  tribe  Thang  chang.      Afterwards    other 

'Geographical  Magazine,  ii.  306.  t  D'Ohuon,  i.  95.    Note. 

I  Brdmann't  Temujin,  153.    Note  2.  }  Klaproth,  Beleuchtung,  &c.,  64. 

B  Schmidt's  Ssanang  Setzen,  Passim. 


Thibetans  named  Teng  chi  became  powerful.  They  were  in  turn  dis- 
placed by  the  Thang  hiang  or  Tangut.*  Li  ki  tsien,  the  chief  of  this 
tribe,  who  was  ruler  of  Hia  chan  and  a  feudatory  of  the  empire,  took 
advantage  of  the  anarch^p^^hich  existed  in  China  at  the  end  of  the  tenth 
century,  refused  to  acknowledge  the  Chinese  ruler,  and  submitted  to  the 
Khitans  ;  but  in  1043  his  grandson  Chao  yuen  hao  submitted  to  the 
Sung  Emperor,  who  granted  him  the  title  of  Emperor  of  Hia.  At  first 
their  country  was  very  limited  in  extent,  but  they  conquered  a  large  area 
in  Shensi.t  At  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  they  were  in 
possession  of  Hia  chau,  in  chau,  Sui  chau,  Yan  chau,  Tsing  chau.  Ling 
chau,  Yan  chau,  Hoei  chau,  Ching  chau,  Kou  chau,  and  Liang  chau, 
towns  situated  on  the  north  of  the  modern  provinces  of  Kansu  and 
Shensi,  and  the  country  of  the  Ordus.  They  had  conquered  the  towns 
of  Sha  chau,  Kua  chau,  and  Su  chau  from  the  Uighurs,  and  were  also 
possessed  of  the  fortified  posts  of  Hung,  Ting,  Wei,  and  Lung.J  The 
topography  of  Tangut  is  very  confused,  as  may  be  seen  from  Colonel 
Yule's  narrative.!  Klaproth  says  that  Hing  chau,  now  called  Ninghia, 
was  the  capital  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  situated  at  a  small  distance 
from  the  left  bank  of  the  Yellow  River,  where  this  river  leaves  the 
province  of  Kansuh  and  enters  Mongolia.  This  town,  according  to 
Raschid,  was  called  in  the  Tangutan  language  Eyirkai,  and  by  the 
Mongols  Eyirkaya.  By  Ssanang  Setzen  it  is  called  Irghai.||  Ssanang 
Sctzen  distinguishes  between  Turmegei  or  Termegetu,  which  he  calls  the 
capital  of  Tangut,  and  Irghai,  but  he  is  an  authority  of  no  value  for  this  Irghai  seems  to  be  the  city  called  Wuhlahai  by  the  Chinese,and  is 
to  be  identified  with  the  Egrigaia  of  Marco  Polo,  the  Erequir  of  De  la  Croix, 
and  was  captured  by  Jingis  in  his  second  expedition.  It  and  its  district  are 
tentatively  identified  by  Colonel  Yule  with  the  principality  of  Alashan.** 
Raschid  tells  us  the  name  of  the  Emperor  of  Hia  in  the  time  of  Jingis 
was  Lung  Shidirghu,  the  Shidurgo  of  Ssanang  Setzen ;  he  adds,  there 
were  many  kings  in  the  country.  Among  the  great  cities  which  were 
royal  residences  he  names  Kendjan  fu,  Kamdjiu,  Azerdi,  Khaladjan,  and 
An  Balik  ;  besides  these  there  were  twenty-four  other  large  towns  in  the 
empire.  The  greater  portion  of  their  inhabitants,  he  says,  were 
Mussulmans,  but  the  villagers  and  their  chiefs  were  mainly  Buddhists. ft 
KARA  KHITAI. — Having  surveyed  the  chief  powers  encountered  by 
the  Mongols  on  the  south,  we  will  now  do  the  same  for  the  west.  When 
the  Khitan  empire  was  overthrown  by  the  Kin  Tatars  in  11 22  or  11 23,  as 
I  have  described,  a  member  of  the  Imperial  family  of  the  Liau  or  Khitan 
dynasty  escaped  westwards  with  a  following  of  about  2,000  men.  H  is  name 
was  Yeliu  Tashi,  or,  according  to  western  writers,  Tushi  Talgun,  and  also 

*  Klaproth,  Noav.  Joum.  Atiat.,  xi.  462.        t  D'Ohtson,  i.  96.        J  Klaproth,  op.  cit,  462. 

{  Marco  Polo,  2nd  Ed.,  i.  273.  U  Nouv.  Journ.  Asiat.,  xi.  463.  t  Op.  cit.,  zoi  and  243. 

••  Yule'i  Marco  Polo,  2nd  Ed.,  273.  tt  Klaproth,  Nouv.  Journ.  Asiat.,  xi.  464.    Note. 


Tushi  Taifu.*  He  was  well  received  by  the  chiefs  of  the  various  Turkish 
tribes  who  had  been  dependent  on  his  dynasty,  and  by  means  of  the  contin- 
gents they  supplied  him  with,  he  succeeded  in  getting  together  a  very  con- 
siderable army.  He  first  settled  in  the  valley^  the  I  mil,  and,  according 
to  Carpini,  built  the  town  there  which  afterwards  became  the  capital  of 
the  Khanate  of  Ogotai,  and  which  was  situated  not  far  from  the  modem 
Khuguchak,  otherwise  called  Tarbagatai.  At  this  time  the  Turkish 
Khans  of  .Turkestan,  who  claimed  descent  from  the  mythical  Afrasiab, 
had  become  very  feeble,  and  were  constantly  threatened  by  the  Karluks, 
Kankalis,  and  other  nomades  in  their  neighbourhood,  and  we  are  told 
that  Yeliu  Tashi  was  called  in  to  the  rescue.  He  speedily  occupied 
Balasaghun,  their  capital,  and  then  deposed  the  descendant  of  Afrasiab 
from  his  dignity  of  Khan,  leaving  him  only  the  title  of  Ilk  Turkan,  or 
chief  of  the  Turks.  He  then  proceeded  to  conquer  the  Karluks,  whose 
chiefs,  the  Arslan  Khans,  apparently  dominated  over  Kashgar  and 
Khotan,  and  the  country  of  Little  Bukharia.  He  was  acknowledged  as 
their  suzerain  by  the  Idikut  or  chief  of  the  Uighurs  of  Bishbalig ;  he 
defeated  the  Kankalis  and  Kirghises,  and  made  himself  master  ot 
Ferghanah  and  Transoxiana,  and  then  ravaged  the  country  of  Khuarezm 
and  made  its  ruler  tributary.  He  then  took  the  title  of  Gurkhan,  or 
great  Khan.  I  have  discussed  the  site  of  his  capital,  Balasaghun,  in 
some  letters  in  the  Geographical  Magazine,  and  have  endeavoured 
to  fix  it  at  the  ruinheaps  of  It  Kichu,  on  the  river  Chu,  which  I 
believe  represent  the  Equius  of  Rubruqius.  Thence  he  governed 
a  vast  territory.  The  country  immediately  subject  to  him  was  that 
watered  by  the  Chu,  the  Jaxartes,  and  the  great  plains  that  border  the 
Balkhash  sea  on  the  south-east,  but,  as  I  have  said,  the  Turkish  tribes  to 
the  east  were  dependent  on  him.  Among  these  the  most  important  no 
doubt  were  the  Karluks,  whose  capital  was  Almaligh,  the  modem  Kuldja, 
and  who  ruled  over  a  considerable  territory  on  both  sides  of  the  Thian 
Shan  range,  and  the  Uighurs,  who  lived  at  Bishbalig,  />.,  Urumtsi.  He 
doubtless  also  was  more  or  less  dominant  over  the  Naimans,  about  whom 
I  shall  have  more  to  say  presently.  He  was  no  doubt  the  most  powerful 
sovereign  of  Central  Asia,  and  his  career  of  rapid  conquest  was  a  pro- 
totype on  a  smaller  scale  of  that  of  Jingis  Khan  in  later  days,  while  the 
integration  of  the  various  Turkish  tribes  of  Sungaria  and  Turkestan 
under  his  sceptre  made  the  path  of  the  succeeding  conqueror  much  more 
easy,  for  when  he  defeated  the  usurper  of  the  throne  of  Kara  Khitai 
named  Kushluk,  he  became  at  once  the  master  of  a  regulated  and 
tolerably  orderly  empire,  and  not  of  a  mere  congeries  of  broken  tribes, 
and  an  empire  which  stretched  from  the  Oxus  to  the  great  desert  of 
Shamo,  and  from  Thibet  to  the  Altai. 

*  Tuihi  in  Chinese  meant  commander-in-chief.    D'Ohsson,  i.  163.    Note. 


KHUAREZM.— West,  or  rather  south-west  of  Kara  Khitai,  and 
bordering  upon  it,  was  the  empire  of  Khuarezm,  with  which  the  Mongols 
had  a  most  bloody  and  prolonged  struggle.  This  empire,  like  several 
others  in  South-western  4sia,  was  founded  by  a  Turk  who  had  been 
originally  a  slave.  The  sovereigns  of  Persia  were  in  the  habit  of  pur- 
chasing young  Turks,  who  were  captured  by  the  various  frontier  tribes  in 
their  mutual  struggles,  and  employing  them  in  their  service.  They 
generally  had  a  body  guard  formed  of  them,  and  many  of  them  were 
enfranchised  and  rose  to  posts  of  high  influence,  and  in  many  cases  sup- 
planted their  masters.  The  founder  of  the  Khuarezmian  power  was  such 
a  slave,  named  Nushtekin,  in  the  service  of  the  Seljuk  Sultan  Malik  Shah. 
He  rose  to  the  position  of  a  Teshtedar  or  chamberlain,  which  carried 
with  it  the  government  of  the  province  of  Khuarezm,  that  is  of  the  fertile 
valley  of  the  Oxus  and  the  wide  steppes  on  either  side  of.  it,  bounded  on 
the  west  by  the  Caspian  and  on  the  east  by  Bukharia.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Kutb-ud-din  Muhammed,  whose  services  to  the 
Seljuk  rulers,  Barkiarok  and  Sandjar,  obtained  for  him  the  title  of 
Khuarezm  Shah,  a  title  which  was  borne  by  the  rulers  of  that  province 
before  the  Arab  invasion.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Atsiz,  who 
several  times  took  up  arms  against  his  sovereign  Sandjar,  and  became 
virtually  independent  of  him.  He  was  ruler  of  Khuarezm  when  Yeliu 
Tashi,  the  founder  of  Kara  Khitai,  entered  his  dominion,  and  having 
been  defeated  by  him  he  was  obliged  to  become  his  tributary.  He  was 
succeeded  in  1156  by  his  son  lyal  Arslan,  who,  on  Sandjar's  death  in 
1 157,  conquered  the  western  part -of  Khorassan.  He  left  two  sons  named 
Takish  and  Sultan  Shah,  between  whom  a  Jong  struggle  ensued.* 
Takish  was  eventually  victorious.  He  also  conquered  the  Seljuk  ruler 
Togrul,  and  sent  his  head  to  the  Khalif  at  Bagdad.  By  this  conquest 
Irak  Adjem  was  added  to  his  dominions.  With  the  deaths  of  Togrul 
and  Sandjar,  the  Seljuk  dynasty  in  Persia  came  to  an  end,  and  Takish 
obtained  the  investiture  of  their  states  from  the  Khalif.  Takish  was 
succeeded  in  1200  by  his  son  Alai  ud  din  Muhammed,  who  by  the  con- 
quest of  Balkh  and  Herat  completed  the  subjection  of  Khorassan  to  the 
Khuarezmian  empire.  Shortly  after  Mazanderan  and  Kirman  were 
reduced  to  obedience.  He  then  broke  off  his  allegiance  to  the  ruler  of 
Kara  Khitai,  whose  dependent  in  Transoxiana,  named  Osman,  became 
his  man.  He  also  conquered  a  portion  of  Turkestan  as  far  as  Uzkend, 
where  he  placed  a  garrison.  Some  time  after,  having  quarrelled  with 
Osman,  the  ruler  of  Transoxiana,  who  had  become  his  son-in-law,  he 
attacked  and  took  him  prisoner,  and  afterwards  put  him  to  death.  He 
then  appropriated  his  dominions  and  made  Samarkand  his  capital.  In 
I2ijp»i3  he  annexed  the  principality  of  Gur,  and  three  years  later  atUcked 

*  Erdinann't  Tcmttjio,  138  and  160. 


and  subdued  the  country  of  Ghazni.  When  he  captured  its  chief  town 
he  discovered  proofs  that  the  Khalif  had  been  intriguing  against  him.  He 
accordingly  determined  to  depose  him.  He  marched  a  large  army  west- 
wards. On  his  way  he  received  the  submission  of  the  rulers  of  Azer- 
baidjan  and  Fars,  and  at  length  entered  the  dominions  of  the  Khalif, 
which  at  this  time  were  limited  to  the  provinces  of  Irak  Arab  and 
Khuzistan.  Muhammed  occupied  the  former  province,  and  proceeded  to 
divide  it  into  various  military  fiefs ;  but  this  was  the  extent  of  his 
aggression  in  this  direction.  A  terrible  snowstorm  overtook  his  troops  on 
the  mountains  of  Essed  abad,  and  after  losing  many  of  them  the  rest 
were  attacked  by  the  Turkish  and  Kurdish  tribes  and  suffered  terribly,  a 
fate  which  popular  superstition  naturally  assigned  as  the  result  of  so 
unholy  a  war.  Muhammed  deemed  it  prudent  to  retire,  and  his  retreat 
was  probably  hastened  by  the  approach  of  the  Mongols.  He  gave  Irak 
Ajem  as  an  appanage  to  his  son  Rokn  ud  din.  The  provinces  of 
Kirman,  Kesh,  and  Mukran  were  assigned  to  Ghiaz  ud  din ;  Ghazni, 
Basinan,  Gur,  Bort,  &c.,  which  formed  the  old  Gur  empire,  were  assigned 
to  Jelal  ud  din ;  while  his  youngest  son,  whom  he  had  fixed  upon  as  his 
heir,  was  assigned  Khuarezm,  Khorasan,  and  Mazanderan.  From  this 
enumeration  it  may  be  gathered  that  Muhammed  was  a  very  powerful 
sovereign.  He  controlled  an  army  of  400,000  men,  and  his  dominions  at 
the  invasion  of  the  Mongols  stretched  from  the  Jaxartes  to  the  Persian 
Gulf,  and  from  the  Indus  to  Irak  Arab  and  Azerbaidjan.  Here  also,  as 
in  the  case  of  Kara  Kliital,  we  can  see  how  the  work  was  prepared  for 
the  hands  of  Jingis  by  the  consolidation  of  a  great  number  of  small  states 
into  one  powerful  one,  on  whose  fall  a  vast  empire  was  at  once  added  to 
the  Mongol  dominions. 

AZERBAIDJAN. — I  have  mentioned  that  Azerbaidjan  and  Fars  were 
not  actually  subject  to  the  Khuarezm  Shah  but  only  tributary.  The 
former  was  ruled  at  the  time  of  the  Mongol  invasion  by  the  Atabeg 
Uzbeg.  He  was  descended  from  Ildeguiz,  who,  like  the  founder  of  many 
of  the  petty  dynasties  of  Southern  Asia,  was  a  Turkish  slave,  and 
belonged  to  the  Seljuk  Sultan  of  Irak  Ajem.  He  was  a  native  of 
Kipchak,  and  having  been  freed  rose  successively  to  the  highest  dignities 
in  the  kingdom,  and  in  1146  received  as  a  fief  the  provinces  of 
Azerbaidjan  and  Arran,  which  were  separated  from  one  another  by  the 
river  Kur.  When  about  forty  years  later  the  Seljuk  dynasty  of  Irak 
came  to  an  end,  Azerbaidjan  remained  subject  to  the  family  of  Ildeguiz. 
His  fifth  successor  was  the  Uzbeg  1  have  mentioned.  He  had 
succeeded  to  power  in  1197,  and  had  about  1216  acknowledged  himself 
as  the  vassal  of  the  Khuarezm  Shah.  At  the  time  of  the  Mongol 
invasion  he  was  an  old  man.    His  capital  was  Tabriz.* 

*  D'Obsson*  i.  xgx  and  323. 


FARS  was  ruled  over  by  the  dynasty  of  the  Salgarids,  so  named  from 
its  founder  Salgar,  who  was  the  chief  of  a  Turkish  tribe  and  a  vassal  of 
the  Scljuki.  Sankor,  the  grandson  of  Salgar,  had  profited  by  the  decay 
of  the  Seljuki  to  take  possession  of  Fars.  This  was  in  1 148.  Sankor's 
grandson  was  named  S^.  It  was  to  him  the  Sheikh  Sadde  dedicated 
his  Gulistan.  He  became  a  vassal  of  the  Khuarezm  Shah  Muhanuned, 
and  it  was  he  who  subsequently  submitted  to  the  Mongols.*  The  capital 
of  Fars,  which  was  the  kernel  of  the  old  Persian  monarchy,  and  whose 
name  still  points  to  its  having  been  so,  was  Shiraz.  A  small  portion  of 
Fars,  with  its  capital  at  Darabsherd,  was  subject  to  the  dynasty  of  the 
Shebankyare  of  the  family  Fasluye,  but  they  were  of  small  interest.  An 
account  of  them  may  be  seen  in  Von  Hammer's  history  of  the  Ilkhans, 

LURISTAN. — Luristan,  according  to  Von  Hammer,  derives  its  name 
from  two  brothers  of  the  name  of  Lur  or  Lor,  who  in  the  third  century 
of  the  Hejira  ruled    over    certain  nomade  Kurdish  tribes,  which  two 
centuries  later  migrated  from  the  mountain  Saumal  in  Northern  Syria, 
and  settled  in  Luristan.t     Luristan  was  divided  into  two  principalities, 
known  as  Great  and  Little  Luristan.     The  rulers  of  the  former  were 
known  as  the  Great  Atabegs,  and  those  of  the  latter  as  the  Little  Atabcgs. 
Hazerasp  was  the  Atabeg  of  Great  Luristan  at  the  invasion  of  Jingis 
Khan.    He  was  a  trusted  friend  of  the  Khuarezm  Shah  Muhammed.    At 
the  time  of  Khulagu's  invasion  of  Western  Persia  his  son  Tikle  or  Tdgucle 
was  the  ruler  of  Great  Luristan.     He  joined  the  Mongols  with  a  con- 
tingent when  they  marched  upon  Baghdad,  but  they  aftcrA\ards  grew 
suspicious  of  him,  and  he  was  put  to  death,  and  Khulagii  put  Shems  ud 
din  Alp  Argun  on  the  throne  in  his  place.     At  the  same  period  Little 
Luristan  was  ruled  by  Bedr  ud  din  Massud,  who  conciHated  and  was 
supported  by  the  Mongols. t 

INDIA. — At  the  date  of  the  Mongol  invasion  the  metropolitan  throne 
of  Delhi  was  occupied  by  a  dynasty  descended  from  Sultan  Kutb  ud  din 
Ibak  i  Shil,  who  was  a  Turkish  slave  in  the  service  of  the  Sultan  i  Ghazi, 
Muizz  ud  din  Muhanmied,  son  of  Sam,  whence  the  dynasty  was  known 
as  that  of  the  Muizziah  Sultans.  He  became  the  deputy  of  the  Sultans 
of  Ghazni  in  India,  where  he  gained  many  victories.  He  was  at  length 
made  free  and  granted  the  title  of  Sultan.  This  was  about  the  year  603 
of  the  Hejira-  On  his  death,  four  years  later,  he  was  succeeded  by 
Aram  Shah,  who  after  a  very  short  reign  was  displaced  by  a  usurper 
named  Shams  ud  din  lyal  timish,  a  former  slave  of  Kutb  ud  din's,  and 
ako  his  son-in-law.  The  Indian  empire  was  then  divided  into  four  sec- 
tions. Shams  ud  din  possessed  himself  of  Delhi  and  the  country  around  ; 
Nasir  ud  din  kaba  jah,  another  son-in-law  of  Kutb  ud  din,  appropriated 

*  D*Oh8Mn,  i.  191.    Note.    iii.  261.  t  Von  Hammer's  Ilkhaas,  i.  70. 

I  D'Ohsson,  iii.  259-261.    Von  Hammer's  Ilkhans,  i.  71,  jz, 



Sind  and  Multan,  Bhakar  and  Siwastan,  and  subsequently  the  territory 
to  the  north-east  as  far  as  Sursuti  and  Kuhram.  The  chiefs  of  the 
Kalladjes  or  Turks  assumed  independence  in  Bengal,  while  Lahore 
became  the  prey  of  its  several  neighbours.*  Such  was  the  position  of 
affairs  when  the  Mongols  appeared  on  the  Indus.  Let  us  now  travel 
considerably  westwards  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Khuarezmian  empire. 

BAGHDAD.— Irak  Arab  and  a  large  portion  of  Khuzestan  were 
directly  subject  to  the  Khalifs.  Besides  this  local  authority  they  were 
the  supreme  heads  of  the  Moslem  faith,  and  held  the  highest  post  in  the 
hierarchy  of  Islam,  in  direct  descent  from  the  prophet  himself.  They 
were  acknowledged  as  their  suzerains  by  the  various  chiefs  of  Asia  who 
had  been  converted,  and  when  they  succeeded  to  their  several  dignities  of 
Sultan,  or  Malik,  or  Atabeg,  they  sent  to  notify  the  fact  to  the  Khalifs, 
who  in  turn  invested  them  with  authority  and  sent  them  the  diploma  of 
office  and  the  various  emblems  of  royal  dignity.t  They  held  their  court 
at  Baghdad.  For  six  centuries  the  Khalifate  had  been  in  the  possession 
of  the  family  of  the  Abbasides,  so  named  because  they  were  descended 
from  Abbas,  the  uncle  of  Muhammed.  They  displaced  the  Ommiades. 
"  From  an  obscure  residence  in  Syria,'*  says  Gibbon, "  they  secretly  dis- 
patched their  agents  and  missionaries,  who  preached  in  the  eastern 
provinces  their  hereditary  indefeasible  right,  and  Muhammed,  the  son  of 
Ali,  the  son  of  Abdallah,  the  son  of  Abbas,  the  uncle  of  the  prophet, 
gave  audience  to  the  deputies  of  Khorassan,  and  accepted  their  free  gift 
of  400,000  pieces  of  gold.''|  The  Ommiades  were  distinguished  by  their 
white  garments,  the  Abassides  by  their  black  ones.  It  was  Suffah,  the 
son  of  Muhammed  ben  Ali,  who  finally  vanquished  Mervan,  the 
fourteenth  and  last  of  the  Ommiade  Khalifs.  This  was  in  750  A.D.§ 
Almansor,  the  brother  of  Salah,  laid  the  foundations  of  Baghdad  in 
762  A.D.,  which  became  the  capital  of  the  Moslem  world.  The  rule  of 
the  Abassides  was  a  protracted  one,  and  lasted  until  they  were  finally 
destroyed  by  the  Mongols,  as  I  shall  describe  in  the  following  pages,  but 
for  a  long  period  their  authority  was  chiefly  spiritual,  and  the  reins  of 
power  were  in  the  hands  of  the  several  dynasties  who  ruled  in  Persia, 
the  Buyeds,  the  Sultans  of  Ghazni,  the  Seljukian  Turks,  and  the 
Khuarezmians.  More  or  less  dependent  upon  the  Khalifs  were  several 
small  districts  governed  by  various  dynasties  of  Atabegs,  a  name  which 
answers  to  Mayors  of  the  Palace  or  Tutors,  and  which  was  granted  in 
the  earty  days  of  the  Arabian  prosperity  to  various  provincial  governors, 
who  retained  this  title  when  they  became  independent  princes.  Among 
these  the  chief  was 

MOSUL. — At  the  time  of  Khulagu's  invasion  its  ruler  was  Bedr  ud  din 

Tabakat  i  Naiiri  and  Raverty's  note,  529, 560.       t  D'Ohsion,  iii*  xogt       I  Op.  dt.,  vi.  390. 

$  /rf.,  vi.,  39a. 

EGYPT.  1 1 

Lulu,  who  had  been  a  slave  of  Nur  ud  din  Arslan  Shah,  of  the  dynasty  of 
the  Sunkars,  chiefs  of  Diar  Bekr,  who  on  his  death  appointed  him  Tutor 
(Atabeg)  to  his  son  Massud,  with  the  government  of  the  principality  of 
Mosul.  On  the  death  of  Massud  in  121 8,  and  of  his  two  young  sons 
who  followed  him  to  the  grave  within  the  next  two  years,  Bedr  ud  din 
Lulu  became  independent  sovereign  of  Mosul,  and  was  sovereign  of  it 
thirty-seven  years  later  when  Khulagu  invaded  the  country.*  Besides 
Mosul  there  were  other  petty  principalities  feudally  dependent  on  the 
Khalifs.  At  Diarbekr  and  Mardin  were  small  dynasties  of  the  family  of 
the  Bcni  Ortok,  descended  from  a  Turkoman  chief  named  Ortok,  who 
was  in  the  service  of  the  Seljuki,  and  under  them  had  possession  of 
Jerusalem.^  Other  small  dynasties  dependent  on  the  Khalif  ruled  at 
Erbil  and  Sindshar. 

\Vc  will  now  go  farther  west  again  towards  Egypt  and  Syria. 

EGYPT  was  at  the  time  of  the  Mongol  invasion  subject  to  the  Beni 
Ayub  or  Ayubits,  who  were  made  famous  in  history  by  the  exploits  of 
their  great  chief  Saladin.  They  were  descended  from  the  Malek  Ayub, 
son  of  Shadi,  who  was  a  Kurdish  chief.  Shadi  left  two  sons,  Najm  ud 
dm  Ayub  and  Asad  ud  din  Sher  i  koh.  Ayub's  third  son  was  the 
famous  Salah  ud  din,  generally  known  as,  Saladin,  who,  having 
been  appointed  Vizier  to  Nur  ud  din,  the  niler  of  Egypt,  succeeded  on 
the  death  of  that  prince  in  usurping  the  throne  of  Egypt.J  In  the 
sonorous  words  of  Gibbon,  "  He  despoiled  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem, 
and  the  Atabegs  of  Damascus,  Aleppo,  and  Diarbekr.  Mecca  and 
Medina  acknowledged  him  for  their  temporal  protection.  His  brother 
subdued  the  distant  regions  of  Yemen,  or  the  happy  Arabia  ;  and  at  the 
time  of  his  death  his  empire  was  spread  from  the  African  Tripoli  to  the 
Tigris,  and  from  the  Indian  Ocean  to  the  mountains  of  Armenia."!  On 
his  death,  in  1193,  he  was  succeeded  in  Egypt  by  his  son  Aziz.  Aziz 
was  succeeded  by  Adil,  the  brother  of  Saladin,  about  the  year  1200.  Adil 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Kamil,  who  was  the  greatest  of  the  family 
after  Saladin,  and  ruled  over  the  greater  part,  if  not  all,  the  dominions  of 
that  conqueror.  He  died  in  1239,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Salih. 
Saladin  had  a  body  guard  of  Kurdish  slaves,  who  were  known  as 
Mameluks.  Salih  especially  favoured  these  Mameluks,  who  from 
having  their  barracks  on  the  river  (Bahr)  were  known  as  Bahrits.  Salih 
died  in  1249  at  Mansura,  while  St.  Louis  was  at  Damietta.  His  son 
Muazzam  Turanshah  was  assassinated  by  his  father's  Mameluks.  After 
which  they  swore  allegiance  to  a  widow  of  Salih's  named  Shejer  ud  din, 
and  having  raised  one  of  their  chiefs  named  Eibeg  to  the  command  of 
the  army,  he  married  the  Sultana,  who  three  months  later  resigned  the 

•  D'Ohsson,  iii.  258.  t  Von  Hammer's  Ilkhans,  i.  73.    Gibbon,  vii.  177. 

I  The  Tabaluit  in  Natiri,  207,  &c.  $  Op,  cit.,  vii.  255. 


crown  to  him.      He  thus  became  the  founder  of  the  first  Mameluk 
dynasty,  namely,  of  that  of  the  Bahrits.    This  was  in  1250.* 

SYRIA.  —  Saladin    was    succeeded    in    Syria,    whose    capital    was 

Damascus,  by  his  eldest  son  Afzal.     He  was  displaced  by  his  brother  Aziz, 

the    Sultan  of    Egypt,  who  appropriated  his  territory,  and  ^who  was 

succeeded,  as  I  have  said,  by  his  uncle  Adil.     On  Adil's  death  Syria 

became  the  portion  of  his  second  son  Muazzam.     On  whose  death  in 

1230  the  throne  of  Damascus  fell  to  his  son  Nassir.    Nassir  was  deprived 

the  following  year  by  his  uncle  Kamil,  the  ruler  of  Egypt,  who  appointed 

his  own  brother  Ashraf  to  the  government  of  Syria.    Ashraf  was  the 

ruler  of  Syria  when  the  Mongols  appeared  on  its  borders  in  pursuit  of 

the  Khuarezm  Shah  Jelal  ud  din  Muhammed.    After  some  years  the 

throne  of  Damascus  was  appropriated  by  Ashraf's  nephew  Salih,  the 

Sultan  of  Egypt.     On  the  assassination  of  Salih's  son  Turanshah  by  the 

Mameluks,  Nassir  Saladin  Yusuf,   the    prince  of  Aleppo,    seized   the 

throne.    Although  he  was  master  of  Syria  from  the  Euphrates  to  the 

borders  of  Egypt,  there  were  several  petty  princes  within  its  borders  who 

before  his  aggrandisement  were  doubtless  his  peers,  and  who  belonged  to 

the  Ayubit  family.   Among  these  was  first,  the  prince  of  Hims,  who  at  the 

time  of  Khulagu's  invasion  was  named  Ashraf,  he  was  the  grandson  of  the 

Melik  Esed  ud  din  Shirkuh.      He  had  been  deprived  of  his  principality 

by  Nassir  about   1248,  and  had  been  given  in  exchange  the  district  of 

Telbashir.t     Ashraf  was  reinstated  by  the  Mongols,  and  became  their 

deputy  in  Syria.     Secondly,  The  princes  of  Hamath,  who  were  descended 

from  Tayeddin,  the   grandson  of  Ayub  and  the  nephew  of  the  great 

Saladin,  by  whom  he  was  appointed  Lord  of  Hamath.     His  son  Melik 

Mansur   the   First   gained    considerable    renown  in  the   war  with   the 

Crusaders,  and  by  his  patronage  of  the  learned.     He  was  succeeded  by 

his  son  Mansur  the  Second,  who  when  Khulagu  approached  Syria  fled  to 

Eg>'pt.t      Thirdly,  The  princes  of    Karak  and   Shubek.      They  were 

descended  from  the  Melik  Aadil*  Seifeddin  Ebubekr,  who  was  given  this 

appanage  by  his  brother  the  great  Saladin.      His  great  grandson  Melik 

Moghis  Fetheddin  Omar  ruled  over  it  at   the  invasion  of  Khulagu. § 

Besides  their  possessions  in  Syria,  the  Ayubits  still  retained  a  small 

portion  of  Saladin's  dominions  in  Mesopotamia.    This  consisted  of  the 

principality  of  Mayafarkin.     It  was  governed  by  a  dynasty  descended 

from  Melikol  Aadil,  the  brother  of  Saladin.    At  the  time  of  Khulagu's 

invasion  it  was  subject  to  the  Melik  Kamil,  who  was  its  fifth  ruler.     He 

was  killed  by  the  Mongols.  || 

*  D'Ohsson,  iii.  287-290. 
t  D'Ohsson,  iii.  326.    Von  Hammer's  Ilkhans,  i.  74,  75. 

I  Von  Hammer'3  Ilkhana,  i.  74.    D'Ohsson,  iii.  322. 

§  Von  Hammer's  Ilkhans,  i.  75.     D'Ohsson,  iii.  292. 
B  Von  Hammer,  op.  cit.,  i.  74. .  D'Ohsson,  iii.  354-357. 


THE  CRUSADERS.— While  the  greater  part  of  Syria  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  Ayubits  the  Christians  retained  a  few  places  on  the  coast.  Saladin 
had  taken  Jerusalem  from  them  in  1187,  but  they  held  Acre  or  Polemais 
which  had  been  conquered  by  Philip  Augustus  of  France  and  Richard  the 
First  of  England  about  1191.  They  also  held  Tyre,  Ca^sarca,  and 
Tripoli  on  the  coast  of  Syria.* 

RUM. — At  the  time  of  the  great  Mongol  invasion  the  empire  of  the 
Seljuki  in  Persia  and  Khorassan  had  been  extinguished  and  replaced  by 
that  of  the  Khuarezm  Shahs.  The  Seljuki,  however,  still  retained  their 
hold  upon  Asia  Minor.  The  dynasty  of  the  Seljuki  of  Rum  or  Asia 
Minor  was  founded  by  Soliman  Shah,  a  cousin  of  Malik  Shah,  the  ruler 
of  Persia,  by  whom  he  was  sent  westwards  at  the  head  of  80,000  tents  of 
Ghuz  Turks  or  Turkomans,  from  Transoxiana,  to  conquer  the  country 
He  conquered  the  central  part  of  Asia  Minor  from  the  Byzantines,  and 
made  Nicica,  the  chief  town  of  the  ancient  Bithynia,  his  capital.  His 
dominions  were  called  Rum  by  Eastern  writers,  and  were  bounded  on 
the  east  by  Great  Armenia  and  a  part  of  Georgia,  on  the  north  by  the 
Black  Sea,  on  the  south  by  Little  Armenia,  a  part  of  Cilitia,  and  the  sea 
opposite  Cyprus  ;  and  on  the  west  extended  as  far  as  Attalia  on  the  sea. 
It  included  theancient  Lycaonia,  Cappadocia,  Isauria,  Phrygia,  Bithynia, 
Paphlagonia,  Lydia,  and  the  country  round  Trebizond.  Soliman  died  in 
1086,  after  reducing  Antioch  and  its  dependent  cities.  It  was  these 
Seljukian  Turks  with  whom  the  early  Crusaders  came  in  contact.  In 
1096  they  captured  their  capital  Nicaea,  and  so  broke  their  power  that 
the  Greek  Emperor  recovered  much  ground  which  had  been  lost,  and 
occupied  the  cities  of  Ephesus,  Smyrna,  Sardis,  Nica;a,  &c.,  and  cut  the 
Turks  off  from  the  sea.  It  was  then  that  they  chose  the  remote  and 
almost  inaccessible  Iconium  as  their  capital.  The  seventh  successor  of 
Soliman,  named  Kai  Kobad,  occupied  the  throne  of  Iconium  when  the 
Mongols  in  1235-7  made  their  first  raid  upon  the  kingdom  of  Rum  ;  but 
it  was  in  the  reign  of  his  successor,  Ghiath  ud  din  Kai  Khosru,  and  in 
1242,  that  they  made  a  vigorous  effort,  under  the  command  of  Baiju 
to  conquer  it,  and  in  fact  succeeded  in  making  it  tributary .f 

LITTLE  ARMENIA.— To  the  south  of  the  Seljukian  kingdom  of 
Rimi,  and  protected  by  the  Taurus  mountains,  was  a  small  state  which 
had  considerable  intercourse  with  the  Mongols.  This  was  known  as 
Little  Armenia.  It  comprehended  the  ancient  districts  of  Cilicia  and 
Comagene,  with  many  towns  of  Cappadocia  and  Isauria.  Its  capital 
was  Sis.  It  originated  with  Rupen,  a  relative  of  Kakig  the  Second, 
the  last  king  of  Armenia  proper,  of  the  race  of  the  Bagratids.  When 
their  power  was  finally  destroyed,  he  in  1080  occupied  some  districts  in 
Cilicia,  where  many  Armenians  had  sought  refuge  from  the  sword  of  th^ 

*  PeUs  die  la  CtoU,  Jingis  Khan,  ly.  t  D^Ohssoo,  ili,  78-8?. 


captured  the  fortress  of  Alamut  from  the  Seljuki.  He  afterwards  con- 
quered the  surrounding  district,  which  was  named  Rudbar,  and  planted 
several  fortresses  there  as  well  as  in  Kuhistan.  The  weakness  of  the 
later  Seljuki  enabled  the  Ismailites  to  increase  their  power,  which  was 
much  augmented  by  the  terrible  secret  assassinations  which  Hassan 
secured.  Hassan  died  in  1 124,  after  living  for  thirty-four  years  at  Alamut, 
which  he  only  left  twice,  spending  his  time  there  in  meditation,  &c.  He 
was  followed  by  Kia  Buzurk  Umid,  whom  he  nominated  as  his  successor. 
The  power  of  the  Assassins  continued  to  increase,  and  two  of  the 
Abassidan  Khalifs  were  victims  of  their  fanaticism.  Kia  Burzurk  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Muhammed,  and  he  by  his  son  Hassan.  Hitherto 
the  Ismailite  chiefs  had  merely  called  themselves  the  missionaries 
or  champions  of  the  Imams,  that  is,  of  the  Fatimite  Khalifs.  Hassan  in 
1 164  proclaimed  himself  the  vicar  of  the  Invisible  Imam,  and  broke 
away  entirely  from  his  allegiance  to  the  traditions  of  the  Shias. 
Thenceforward  the  Ismailites  were  known  as  Molahids  {i.e.,  the  lost). 
He  introduced  a  great  deal  of  new  mystical  teaching.  Having;  been 
assassinated  by  his  brother,  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Muhammed, 
who,  on  the  destruction  of  the  Fatimites  in  Egypt]  by  Saladin,  acquired 
fresh  renown,  and  terribly  punished  the  orthodox  Mussulmans  who  dared 
to  denounce  his  followers  as  heretics.  Muhammed  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Jelal  ud  din  Hassan,  who  professed  the  orthodox  faith  and  submitted 
to  the  Khalif.  When  Jino^is  Khan  passed  the  Oxus  he  sent  him  his  sub- 
mission. Jelal  ud  din  was  succeeded  in  1221  by  his  son  Alai  ud  din 
Muhammud,  who  was  only  nine  years  old  when  he  succeeded.  He  was 
himself  assassinated  in  1255,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Rokn  ud  din 
Khurshah,  with  whom  Khulagu  fought,  and  who  eventually  destroyed  him. 
Among  the  chief  fortresses  of  the  Ismailites  were  Alamut,  Lemsher  (also 
written  Lemhesser),  Guirdkuh  Lai,  and  Meimun-diz.* 

THE  KIPCHAKS. — Having  glanced  at  the  various  kingdoms  with 
which  Jingis  Khan  and  his  successors  came  into  conflict  in  Asia,  we  may 
now  take  a  rapid  survey  of  the  nomadic  tribes  whom  they  conquered  and 
who  formed  such  an  important  element  in  their  armies,  and  we  may 
begin  with  the  most  western.  The  Kipchaks,  according  to  Raschid  and 
Abulghazi,  were  one  of  the  five  sections  into  which  the  Turkish  nation 
subject  to  Oghuz  Khan  was  divided.  Abulghazi  tells  us  a  curious  story 
about  the  origin  of  their  name.  He  says  that  at  the  time  when  Oghuz 
Khan  lived  it  was  customary  for  great  chiefs  and  some  of  their  greater  fol- 
lowers to  take  their  wives  with  them  on  their  expeditions.  On  one  occasion 
one  of  these  chiefs  having  been  killed  in  a  combat,  his  wife  escaped  and 
joined  the  camp  of  Oghuz  Khan.  She  was  then  great  with  child,  and 
being  suddenly  taken  ill  where  there  was  no  hut,  and  when  the  weather 

•  D'Ohsson,  iii.  141-203. 


was  very  severe,  she  took  refuge  in  a  hole  in  a  tree,  where  she  gave  birth 
to  a  son.  Oghuz  Khan  adopted  the  boy,  his  father  having  died  in  his 
service,  and  gave  him  the  name  of  Kiptchak,  which  he  says  in  the 
old  Turk  language  meant  a  hollow  tree.  When  the  boy  reached 
the  age  of  maturity  Oghuz  Khan  sent  him  with  a  considerable  force 
towards  the  Don  and  Volga.  He  subdued  the  country,  and  from  him 
were  descended  the  Kipchaks  who  inhabited  the  steppes  there  and  who 
gave  them  their  name  of  Desht  Kipchak,  or  the  Plains  of  Kipchak.*  I 
am  disposed  to  attach  credit  to  the  principal  features  of  this  story. 
Kipchak  is  a  personal  name  among  the  Turks,  and  it  is  a  very  common 
practice  for  Turkish  tribes  to  be  named  after  noted  chiefs,  ex.  gr,,  the 
Uzbegs,  Nogays,  &c.  The  Kipchaks  were  called  Comans  by  European 
writers.  This  we  know  not  only  from  a  comparison  of  the  statements 
we  have  about  both  races,  and  from  the  fact  that  both  races  occupied  the 
same  area  at  the  same  time,  but  we  are  expressly  told  that  the  Comans 
called  themselves  Capchat.  The  name  Coman  is  derived  no  doubt  from 
the  river  Kuma,  the  country  about  which  was  known  to  the  Persians  as 
Kumestan,  and  to  the  Nubian  geographer  Edrisi  in  the  eleventh  century 
as  Al  Komania  ;  he  adds,  **  which  gives  their  name  to  the  Komanians."t 
Klaproth  has  published  a  Comanian  vocabulary  and  other  evidence 
showing  the  Comanians  to  have  spoken  a  very  pure  Turk  language. 
A  part  of  their  old  country  on  the  Kuma  is  still  called  Desht  Kipchak, 
and  the  Kumuks,  who  have  been  pushed  somewhat  south  by  the  Nogays, 
are,  I  believe,  their  lineal  descendants.  Others  of  their  descendants  no 
doubt  remain  also  among  the  Krim  Tatars.  To  the  early  Arab  writers 
the  Kipchaks  were  known  as  Gusses,  a  name  by  which  we  also  meet  with 
them  in  the  Byzantine  annals.}  This  shows  that  they  belonged  to  the 
great  section  of  the  Turks  known  as  the  Gusses  or  Oghuz  Turks,  whose 
eponymous  hero  was  Oghuz  Khan.  They  first  invaded  the  country  west 
of  the  Volga  at  the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  from  which  time  till  their 
final  dispersal  by  the  Mongols  in  the  thirteenth  century  they  were  very 
persistent  enemies  of  Russia.  After  the  Mongol  conquest  it  is  very 
probable  that  they  became  an  important  element  in  the  various  tribes 
that  made  up  the  Golden  Horde  or  Khanate  of  Kipchak.  As  I 
have  said,  they  were  called  Gusses  by  the  Arabs.  This  connects  them 
very  closely  with  the  Turks  who  ravaged  Persia  so  terribly  in  the 
eleventh  century,  and  to  whom  the  Seljuki  and  Ottomans  affiUated  them- 
selves, both  tribes  deriving  themselves  from  the  Gusses.  They  also 
formed  a  large  part  of  the  nomades  who  are  known  as  Turkomans.  The 
original  homeland  of  all  these  tribes  was  doubtless  the  land  where  the 
Middle  Horde  of  the  Kirghiz  Kazaks  now  lived.  The  Kazaks  were  also 
Gusses,  and  in  fact  n  main  a  type  of  what  the  other  Gusses  probably  were 

*  Abulghazi,  Ed.  De«m.,  i8,  79. 
t  Vi4€  Author'i  Paiper  on  the  Comani  wd  PetchenecB,  Tnms,  fithnoloc.  Soc.,  ii.  84.        I  !*> 



before  they  were  sophisticated  by  conUct  with  the  Persians.  One  of  the 
main  divisions  of  the  Middle  Horde  and  a  tribe  of  the  Uzbegs  are  still 
called  Kipchak,  and  in  the  country  of  the  Middle  Horde  may  be  found  a 
town  Kapchak  and  a  lake  Kapchi.* 

THE  KANKALIS.— East  of  the  Yaik,  in  the  wide  steppe  lands  now 
occupied  by  the  Kirghiz  Kazaks  of  the  Little  Horde,  lived  the  Kankalis. 
Like  their  western  neighbours,  the  Kipchaks,  they  also  formed  one  of  the 
five  sections  into  which  the  subjects  of  Ughuz  Khan  were  divided.  In 
later  times  they  were  very  closely  connected  with  the  Kipchaks,  as  may  be 
collected  from  the  fact  that  one  of  the  four  main  divisions  of  the  Uzbegs 
is  called  Kankli-Kipchak.  But  at  an  earlier  date  their  histories 
ran  in  separate  channels.  They  are  called  Kangli  by  Rubruquis,  who 
tells  us  he  crossed  their  country  after  passing  the  Volga,  or  rather  the 
Yaik.  Carpini  calls  them  Kangites,  and  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus 
Kangar.  According  to  Raschid  and  Abulghazi  their  name  is  derived 
from  the  use  of  wheeled  carriages  or  arabas,  kanek  meaning  wheels.t 
The  Emperor  Constantine  identifies  them  with  the  Pechenegs,}  and  this 
is  confirmed  by  the  statement  of  Abulfeda,  who,  citing  Ebn  Said,  says 
that  eastward  of  Comania  were  the  mountains,  the  lake,  and  the  capital 
of  the  Begjnak,  who  were  Turks.§  Now  the  country  of  the  Pechenegs 
and  Kankalis  was  until  the  seventeenth  century  the  camping  ground  of 
the  Nogays,  who  seem  from  the  researches  of  Levchine  to  have 
extended  as  far  as  the  river  Sarisu,  which  divided  them  from  the  Kazaks. 
We  are  not  surprised  to  find,  therefore,  the  name  Kangli  surviving 
among  the  Nogays,  who  are  still  distinguished  as  their  ancestors  were  by 
the  use  of  wheeled  cars  or  arabas,  and  there  are  few  things  more  certain 
than  that  the  Kankalis  are  now  represented  by  the  Nogays.  Besides  the 
Nogays  there  are  no  doubt  many  Turkomans  also  descended  from  them. 
According  to  Abulghazi  the  Kankalis  at  the  accession  of  Jingis  occupied 
the  country  as  far  east  as  the  valleys  of  the  Chu  and  the  Taras.||  In  the 
time  of  Jingis  the  Kankalis  were  very  closely  connected  with  Khuarezm. 
The  Khuarezm  Shah  Takish,  the  father  of  Muhammed,  the  great  rival  of 
Jingis,  married  Turkan  Khatun,  the  daughter  of  Jinkeshi  Khan,  of  the 
tribe  Bayaut,  which,  according  to  Muhammed  of  Nessa,  was  a  branch  of 
the  Y6meks,  who  D'Ohsson  says  were  comprised  in  the  general  name  of 
Kankalis.^  He  was  apparently  a  person  of  very  great  consequence,  and 
probably  the  paramount  chief  among  them.**  In  the  wake  of  Turkan 
Khatun  many  Kankalis  embraced  Islamism  and  entered  the  service  of 
Muhammed.    Abulghazi  says  all  her  nearest  relatives  thus  went.    Among 

*  The  Comaos  and  the  Petchenegs,  op.  cit.  88.  t  Abulghaci,  Ed.  Desm.,  17. 

I  Essay  on  Com  ns  and  Petchenegs,  op.  cit.,  gi.  S  Davexac,  500.    Note. 

I  Op.  cit.,  Ed.  Desm.,  38.  ^  Op.  cit.,  \.  196,  197. 

**  In  the  Tabakat  i  Nasiri  he  is  called  in  one  place  Ikran  or  Akran  Khan  of  Kipchak,  and 

in  another  Kadr  Khaa  of  Kipcbak, «  confusion  of  namfs  »nd  of  titles  which  lafUces  one  discard 

its  Atttbority. 


these  there  are  named  her  eldest  brother  Khumar  Tekin,  who  was 
appointed  Darugha,  />.,  governor  of  Urgendj.  There  also  went  Inaljek, 
the  son  of  her  father's  younger  brother ;  he  became  a  Mussulman,  and 
was  appointed  governor  of  Turkestan,  and  Muhammed  ordered  that  he 
was  in  future  to  be  no  longer  styled  Inaljek  but  Ghair  Khan  (?  a  form  of 
Gur  Khan).  Another  chief  named  Kuk,  one  of  the  principal  men 
among  the  Kankalis,  also  joined  him  and  was  appointed  governor  of 
Bokharah,  with  the  title  of  Khan  ;  he  was  styled  Kuk  Khan.  Altogether, 
says  Abulghazi,  there  were  50,000  or  60,000  Kankalis  who  entered  the 
service  of  the  Khuarezm  Shah  ;  10,000  families  of  them  remained  on 
the  Chui  and  Telash  (?  Taras),  but  on  the  arrival  of  Jingis  Khan  those  who 
hved  on  the  Telash  were  dispersed,*  while  those  in  the  service  of  the 
Khuarezm  Shah  were  terribly  punished  in  the  ensuing  campaign.  As 
I  have  said,  their  descendants  still  constitute  the  main  portion  of  the 
Nogay  Hordes. 

THE  KARLUKS.—Like  the  Kankalis,  the  Karluks  were  dependents  of 
the  Gur  Khans  of  Kara  Khitai.  They  also  formed  a  section  of  the  subjects 
of  Oghur  Khan.  Their  name,  according  to  Raschid,  means  the  men  of 
the  snows  or  snow  lords.t  Abulghazi  says  they  inhabited  the  mountains 
of  Mongolia,  and  that  they  were  not  a  numerous  race,  and  adds  that  the 
number  of  their  famihes  did  not,  at  the  most  flourishing  period  of  their 
history,  exceed  2,000  families.  The  accounts  of  the  Karluks,  as  given 
by  Juveni  and  Raschid,  are  not  quite  consistent.  According  to  one 
account  Ahnaligh  was  their  chief  town,J  while  Juveni  makes  it  the  seat 
of  another  Turkish  prince.  I  have  small  doubt  that  Juveni  is  right,  and 
he  is  confirmed  by  Abulghazi.  According  to  his  account,  when  Jingis 
Khan  returned  from  his  campaign  against  Tangut  in  121 1,  Arslan  Khan 
of  the  Karluks,  who  was  also  Prince  of  Kayalik  or  Kabalik,  and  who 
had  broken  off  his  allegiance  to  the  Gur  Khan  of  Kara  Khitai,  submitted 
to  him,  and  he  gave  him  a  Mongol  princess  in  marriage.}  It  was 
ordered  also  that  Arslan  should  no  longer  be  styled  Arslan  Khan  but 
Arslan  Siriaki,  or  Arslan  the  Syrian,  that  is,  the  Muhammedan.||  He 
accompanied  Jingis  Khan  iii  his  campaign  against  the  Khuarezm 

ALMALIGH.— In  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  the  Turics  of 
Turkestan  were  dominated  over  by  a  Grand  Khan,  who  had  his  seat  of 
empire  at  Kashgar,  and  who  ruled  from  the  borders  of  China  to  those  of 
the  Jaxartes.  His  power  seems  to  have  decayed  and  to  have  been  much 
invaded  by  the  Kankalis  and  Karluks,  and  he  at  last  submitted  to  the 
Gur  Khan  of  Kara  Khitai,  whose  dependent  he  became.  When  Gushluk 
usurped  the  throne  of  Kara  Khitai  the  Khan  of  Almaligh  and  Fulad  was 

*  Abulghaxi,  Ed.  Destn.,  37,  38.  t  Erdmann's  Extracts,  x6. 

]  Erdmann't  Temnjhi,  246.  f  D'Ohsson,  i.  xix.  |  D*OhMon,  i.  2x8.    Note; 

Y  Id,,  2xt.    Abulghazi,  Ed.  Detin.,  xo8. 


called  Ozar.*  Erdmann,  who  confuses  this  dynasty  with  that  in  the  last 
paragraph,  calls  him  Kunas,  and  says  he  was  knowr  as  Merdi  Shudsha 
(«>.,  lion  heart  or  lion  man).  This  latter  statement  is  probably  well 
founded,  for  the  Khans  of  Almaligh  are  doubtless  to  be  identified  with 
the  Lion  Khans  of  Kashgar  mentioned  by  Visdelou.t  It  would  seem 
that  Ozar  Khan  of  Almaligh,  having  refused  to  acknowledge  Gushluk, 
the  latter  marched  against  him,  and  having  surpri  sec.  him  when  hunting 
put  him  to  death.  Ozar  had  acknowledged  thi  supremacy  of  J ingis 
Khan,  and  on  his  death  his  son  Siknak  Tikin  Wc  s  named  his  successor 
by  the  Mongol  Khan,  .vho  gave  him  a  daughter  oijuji's  in  marriage. 
He  also  accompanied  Jingis  in  his  Eastern  campaign.^ 

THE  NAIMANS.— That  the  Naimans  were  Turks,  as  both  Klaproth 
and  D'Ohsson  affirm,  I  have  shown  in  the  notes  at  the  end  of  this 
work.  According  to  Raschid  they  were  nomades.  Some  of  them 
were  settled  in  the  district  of  Sehets.  {?)  The  places  where  they  lived 
included  Egeh  Altai  (?  Yeke  Altai  or  Great  Altai) ;  Earakorum, 
where  Ogotai  fixed  his  residence  ;  the  mountains  Alwi  Sepras  (called 
Elui  Seras  by  D'Ohsson),  and  Gul  Irtish,  where  the  Kankalis  also 
lived  ;  the  Irtish  Muran,  a  branch  of  the  Irtish  (by  which  probably 
the  Black  Irtish  is  meant) ;  the  surrounding  mountains  and  districts  as 
far  as  the  country  of  the  Kirghises  on  one  side,  and  that  of  the  Uighurs 
on  the  other.§  That  is,  it  included  the  whole  of  Northern  Sungaria 
from  near  lake  Saissan  to  Karakorum.  It  is  important  to  remember  that 
Raschid  makes  Karakorum,  which  afterwards  became  the  capital  of 
Ogotai,  a  chief  camping  ground  of  the  Naimans.  The  reading  is  con- 
firmed by  Abulghazi,  who  says  that  they  had  their  chief  camping  ground 
in  the  district  called  Karakorum  in  Mongolia  ;||  and  in  a  very  independent 
authority,  namely,  a  map  of  the  north-western  frontiers  of  China  at  the 
Mongol  period,  contained  in  the  Hai  kue  thu  chi,  a  Chinese  work  on 
universal  historical  geography,  we  are  told  Holin  {t\e.,  the  Chinese 
name  for  Karakorum)  was  situated  between  the  Orkhon  and  the  Timur, 
and  it  is  added  that  the  Naimans  had  formerly  thtir  principal  camp  there.^ 
Abulghazi  says  he  knew  nothing  of  the  former  history  of  the  Naimans 
except  that  they  had  a  king  named  Karkish,  who  left  his  dominions  to  his 
son  Inat.**  At  a  later  date  they  were  ruled  over  by  landj  Belgeh  Buka 
Khan,  who  divided  his  kingdom  between  his  sons  Taibuka  and  Buyuruk 
Khan.  Taibuka  retained  possession  of  his  father's  residence,  />.,  Kara- 
korum, while  Buyuruk  went  to  live  at  Kizilbashi  {?  the  Kizilbash  lake), 
near  the  Altai .tt  At  the  end  of  his  description  of  the  Naimans,  Raschid 
mentions  a  people  whom  he  calls  Tigin,  whose  chief  was  called  Kader 

•  D'Ohsson,  i,  170. 

t  Supplement  to  D*Herbelot*s  Bib.  Orien.,305.       I  D'Ohsson,  i.  212.    Abulghazi,  Ed.  Desm.,  i»8. 

i  Erdmann's  Extracts  from  Raschid,  142.    Temujin,  239. 

I  Op.  cit.,  Ed.  Desm.,  47.  if  Pauthier's  Marco  Polo,  i.  xxxviii. 

••  Op.  dt.,  Ed.  Desm.,  47.  tt  Erdmann,  Temujin,  271,  and  Note  80. 


Buyuruk  Khan,  and  who  lived  in  close  alliance  with  the  Naimans.  In 
regard  to  these  names,  Tigin  seems  to  be  a  form  of  the  Turkish  title 
Tikin,  while  Kader  is  explained  by  Raschid  as  meaning  mighty  or  strong. 
It  is  clearly  the  Kadr  which  occurs  so  frequently  as  the  title  of  the 
Turkish  Khans  of  Turkestan.  It  is  a  Turkish  title,  and  Raschid 
expressly  says  it  was  a  name  not  used  by  the  Mongols,  who  pronounced 
it  Kadsher.*  He  also  mentions  another  tribe,  which  he  names  Tebgi. 
D'Ohsson  writes  the  name  Sikin  biki,  he  says  it  was  closely 
connected  with  the  Onguts  although  it  lived  with  the  Naimans.  The 
women  of  the  Naimans  and  of  this  latter  tribe  were  famed  for  their 
beauty .t  I  know  nothing  of  these  two  tribes  beyond  the  facts  mentioned 
by  Raschid. 

THE  UIGHURS.—The  Uighurs  were  undoubtedly  Turks.f  They 
were  known  to  the  Chinese  as  Hoei-hu.  In  the  second  half  of  the  eighth 
century  and  beginning  of  the  ninth  the  Uighurs  were  all-powerful  in 
Eastern  Asia,  and  had  their  capital  at  Karakorum.  Their  princes 
entered  into  matrimonial  alliances  with  the  Chinese  Emperor,  and  they 
seem  to  have  occupied  all  the  western  part  of  Mongolia,  from  Karakorum 
to  the  country  of  the  Ortus.  Like  the  power  of  most  Turkish  con- 
federacies, however,  theirs  was  not  very  long  lived.  Their  possessions  in 
the  south  were  overrun  and  occupied  by  the  Thibetans,  and  in  the  north 
they  were  much  harrassed  by  their  western  neighbours  the  Hakas,  a 
name  which  I  have  elsewhere  connected  with  Oghuz.§  The  latter  at 
length,  in  840,  marched  against  them  at  the  head  of  100,000  horsemen, 
defeated  and  captured  their  Khan  Khaisa,  whose  head  they  cut  off. 
After  this  defeat  a  large  number  of  the  Uighurs  dispersed,  many  of  them 
seeking  refuge  on  the  borders  of  Shensi,  where  they  nominated  Uhi  as 
their  Khan.  At  length  in  the  year  848  they  were  finally  dispersed,  many 
of  their  hordes  fled  to  the  countries  of  Sha  Chau  and  Kua  chau.ll  The 
Hakas,  who  supplanted  them  and  occupied  their  capital  Karakorum, 
were,  as  I  believe,  the  direct  ancestors  of  the  Naimans,  who  were 
encamped  there  at  the  accession  of  Jingis.  It  was  these  disasters  which 
led  to  the  Uighurs  migrating  and  settling  largely  in  an  old  Turk  land, 
namely,  on  the  eastern  spurs  of  the  Thian  Shan  mountains.  Their 
principal,  seat  was  Bishbalik  (the  five  towns),  which  Klaproth  has  shown 
to  be  identical  with  Urumtzi.  On  the  north  they  extended  as  far  as  the 
river  Achu,  on  the  south  they  had  the  Chinese  principality  of  Thsiau 
thsiuan  kiun  (the  present  country  of  Su  chau),  on  the  east  they  bordered 
upon  Gundun  Gachikia  (Visdelou  reads  it  Yuen  tun  Kia  cha),  and  on  the 
west  upon  the  Sifans  or  Thibetans.^!  Nestorian  Christianity  was  widely 
spread  among  them,  as  we  learn  from  many  Eastern  travellers.    And  it 

•  Erdmann'8  Extracts  from  Raschid.  147.    Note.  t  Id.  147,  D'Ohssor.  1.  56  Note 

;  See  Notes  at  the  end  of  this  Volume.  I  Geographical  Uagazine.  ii.  150. 

J  Klaproth,  Tableaux  Historiques,  128, 129.  T  D'Ohsson,  i.  440. 


was  from  the  Nestorians  they  doubtless  derived  their  alphabet,  which  is 
founded  on  the  S>Tiac.  They  taught  letters  to  the  Mongols,  and  were  in 
early  times  the  most  cultivated  race  of  Eastern  Asia.  Like  the  other 
Turks  of  the  Thian  Shan  range,  the  Uighurs  submitted  to  the  Gur 
Khans  of  Kara  Khitai.  Their  ruler  was  entitled  Idikut,  and  he  became 
their  tributary,  having  a  deputy  of  the  Gur  Khans  in  his  territory. 
When  the  star  of  Jingis  rose  the  Idikut  broke  off  his  allegiance  to 
the  Kara  Khitai  and  became  the  protege  of  Jingis,  who  gave  him  his 
daughter  in  marriage.  At  this  time  he  was  named  Baurchik,  and  the 
Uighurs  continued  to  be  ruled  by  his  family  until  the  Mongols  were 
driven  away  from  China.  The  eastern  neighbours  of  the  Uighurs  were 
the  Keraits. 

THE  KERAITS.— In  regard  to  the  Keraits  I  hold  very  heretical 
views.  They  have  been  almost,  if  not  quite,  universally  treated  as 
Mongols.  I  believe,  on  the  contrary,  that  they  were  Turks,  and  have 
given  my  reasons  at  some  length  in  the  notes  at  the  end  of  this  volume. 
The  history  of  the  Keraits  and  of  Prester  John,  their  celebrated  sovereign, 
is  given  in  detail  in  the  tenth  chapter,  where  the  question  as  to  their 
habitat  has  been  fully  discussed,  and  it  has  been  shown  to  correspond  to 
the  frontier  districts  of  the  Ordus  country  and  the  neighbourhood  Of 
Koko  Khotan. 

THE  MERKITS.— The  country  of  the  Merkits  or  Mecrits  is  well 
defined  by  more  than  one  author.  Thus  Marco  Polo  says,  when  you  leave 
Karakorum  and  the  Altai,  and  you  go  north  for  forty  days,  you  reach  the 
country  called  the  plain  of  Bargu.  The  people  there  are  called  Mescript* 
Raschid  tells  us  the  Merkits  were  called  Mekrits  by  one  sedtion  of  the 
Mongols.  He  says  they  were  also  known  by  the  common  name  of  Udut 
or  Uduyut.  In  another  place  he  says  one  of  their  tribes  was  called 
the  Udut  Merkits.  This  name  of  Udut  Klaproth  connects  with  great 
probability  with  the  river  Uda,  a  western  feeder  of  the  Selinga.t  In 
1 197  Jingis  Khan  marched  against  the  Merkits,  and  we  are  told  he 
encountered  and  defeated  the  Udut  Merkits  near  the  river  Mondja,  in 
the  canton  Karas  Muren,  beyond  the  Kerulon  and  Selinga.  Klaproth 
adds  that  this  river  still  bears  the  name  Mandzia.  It  springs  to  the 
north  of  the  sources  of  the  Onon  and  Kerulon,  in  the  angle  formed 
between  those  rivers  by  the  Bakha  Kentei  and  the  Ik6  Kentei.  It  crosses 
the  frontier  of  Siberia  at  the  post  Obur  khadain  ussu,  passes  near  the 
fort  of  Mandzinskoi,  called  Manzanskoi  in  Pozniakof's  map,  and  joins 
the  Chikoi  (one  of  the  main  feeders  of  the  Selinga)  opposite  the  village 
of  Manghir  Chuiska.t  The  following  year  Wang  Khan,  the  Kerait  chief, 
defeated  the  Merkits  at  a  place  called  Buker  kehreh,  when  their  chief 
Tukta  bigi  took  refuge  in  the  country  of  Barkuchin.§    Kehreh  no  doubt 

•  Yule's  Mlno  Polo,  2nd  Ed.,  i.  t  Nouv.  Journ.  Aritt.,  xl.  452, 

I  /rf..  453.  f  /<«.,  453. 


means  plains,  and  Buker  kehreh  is  doubtless  the  plains  of  Bargu 
of  Marco  Polo,  and  was  situated  near  the  outfall  of  the  Selinga. 
After  the  defeat  and  death  of  the  Naiman  chief  Tayang  Khan,  Jingis 
marched  against  the  Merkits,  and  we  are  told  that  the  chief  of  the 
Uhuz  or  Udut  Merkits  (Erdma^n  says  the  Uighur  Merkits)  subnutted 
voluntarily  to  him  at  the  river  Bar.  I  notice  a  town  called  Borskaya  on 
an  eastern  feeder  of  the  lower  Selinga.  This  tribe  having  afterwards 
revolted,  Jingis  attacked  it  in  a  place  named  Kurukchal,  "near  the 
SeUnga*"*  These  facts  mak;e  it  almost  certain  that  the  Merkits  Uved 
upon  the  lower  Selinga  and  its  feeders  and  in  the  country  south-west  of 
the  Baikal  Sea*  The  Merkits  have  generally  been  treated  as  Mongols. 
It  i^  not  improbable  that  as  they  were  a  frontier  race  they  may  have 
been  somewhat  mixed  with  Mongol  blood.  But  I  believe  this  to  have 
been  trifling,  and  that  they  were  almost  as  typically  Turks  as  the 
Uighurs.  The  proofs  of  this  I  must  remit  to  the  notes  at  the  end  of  the 
volume.  The  ruler  of  the  Merkits  in  the  time  of  Jingis  was  Tukta  Bigi, 
who  will  appear  frequently  in  the  following  pages.  He  had  six  sons, 
namely,  Tugim,  Tuseh,  Kudu,  Jilaun  (who  married  a  daughter  of  Wang 
Khan  of  the  Keraits),  Jiyuk,  and  Kultukan  Mergen,  All  sue  came  to  a 
violent  end.  Tugun  was  killed  by  Wang  Khan;  Tuseh,  Jilaun,  and 
Jiyuk  fell  in  battle  with  Jingis  Khan;  Kudu  was  put  to  death  when 
escaping,  while  Kultukan  was  a  great  archer  and  fled  to  Kipchak,  where 
he  was  captured  and  put  to  death  by  order  of  Juji.  Kulan  the 
daughter  of  Dair  Ussun,  chief  of  the  Merkits,  was  married  to  Jingis 
Khan,  and  she  was  the  mother  of  his  hfth  son  Kulkan.t 

THE  KIRGHISES  AND  KEMKEMJUKS.— The  Kirghises  and 
Kemkemjuks  were  two  closely  allied  Turkish  tribes,  who  lived  in  the 
time  of  Jingis  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Yenissei  and  on  the  Kemjik.  A 
place  at  the  embouchure  of  the  Kemjik  into  the  Yenissei,  is  still  known 
as  Kemkemjik  Boru.  Boru  is  merely  equivalent  to  stony  mountain  or 
fell.}  Raschid  tells  they  formed  two  neighbouring  nations,  their  country 
was  thickly  settled,  and  their  kings  were  called  Inal.§  The  Chinese 
authors  who  wrote  during  the  Mongol  supremacy  place  them  in  the 
same  district,  between  the  lyus,  the  Ob,  and  the  Yenissei.  ||  They 
remained  in  the  same  district  down  to  the  seventeenth  century,  when,  as 
reported  by  Strahlenberg  and  other  Swedish  exiles,  they  left  their  old 
country  and  migrated  towards  lake  Saissan  and  the  mountainous  country 
to  the  south.  Here  they  are  still  found,  and  are  known  as  Buruts,  Black 
Kirghises,  or  Rock  Kirghises.  They  are  in  fact  the  Kirghises  proper, 
those  frequently  so  called  being  in  reality  Kazaks  and  not  Kirghises. 

tribes,  Raschid  says,  were  also  called  the  wood-folk,  and  he  tells  that  they 

*  id,,  454«  t  ErdmMiii,  x86.  I  KUproth,  A8ia/»olyglott«,  231. 

I  D'OhMODi  L  Z03*   Note.  I  Kbproth,  op,  €it.»  233. 


lived  in  the  woods  in  the  country  of  the  Kirghises  and  Kemkemjuks.* 
They  were  closely  bound  up  with  the  Kirghises,  and  were  apparently 
three  sections  of  one  race,  as  Abulghazi  says,t  and  doubtless  also  their 
descendants  are  the  well-known  Telenguts,  or  white  Kalmuks  of  recent 
travellers,  who  are  found  scattered  in  the  high  country  of  Northern  Sun- 
garia.  They  are  otherwise  called  Teleuts,  and  their  original  seat  was 
apparently  the  Altan,  or  Golden  lake,  otherwise  called  Telezkoi.  Their 
physique  and  looks  are  very  like  those  of  the  Mongols,  but  their  speech 
is  Turkish.  Klaproth  suggests  that  they  have  changed  in  the  latter  re- 
spect, and  that  originally  they  were  Mongols. J  It  is  curious  that  Abul- 
ghazi classes  the  Telenguts  among  the  Uirads,  that  Ssanang  Setzen  speaks 
of  them  as  the  Telengud  Uirad,  while  they  are  known  to  the  Russians  as 
White  Kalmuks.  In  regard  to  the  Kcstimis,  I  may  add  that  several 
tribes  of  Siberian  Turks  are  still  ftyled  Kitshi,  as  Kitshi  Taidkge,  Kitshi 
Kurmachi,  Kitshi  Argun,  Kitshi  Pushku.§ 

KURLUTS  were  various  tribes  who  lived  on  the  cast  and  west  of 
the  Baikal  Sea,  about  the  feeders  of  the  Angara,  and  in  the  dis- 
trict known  as  Barguchin  Tugrum.  I  have  now  little  doubt  that  they 
were  Mongols,  and  were  the  ancestors  of  the  Western  Mongols  or  Kal- 
muks. I  have  entered  into  the  subject  fully  in  the  last  chapter  of  this 
volume  on  the  Buriats. 

THE  WILD  URIANKUTS.— The  name  Uriankut,  or  Uriangkhan, 
has  given  rise  to  some  difficulty.  One  of  the  six  great  divisions  of  the 
Mongols  in  the  time  of  Dayan  Khan  was  called  Uriangkhan.  The 
tribe  which  had  charge  of  the  burying-place  of  Jingis  was  called 
Uriankut.  The  Turks  on  the  Chulim  are  called  Uriangkhai,||  and  the 
same  name  is  applied  by  the  Chinese  to  the  Southern  Samoyedes,  who 
live  about  the  Kossgol  lake.  This  variety  of  application  is  explained 
when  we  find  that  the  name  merely  means  woodmen. If  Raschid  men- 
tions one  tribe  of  Uriangkuts  among  the  Darlegin  Mongols,  but  he 
also  names  a^second  tribe,  the  Wild  Uriangkuts.  He  describes  them 
as  dressing  themselves  in  deerskins  ;  as  keeping  neither  oxen  nor  sheep. 
He  speaks  of  their  living  in  birch  huts  ;  as  using  snow  shoes,  &c.,  and  it 
is  quite  clear  that  he  refers  to  the  Uriangkhai  of  the  Chinese  authors — 
that  is,  to  the  Samoyedes,  who  still  have  their  headquarters  close  to  the 
Mongol  country  and  about  lake  Kossagol.** 

BULGACHINS  AND  KERMUCHINS.— Raschid  merely  names 
these  tribes,  and  tells  us  they  were  neighbours  of  the  Kirghises.  They 
are  probably  to  be  identified  with  some  of  the  broken  tribes  of  Turks  or 
Samoyedes  who  live  on  the  northern  flanks  of  the  Sayanian  mountains. 

•  Erdmana's  Temujin,  191.  f  Ed.  Desm.,  47.  J  Asia  Polyglott«. 

f  Asia  Polyglots,  224.  S  Klaproth,  Asia  Polyglotta,  224.  f  Id, 

**  Petennaon's  Mittbeiluneen,  vol.  for  z86o,  p.  90. 


THE  JELAIRS. — We  now  approach  a  part  of  our  subject  which  is 
unusually  difficult.  I  have  stated  in  a  note  at  the  end  of  this  work  my 
reasons  for  making  the  Jelairs  a  Turkish  tribe  and  not  a  Mongol  one. 
They  were  divided  into  ten  sections,  namely,  the  Jait,  Tukraut  (Tak- 
raun  of  D'Ohsson),  Kengeksaut  (Kungkassaun  of  D*Ohsson),  Kumsaut, 
Uyat,  Selkan  (Bilkassan  of  D'Ohsson),  Kugir,  Tulangkit,  Buri,  and 
Shenegkut.  During  the  reign  of  Jingis  Khan  the  most  important  chief 
of  the  Jelairs  was  Mukuli  Kiwang,  of  the  section  Jait.  He  commanded  the 
left  wing  of  the  army  of  Jingis.  Kiwang  was  a  Chinese  title,  meaning 
great  chief,  it  was  given  to  him  when  the  Mongols  sought  refuge  at 
Karaun  Shidun.*  This  title  was  inherited  by  his  son  Bughul,  and  his 
descendants.t  Abulghazi  reports  of  the  Jelairs  that  they  were  an  ancient 
tribe,  and  ver>'  numerous,  and  that  on  one  occasion  when  they  were  at 
war  with  the  Khitai,  they  all  assembled  in  one  place,  and  their  tents 
formed  seventy  kurens  (/>.,  rings).  These  rings  have  been  aptly  com- 
pared to  the  rings  among  the  ancient  Avars.  The  Jelair  tribe  consisted 
of  many  uvruks,  which  were  formed  into  groups,  each  one  with  a  separate 
chief.     The  greater  part  of  the  Jelairs  wert  encamped  on  the  Onon.f 

SUWEIT  AND  KABTERUN.— These  tribes  are  called  Sunit  and 
Kairun  by  D'Ohsson.  If  the  reading  of  the  latter  be  the  right  one,  we 
may  have  their  descendants  in  the  well-known  tribe  of  the  Sunids,  which 
belongs  to  the  forty-nine  banners.  These  Sunids  are  probably  a  very 
old  tribe,  for  they  and  their  chief  Kiluken  Bahadur  are  named  by  Ssanang 
Setzcn  in  his  account  of  Jingis  Khan.  This  makes  the  identifica- 
tion probable.  But  as  the  Suweit  are  not  classed  with  either  the  Niruns 
and  Darlegins,  />.,  with  the  two  great  sections  of  the  Mongols  proper,  it 
is  probable  that  if  they  were  Mongols  they  had  a  distinct  history  and 
traditions,  like  the  Uirads,  &c.  The  Kabtcrun  are  named  by  Raschid  as 
a  section  of  the  Suweit.§ 

THE  TARTARS.— I  shall  remit  the  discussion  of  several  matters 
which  suggest  themselves  on  reading  the  name  Tartar  to  the  notes  at  the 
end  of  the  volume,  and  shall  here  content  myself  with  a  short  resume. 
The  Chinese  used  the  name  in  a  general  sense,  to  include  the  greater 
part  of  their  northern  neighbours,  and  it  was  in  imitation  of  them  pro- 
bably that  the  Europeans  applied  the  name  to  the  various  nomade  hordes 
who  controlled  Central  Asia  after  the  Mongol  invasion.  But  the  name 
properly  belonged,  and  is  applied  by  Raschid  and  other  Mongol  histo- 
rians, to  certain  tribes  living  in  the  north-eastern  comer  of  Mongolia, 
who,  as  I  believe,  were  partially,  at  least,  of  Tungusic  race,I|  and  whose 
descendants  are  probably  to  be  found  among  the  Solons  of  Northern 
Manchuria.     Raschid  tells  us  they  consisted  of  70,000  families,  who  lived 

*  Vide  infra.  f  Erdmann's  Temujin,  172-177.    D'Ohsson,  i.  424. 

I  Op.  cit.,  Ed.  Desm.,  6z.  §  Erdmann's  Temujin,  i77-i79.    D'Ohsson,  I.  424. 

Vide  note  at  the  end  of  Volume. 


on  the  borders  of  China,  and  had  their  principal  camp  at  Buyur  i\aur, 
that  is  the  well-known  lake  Buyur.  They  were  divided  into  six  tribes, 
namely,  the  Tutukeliuts,  AIj.  (called  Antsi  by  the  Chinese  and  Ssanang 
Setzen),  Jaghan,  Kuisin  (called  Kuyin  by  D'Ohsson),  Nezait  (the  Terat 
of  D'Ohsson),  and  Yerkui  (the  Berkui  of  D'Ohsson) ;  of  these  the  Tutu- 
keliuts were  the  most  important,  whence  a  male  Tartar  was  frequently 
called  Tutukehna,  and  a  female  Tuiukeljin.*  They  fought  a  good  deal 
with  one  another,  and  as  I  shall  show  presently,  had  a  long  struggle  with 
the  Mongols,  after  which  they  were  almost  exterminated.  Two  of  Jingis 
Khan's  wives,  namely,  Bisulun  and  Bisugat  were  Tartars  ;  they  were 
sisters.  A  favourite  general  of  his  whom  he  had  adopted  as  a  boy,  named 
Kutuku  Noyan,  and  who  will  appear  in  the  following  pages,  was  also  a 

THE  ONGUTS.— The    Onguts,  of   Raschid,  were    known  to    the 
Chinese  as  White  Tartars.     One  section  of  the  Tartars  above  described 
was  called  Jaghan  Tartar,  />.,  White  Tartars,  and  it  seems  pretty  certain 
that  the  Onguts  were  a  section  of  the  Tartars  proper.     We  are  told  that 
about  the  year  880  or  883,  Chu  ye  che  sin,  otherwise  called  Li  kue  chang 
(who  was  of  the  Turkish  race  of  the  Sha  to),  and  his  son,  Li  ke  yung, 
having  been  defeated  by  He  lien  tho  and  others,  left  China,  afraid  of  being 
punished,  and  retired  among  the  Tha  che,t  and  that  he  re-entered  China 
followed  by  the  Tha  che,  and  with  their  help  defeated  the  rebel  Hoam 
chao.    After  this  he  settled  with  the  Tha  che  between  Yun  chau  and  Tai 
chau  (two  towns  in  the  northern  part  of  Shansi).t     I  have  no  doubt  that 
these  Tartars,  who  occur  frequently  in  subsequent  history,  are  the  White 
Tartars  of  the  days  of  Jingis.    At  that  time  they  were  in  the  service  of 
the  Kin  Emperors,  by  whom  they  were  employed  to  garrison  a  portion  of 
the  Great  Wall,  whence  their  name  of  Onguts,  from  Ongu  a  wall.|  Their 
chief,  at  the  time  of  Jingis  (according  to  Raschid),  was  called  Alakush 
Tikin  Kuri.     Alakush  is  a  Turkish  proper  name,  which  means  a  pied 
bird  ;  Tikin  is  a  title  borne  by  chiefs  of  Turkish  tribes. ||     Gaubil,  who 
calls  him  Alausse,  says  he  belonged  to  the  ancient  race  of  Kings  of  the 
Thu  kiu,t  which  exactly  agrees  with  the  fact  named  above,  that  the 
leader  who  planted  the  colony  of  Onguts  in  Northern  Shan  si  was  of  the 
race  of  the  Sha  to  Turks,  which  accounts  further  for  his  close  connection 
with  the  chid"  of  the  Naimans.     I  believe  the  Onguts,  then,  to  have  been 
a  colony  of  Tartars  from  Manchuria,  governed  by  a  Turkish  dynasty. 

*  Erdmann,  Extracts  from  Raschid,  41, 42. 

t  This  is  an  alternative  form  of  the  name  Tartar.  J  Visdelou,  op.  cit.,  328. 

f  Raschid,  quoted  by  D'Ohsson,  1,  84.    Note.  D  Id.  %  Op.  cit.,  10. 


THE  name  Mongol  (according  to  Schmidt)  is  derived  from  the 
word  Mong,  meaning  brave,  daring,  bold,*  an  etymology  which 
is  acquiesced  in  by  Dr.  Schott.t  Ssanang  Setzcn  says  it  was 
first  given  to  the  race  in  the  time  of  Jingis  Khan,J  but  it  is  of  much  ©Ider 
date  than  his  time,  as  we  know  from  the  Chinese  accounts,  in  which  we 
must  be  careful,  however,  to  discriminate  between  it  and  a  very  similar 
name,  Moho,  by  which  the  Tungusian  tribes  of  Manchuria  were  known.§ 
The  earliest  mention  of  the  Mongols  eo  nomine  occurs  in  the  official 
history  of  the  Thang  dynasty  (618-907),  which  was  probably  written 
shortly  after  the  latter  date.  The  name,  as  there  g^ven,  is  Mongu,  and  it 
is  mentioned  under  the  heading  Shi  wei,  as  if  the  Mongu  formed  a  section 
of  the  Shi  wei  ; II  and  on  turniog  to  the  great  Chinese  Topographical 
Work,  Hoan  yu  ki,  written  in  the  years  976-984,*;  we  find  Mongu  made  a 
qualifying  adjective  to  Shi  wei ;  the  Mongu  and  their  neighbours,  the 
Lotan,  being  there  respectively  called  the  Mongu  Shi  wei  and  Lotan  Shi 
wei.**  The  Thang  dynasty  was  succeeded  in  Northern  China  by  the 
Khitan,  and  in  the  history  of  that  dynasty,  written  in  1 180  by  a  Southern 
Chinese  named  Ye  lung  li,  who  lived  at  Kia-hing-fu,  in  the  province  of 
Che  kiang,  we  have  a  short  description  of  the  tribes  to  the  north-west  of 
Manchuria,  and  among  these  he  mentions  the  tribe  of  the  Mongkuli. 
The  Khitans  were  in  turn  dispossessed  by  the  Kin,  or  Golden  Tartars, 
and  in  a  history  of  their  dynasty,  entitled  Ta-Kin-kuo-chi,  we  find  the 
Mongku  mentioned  with  considerable  details  as  to  their  intercourse 
with  These  various  facts  prove  that  the  name  Mongol  is  much 
older  than  the  time  of  Jingis  Khan,  and  was  not  a  name  first  given  to  his 
subjects  by  that  great  conqueror.  They  point  further,  as  the  statements 
of  Raschid  do,  to  the  Mongols  having  at  first  been  merely  one  tribe  of  a 
great  confederacy,  whose  name  was  probably  extended  to  the  whole  when 
the  prowess  of  the  Imperial  House  which  governed  it  gained  at  the  supre- 
macy.   We  learn  lastly  from  them  that  the  generic  name  by  which  the 

*  Ssanang  S«tzen,  38*.    See  also  Journ.  Asiat.,  3, 109. 

\  Aeltate  Nachrichtefl  von  Mongolen  und  Tataren,  5.    Note.  1  Op.  (St.,  71. 

S  Skholt,  op.  citi,  6,7.         I  Schott,  op.  cit.,  18,  I9' :       %  /^.>  lOt         ^  Id.,  sn        ft  Mi  i7> 


race  was  known  in  early  times  to  the  Chinese  was  Shi  wei,  the  Mongols 
having,  in  fact,  been  a  tribe  of  the  Shi  wei.     For  pointing  this  out  in  all 
its  clearness  we  are  indebted  to  Schott,  in  the  paper  already  cited. 
Klaproth,  in  his  Tableaux  Historiques,  makes  the  Shi  wei  a  Tungusic 
race,  but  in  this,  I  believe,  he  is  mistaken.     The  Shi  wei  were  known  to 
the  Chinese  from  the  seventh  century  ;  they  then  consisted  of  various  de- 
tached hordes,  subject  to  the  Thu  kiu,  or  Turks.     They  were  of  the  same 
origin  as  the  Khitans  ;  like  them  they  shaved  their  heads,  they  used  cattle 
to  draw  their  carts,    and    lived    in    huts    covered  with  mats.       Like 
the  Turks  they  used  felt  tents,  which  could  be  transported  on  carts. 
They  used  rafts  of  inflated  skins  upon  which  to  cross  rivers  ;  instead  of 
a  felt  they  put  a  quantity  of  grass  on  their  horses  backs,  which  served 
them  for  a  saddle,  and  they  used  cords  for  bridles.     They  slept  on  pigs' 
skins.    They  used  bits  of  wood  arranged  in  a  certain  order  as  a  cal- 
endar.    Their  country  was  very  cold.     They  had  no  sheep  and  few 
horses,  but  many  pigs  and  cattle.    They  prepared  a  kind  of  spirit,  with 
which  they  intoxicated  themselves.     The  family  of  the  bridegroom  paid 
the  family  of  the  bride  a  sum  of  money  on  her  marriage  ;  widows  were 
not  allowed  to  re-marry.      Mourning  was  worn  for  three  years  for  the 
richer  men.     Having  no  corn  in  their  country  they  got  what  they  needed 
from  Corea.      The  Southern  Shi  wei  were  divjded  into  twenty-five  hordes. 
Further  north    there    lived  the   Northern  Shi   wei,  who  consisted  of 
nine  tribes  ;  and  whose  chiefs  bore  the  title  of  Ki-in-mo-ho-tu.     This 
name  may  be  a  corruption  of  "  Khan  of  the  Mongols,"  and  I  am  disposed 
.  to  think  that  the  nine  tribes  of  the  Northern  Shi  wei  constituted  the 
Mongol  nation  proper  subject  to  the  dynasty  of  the  Bordshigs,  who  were 
divided  in  the  time  of  Jingis  into  nine  military  divisions,  each  one  led  by 
one  of  the  nine  Orloks,  whence  the  national  standard  of  the  race  con- 
sisted of   a  Tuk  with   tiine  white  Yak   tails.*       The  country  of  the 
latter  was  exceedingly  cold,   and  they  used   sledges  there.        In   the 
winter  the  inhabitants  retired  to  the  caverns.     They  lived  on  fish,  and 
made  their  clothes  from  fish  skins.      Sables  and  their  kin  were  abundant 
among  them.     They  wore  caps  made  of  the  skins  of  foxes  and  badgers. 
One  thousand  li  further  north  than  the  Northern  Shi  wei  lived  the  Po  Shi 
wei,  near  the  mountain  I  hu  pu.     They  were  very  numerous.     Four  days' 
journey  further   west    lived   the   Shi  wei    of   the  river   Shin    mo  tan. 
Several  thousand  \\  to  the  north-west  lived  the  Great  Shi  wei,  in  a  very 
mountainous  country.     Their  language  differed  entirely  from  that  of  the 
other  Shi  wei.t     Klaproth  adds  that  in  the  ninth  century,  during  the  reign 
of  the  Thang  dynasty,  the  nine  hordes  of  the  Northern  Shi  wei  were 
called    Shi    wei    west    of   the    mountains   (Kliinggan),    Northern    Shi 
wei,  Yellow-he%ded    Shi   wei,   the    great    Ya    chi    Shi  wei,   the    little 

*  Schmidt's  notes  to  Ssunang  Setzen,  op.  cit.,  379*  t  Tableaux,  &c.,  91, 99. 


Yu  chi  Shi  wei,  Shi  wei  of  Nu  pho  wo,  Shi  wei  of  Ta  mu, 
and  the  Camel  Shi  wei.  These  extracts  seem  to  show  that  the  Chinese, 
whose  ethnography  was  sometimes  very  faulty,  used  the  name  Shi  wei 
as  they  sometimes  used  the  name  Tartar,  as  a  generic  name  for  the 
tribes  of  Dauria  and  its  neighbourhood,  both  Mongols  and  Manchus. 
As  I  have  said,  the  earliest  mention  of  the  name  Mongol  is  in  the 
Thang  shu,  or  official  history  of  the  Thang  dynasty.  In  describing  the 
Shi  wei,  it  is  there  stated  that  the  nearest  tribes  of  this  race  lived 
3,000,  and  the  most  distant  6,000  or  more  li  to  the  north-east  of 
Lieu  ching,  an  old  fortified  town  on  the  site  of  the  modern  Chao  ien 
hien,  in  the  country  of  the  Eastern  Tumeds.*  The  most  westerly  of  the 
race  was  the  tribe  U  su  ku,  which  lived  to  the  south-west  of  the  Kiu  lun 
lake,  and  bordered  on  the  Uighurs  (who  had  their  capital  at  Karakorum). 

**  To  the  east  of  the  Kiu  lun. lake  were  the  I  sai  mu,  and  further  east 
still,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Chuo,  also  called  the  Yen  chi,  lived 
the  Sai-hu-chi,  a  very  powerful  race."  "To  the  east  of  these  lived 
the  Hokiai,  the  Ulohu  and  the  Noli."  Directly  north  of  the 
tribe  Ling-si  (Ling-si  means  merely  "  West  of  the  Mountain  pass  "),t 
lived  the  No-pe-chi.  An^  north  of  them,  beyond  a  great  mountain, 
were  the  Ta  Shi  wei,  or  Great  Shi  wei,  who  lived  on  the  banks  of 
the  river  Shi  ki  en.  This  river  flowed  from  the  Kiu  lun  lake,  and 
flowed  eastwards."  The  Chinese,  whose  topography  of  these  parts  is  not 
very  profound,  confound  the  Shilka,  or  Onon,  and  the  Argun,  and  make 
them  both  spring  from  the  Kiu  lun  lake.  I  believe  the  Shi  ki  en  of  the 
above  account  to  be,  in  fact,  the  Shilka,  and  the  Ta  Shi  wei,  theTaidshigods 
or  Taidshuts.  South  of  the  Shi  ki  en  (/>.,  of  the  Onon)  lived  the  tribe 
Mongu,  and  north  of  it  the  tribe  Lotan.  This  is  not  a  bad  approxima- 
tion to  the  home  land  of  the  Mongols,  which  we  know  was  on  the  Onon. 
Who  the  Lotan  were  I  don't  know. 

The  next  work  which  mentions  the  Mongols  is  the  Topographical 
Survey,  called  the  Hoan  yu  ki,  which  was  written  in  the  interval  976-984.? 
In  this  account  the  Sai  hu  chi  are  placed  to  the  south  instead  of  the  north 
of  the  river  Chuo.  The  tribe  Ulohu,  which  is  also  called  Ulo,  and 
Ulo  hoen,  is  placed  to  the  east  of  the  Hokiai,  as  before,  and  we  are 
further  told  that  it  lived  north  of  the  mountain  Mo  kai  tu  (/>.,  the 
Snake  Mountain).?  This  account  adds  that  the  Ulohu  paid  tribute  from 
the  fourth  year  of  Tai  ping,  of  the  dynasty  Yuan  Wei  (/>.,  443  a.d.)  to 
the  ninth  year  of  Tien  pao,  of  the  dynasty  Thang,  720  a.d.|| 

Two  hundred  li  north-east  of  the  Ulo,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  No  (/>., 
the  Nonni),  lived  the  remnants  of  the  Uhuan,  who  had  been  dispersed  by 
the  Hiong  nu.  They  paid  tribute  under  the  first  two  Emperors  of  the 
Thang  dynasty.  "  North  of  them  and  on  the  north  side  of  a  great  mountain 

*  Schott,  op.  cit.,  19.    Note.  t  Schott,  19.    Note.  J  Schott,  op.  cit.,  to, 

i  Id.,  30.    Note  a.         ||  Not  750  as  Schott  says.    See  Wolff,  19.    Note  2i, 


lived  a  tribe  called  Ta  che  Shi  wei,  on  the  banks  ot  a  river  flowing  out  ol 
the  lake  Kiu  lun  into  the  north-east  of  the  land  of  the  Thu  kiu.  This 
river,  in  its  eastern  course,  watered  the  country  of  the  Si  and  the  Ta  Shi 
wei  (/>.,  of  the  Western  and  Great  Shi  wei).  Then  it  divided  the  country 
of  the  Mongu  Shi  wei,  who  lived  south  of  it,  from  that  of  the  Lotan  Shi 
wei,  who  lived  to  the  north.  Further  east  it  took  in  the  rivers  No  and 
Huhan,  and  separating  the  Northern  and  Southern  Hechui,  at  length  fell 
into  the  sea."  By  this  river,  whose  description  is  so  baffling,  is  doubtless 
meant  the  Amur,  and  its  upper  streams  the  Onon  and  Shilka.  By  Ta  che 
Shi  wei  was  meant,  according  to  Schott,  the  Shi  wei  with  great  wagons.* 
It  therefore  answers  somewhat  to  the  He  che  tse  of  Visdilou,  who  lived 
in  this  neighbourhood,  and  whose  name  in  Chinese  meant  Black 
Chariots. t  Now  Ta  che  is  merely  another  form  of  Tata,  or  Tartar.  So 
that  it  may  be  that  we  have  in  these  Ta  che  Shi  wei  the  Tartars  who 
lived  near  Lake  Buyur  and  its  tributaries.  They  are  perhaps  the  same 
people  as  the  No  pe  chi  of  the  Thang  annals.  It  would  seem  from  the 
confused  account  of  the  river,  as  above  given,  that  the  Chinese  believed 
that  the  Argun  was  merely  the  head  stream  of  the  Onon  and  Shilka. 

The  next  mention  of  the  Mongols  is  in  the  history  of  the  Liau  dynasty, 
already  cited.  Having  spoken  of  the  Moho,  this  work  goes  on  to 
describe  the  Thie  li  hi  shi  kien,  a  name  which  Schott  splits  in  two.  Thie 
li  is  a  race  name  that  occurs  frequently,}  and  is  applied  to  Turkish  as 
well  as  to  Manchu  tribes.  Schott  identifies  the  Hi  shi  kien  with  the 
obscure  Mongol  tribe  Kishikten,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is  another 
form  of  the  name  He  che  tse,  mentioned  by  Visdelou,  and  that  it 
represents  the  Tartars.  We  arc  told  they  lived  4,000  li  north-north- 
east of  Shang  king,  and  that  they  paid  no  tribute,  but  only  traded 
with  the  Chinese.  Directly  north  of,  and  also  about  4,000  li  distant  from 
Shang  king  (Shang  king  was  probably  situated  near  Boro  Khotan,  in  the 
district  of  Barin)§  lived  the  people  called  Mong  ku  li,  who  lived  entirely 
by  hunting  and  cattle  breeding,  without  any  fixed  pastures.  They  noma- 
dized every  year  in  search  of  water  and  grass.  Their  food  consisted  of 
flesh  and  sour  milk  {i.e.,  kumis).  They  never  did  the  Khitans  any  harm, 
and  bartered  with  them  the  hides  of  their  cattle,  sheep,  camels,  and 
horses.  Here  we  find  the  Mongols  emerging  from  the  obscurity  of  a  sub- 
ordinate tribe,  and  becoming  much  more  important. 

In  this  account  their  name  no  doubt  connotes  much  more  than  it  did 
before,  and  several  of  the  other  tribes  are  included  under  it.  We  are  next 
told  that  further  west  than  the  Mong  ku  li,  and  5,000  li  from  Shang  king, 
lived  the  people  Yukiu  (no  doubt  the  Usuku  of  the  Thang  official  history), 
who  resembled  the  Mong  ku  li  in  everything.  In  the  thirty-second  year  of 
the  Emperor  Shing  tsong  (1014)  the  Yukiu  made  a  raid  upon  China,  but 

*  op.  cit.,  21.     Note.  t  Blbl  Orien.,  155. 

{  Schott,  op.  cit.,  14.    Note.  S  Schott,  19.    Not*. 


were  so  beaten  by  the  Imperial  army  that  they  had  since  only  come  to 
the  Imperial  court  to  trade.  They  de^rlt  in  the  same  articles  as  the 
Mong  ku  li.  Further  to  the  north-west  (?  south-west)  one  came  to  the 
peofde  Pi-ku-li.  Next  to  whom  were  the  Ta  ta  (?  the  Onguts  or  White 
Tartars),  then  some  Turkish  tribes,  and  lastly  Tangut.  In  the  official 
history  of  the  Kin  dynasty  the  Mongols  are  called  Mongu,  and  are 
described  as  living  to  the  north-east  of  the  Jurji.  Dr.  Schott  says  this  is 
clearly  a  lapsus  penicilli  for  north-west.  Such  is  the  account  we 
can  gather  from  Chinese  writers  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Mongol  race, 
and  it  justifies  us  in  tracing  it  up  to  the  Shi  wei. 

I  do  not  propose  in  this  work  to  examine  into  the  very  crooked  question 
of  the  affinities  of  the  earlier  tribes  of  Nomades,  the  Huns,  and  others, 
nor  to  encumber  my  already  difficult  subject  with  such  perplexing 
questions  ;  but'  I  may  say  that  on  tracing  the  Mongols  to  the  Shi  wei,  we 
connect  them  to  some  extent  with  the  Khitans,  who,  according  to  Ma- 
tuanlin,  the  Chinese  Encyclopaedist,  were  descended  from  the  Shi  wei, 
and  if  this  be  well  grounded  we  connect  them  further  with  the  Sian  pi 
and  Uhuan,  who  were  of  the  same  stock  as  the  Khitans,  and  also  with  the 
Yuan- Yuan.  This  last  name  is  singularly  hke  the  name  adopted  by  the 
Mongols  for  their  dynasty  in  China,  namely,  Yuen,  and  as  their  country 
was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Uirads,  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the 
Yuan- Yuan  were  the  ancestors  of  the  Uirads  ;  but  I  must  postpone  these 
difficult  questions  for  another  work. 

It  is  enough  to  say  that  between  the  sixth  and  the  twelfth  century  the 
Mongols  proper  played  a  very  limited  role  in  the  world's  history.  They 
were  during  that  period  confined  to  the  northern  part  of  Mongolia,  that 
part  still  held  by  the  Khalkas,  and  also  to  the  country  south-west  of  the 
Baikal  Sea.  After  the  fall  of  the  Yuan- Yuan,  the  Turks,  by  whom  they 
were  overthrown,  acquired  the  supreme  contrel  of  Eastern  Asia.  They 
had,  under  the  name  of  Hiong  nu,  been  njasters  of  the  Mongolian  desert 
and  its  border  land  from  a  very  early  period,  and  under  their  new  narrie 
of  Turks  they  merely  re-conquered  a  position  from  which  they  had  been 
driven  some  centuries  before.  Everywhere  in  Mongol  history  we  find 
evidence  of  their  presence,  the  titles  Khakan,  Khan,  Bigui  or  Beg, 
Terkhan,  &c.,  are  common  to  both  races,  while  the  same  names  occur 
among  Mongol  and  Turkish  chiefs  ;  but  the  most  convincing  proof,  and 
at  the  same  time  the  most  embarrassing  result  of  their  presence  to  the 
student  is  the  confusion  induced  in  the  names  of  tribes,  so  that  in  regard 
to  many  of  them,  such  as  the  Kunkurats,  Durbans,  &c.,  it  is  very  difficult 
to  know  whether  they  were  Turks  or  Mongols,  these  names  having  been 
borne  apparently  in  later  times  by  tribes  and  confederacies  both  of 
Turks  and  of  Mongols.  This  fact  of  the  former  predominance  of  Turkish 
influence  in  further  Asia  supports  the  traditions  collected  by  Raschid, 
Abulghazi,  &c.,  to  which  I  shall  presently  refer,  which  trace  the  race  of 


Mongol  Khans  up  to  the  old  royal  race  of  the  Turks.  It  has  a  most 
important  witness  in  a  notice'  I  have  only  recently  met  with.  Dr. 
Bretschneider,  at  the  end  of  his  very  valuable  translation  of  the  notices 
of  Chinese  travellers  to  the  West  in  Mongol  times,  gives  a  letter 
which  was  sent  by  Jingis  Khan  to  Chang  chau.  In  this  he  refers  to  the 
Shan  yu,  or  ruler  of  the  Hiong  nu,  as  "  our  Shan  yu."  The  translator 
adds,  this  proves  that  he  considered  the  ancient  Hiong  nu  the  ancestors 
of  the  Mongols.*  It  rather  suggests  to  my  mind  that  the  royal  stock  to 
which  he  belonged  was  descended  from  that  of  the  ancient  Turkish 
Hiong  nu. 

Having  considered  the  origin  of  the  race,  I  will  now  turn  to  that  of  the 
royal  family  and  examine  the  various  traditions  about  it. 

Ssanang  Setzen  makes  the  Mongol  royal  stock  spring  from  that  of 
Thibet,  and  through  it  from  Hindostan.  He  tells  us  that  Dalai  Subin 
Aru  Altan  Shireghetu,  the  king  of  Thibet,  was  killed  by  treachery 
by  his  minister  Longnam,  who  thereupon  usurped  the  throne.  The 
murdered  Khan's  three  sons  fled  ;  the  eldest,  Shiwaghochi,  to  the 
land  of  Ngangbo,  the  middle  one,  Borachi,  to  the  land  of  Bubo,  and 
the  youngest,  Burtechino,  to  that  of  Gongbo.  Burtechino  did  not  stay 
with  the  people  of  Gongbo,  but  having  taken  the  maiden  Goa  Maral  to 
be  his  wife,  and  having  settled  for  a  while  on  the  borders  of  the  Tenggis, 
he  set  out  once  more  and  at  length  reached  the  shores  of  the  Baikal 
Sea,  near  the  mountain  Burkhan  Khalduna,  where  he  met  the  people 
Bede.  When  they  had  interrogated  him  on  the  motives  for  his  journey 
and  discovered  that  he  was  sprung  from  the  great  Indian  chief  Olana 
crgukdeksen  Khan  and  from  the  Thibetan  Tul  Esen,  they  said  one  to 
another,  "  This  young  man  is  of  high  lineage  and  we  have  no  overchief, 
we  will  obey  him."  Upon  which  they  ranged  themselves  as  his  subjects.t 
In  this  account  we  have  a  confusion  of  two  legends,  neither  of  which 
belongs  properly  to  the  Mongols.  The  story  of  the  usurpation  of 
Longnam  we  know  from  Thibetan  sources.  The  Thibetan  account  was 
translated  into  Kalmuk,  and  is  contained  in  a  work  entitled  Nom 
gharkhoi  todorkhoi  Tolli,  whence  Klaproth  and  Schmidt  have  abstracted 
it.{  In  the  original  Thibetan  the  three  brothers  are  called  Ja  thi, 
Nia  thi,  and  Sha  za  thi.  Thi,  which  is  written  Khri,  means  throne,  and 
is  the  surname  of  all  the  old  Thibetan  kings  ;  J  a  means  bird  or  fowl, 
Nia  means  fish,  and  Sha  za  means  the  flesh  eater.  The  former  two  are 
similar  in  meaning  to  the  names  of  the  two  eldest  sons  of  the  dispossessed 
Khan  in  Ssanang  Sctzen's  stor>-,  namely,  Shiwaghochi  and  Borachi, 
which  respectively  mean  the  fowler  and  the  fisherman,  while  the  third 
brother,  the  flesh  eater,  has  been  converted  into  Burtechino,  which,  as 
I  shall  show  presently,  means  the  greyish  blue  or  winter-coated  wolf. 

*  Op.  cit.,  121.  t  Ssanang  Setzen,  25  and  57. 

I  Klaproth,  Tableaux  Historiquea  de  TAiie,  157, 158.    Schmidt,  Forschungen,  &c.,  15,  &c. 


a  very  typical  flesh  eater.  The  Thibetan  version  takes  Sha  za  as  far  as 
Gongbo  (/>.,  the  Thibetan  province  situated  north  of  the  upper  Brahma 
putra),  and  leaves  him  there,  and  there  is  no  mention  of  his  journey  to 
the  Baikal,  nor  of  the  Bede  people.  We  may  safely  conclude  with 
Klaproth,  Wolff,  and  others  that  the  identifying  of  Burtechino  with  Sha 
za  was  the  work  of  the  Lamas,  who,  when  the  Mongols  adopted  their 
religion,  desired  to  flatter  them  by  tracing  their  reigning  house,  to  that  of 
Thibet,  and  through  it  up  to  Sakiamuni  himself.  The  name  of 
Burtechino  and  the  other  incidents  of  the  legend  have  been  borrowed 
from  other  than  Thibetan  sources,  and  are  common  to  Ssanang  Setzen 
and  the  Chinese  historians,  to  Raschid  and  Abulghazi,  to  the  Western  as 
well  as  the  Eastern  historians  of  the  Mongols.  The  legend  as  it 
existed  before  the  additions  of  the  Lamas  may  be  found  in  the  Chinese 
accounts.  One  of  these  authors  says, "That  the  ancestor  of  the  Mongol 
royal  house  was  a  wolf  of  a  skyeblue  colour,  named  Burtechino,"  adding, 
"  a  name  which  means  a  wolf  of  the  light  colour  which  their  fur  wears  in 
winter.  This  wolf  married  a  white  and  savage  bitch,  that  is  to  say,  Goa 
Maral,  for  maral  is  a  bitch,  and  goa  in  Mongol  means  lady.  This  first 
progenitor  of  the  race  led  a  wandering  life,  and  having  crossed  the  lake 
called  Tenghiz,  at  length  arrived  at  the  mountain  Burkhan  at  the  sources 
of  the  river  Onon."*  As  has  been  remarked  by  Klaproth  and  others,  the 
legend  in  regard  to  this  wolfish  origin  of  the  race  is  found  in  the  Chinese 
annals  at  a  much  earlier  period  related  of  the  origines  of  the  Thu  kiu  or 
earliest  Turks.  This  legend  says  that  "  The  ancestors  of  the  Thu  kiu 
lived  near  the  Si  hai  lake  (probably  the  Issikul  lake  is  meant).  Their 
reigning  house  was  destroyed  by  a  neighbouring  people,  and  all  were 
massacred  except  a  child  ten  years  old,  whose  hands  and  feet,  however, 
were  cut  off.  This  child  was  nourished  by  a  wolf.  The  enemy 
having  again  threatened  his  life,  a  good  genius  transported  him  with 
the  wolf  to  the  east  of  the  lake,  whence  they  went  to  a  mountainous 
country  to  the  north-west  of  the  country  of  Kao  chang  (or  of  the 
Uighurs),  where  they  found  a  cavern  bordering  on  a  fertile  plain 
which  was  only  200  li  long.  The  female  wolf  there  bore  ten 
male  young  ones,  who  captured  wives  for  themselves  and  gave  their 
names  to  their  families.  As  Asena  was  the  bravest  he  became 
their  chief,  his  descendants  reigned  over  the  people  who  lived  there. 
They  bore  wolf's  heads  oh  their  standards  in  memory  of  their  origin. 
According  to  other  accounts  the  name  of  their  royal  family  was  Sena,  i.e,^ 
wolf.t  This  account  and  that  in  Ssanang  Setzen  in  regard  to  the  origin 
of  the  Mongols  are  assuredly  identical.  The  wolf  appears  prominently 
in  both.  In  both  we  have  a  great  lake.  In  both  the  hero  proceeds 
eastwards  after  leaving  it.}    In  both  he  arrives  in  a  mountainous  country, 

Klaproth,  Tableaux  Historiques  de  I'Asie,  139.  t  Journal  Asiatique,  ist  Series,  ii.  209. 

'  t  Schmidt  has  wrongly  translated  north,  as  has  been  shown  by  Abel  Remusat,  Nouv.  Joum. 
Aaiat.,  ix.  136. 


and  he  becomes  the  chief  of  the  folk  who  lived  there.  There 
is  another  fact  in  the  two  stories  which  has  not  been  hitherto 
noticed^  so  far  as  I  know,  and  which  might  have  saved  a  good  deal  of 
hard  writing  by  those  two  somewhat  vitriolic  persons,  Klaproth  and 
Schmidt,  anent  the  term  Bede  or  Bida.  Ssanang  Setzen  tells  us 
Burtechino  became  the  chief  of  the  Beda  people,  who  lived  in  the 
Burkhan  Khaldun  mountains.  The  Chinese  narrative  tells  us  he  went 
to  the  north-west  (?  a  lapsus  penicilli  for  north-east)  qf  the  country  of  the 
Kao  chang  or  Uighurs.  Now,  I  have  shown  in  the  notes  at  the  end  of 
this  book  that  the  Uighurs  were  called  ^ede  in  early  times  by  their 
Thibetan  and  other  neighbours,  that  the  Uighurs  were  a  section  of  the 
Turkish  race,  and  that  until  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century  they  lived 
in  the  north-west  of  Mongolia,  close  to  the  Burkhan  Khaldun  mountains, 
with  their  capital  at.  Karakorum.  Abulghazi  further  tells  us  that  when 
Burtechino  went  northwards  he  went  from  the  country  of  Irgene  kun,  a 
valley  surrounded  with  sharp  crags.  This  I  take  to  be  the  retired  valley 
of  the  Issikul,  called  Timurtu  gol,  or  the  iron  lake,  by  the  Mongols,  the 
seat  of  the  earliest  Turkish  traditions.  The  name  Irgene  kun  is  probably 
identical  with  the  Organum,  mentioned  by  Rubruquis.  This  series  of 
facts  make  it  very  clear  that  just  as  the  Mongols  borrowed  their  Thibetan 
genealogy  from  their  Lama  teachers,  so  they  derived  from  the  Uighurs, 
who  first  taught  them  letters  in  the  thirteenth  century,  the  story  of  the 
descent  of  their  Imperial  family  from  the  old  Turkish  Khans.  Notwith- 
standing this,  it  is  more  than  probable,  as  I  have  said,  that  there  was 
a  considerable  amount  of  truth  in  the  latter  legend. 

Raschid,  who  had  access  to  the  Golden  Register  of  the  Mongols,  and 
whose  critical  powers  were  very  considerable,  connects  them  with  the  old 
Turkish  royal  stock.  Like  a  good  Mussulman,  he  begins  with  the 
patriarchs  who  are  such  prominent  figures  both  in  the  Old  Testament 
and  the  Koran. 

The  following  table  shows  the  earlier  descents  according  to  these 
curious  genealogists  : — 


Turk.       Khazar.       Saklab.       Rus.        Ming.       Chin.       Kimari.        Tankh. 

Tutuk.        HakaU       Barsadjar.       Emlak. 

Utche  Khan. 

Dib  Bakoi  Khan: 

Kuynk  Khan. 

Alinje  Khan. 

Tatar  Khan.     Mogol  Khaq, 


Mogol  Khan. 

Oghux  Khan. 

Uz  Khan.  Kuz  Khan.  Kur  Khan. 

Kun  khan.      Ai  Khan.     Yolduz  Khan.      Kuk  Khan.     Tagh  Khan.     Tinguix  Khaa. 

Yolduz  Khan. 

Mingli  Khan. 

Tinguix  Khan. 

I ■ 


Kian.  Nolou. 

In  this  genealogy  we  have  a  curious  medley,  in  which  Turks  and 
Mongols  are  confounded.  The  table  is  in  fact  the  legendary  table  of  the 
ancestry  of  the  Turkish  tribes,  and  Kara  Khan,  Oghuz  Khan,  and  II 
Khan  are  famous  names  in  Turkish  history.  The  country  where  we  are 
told  these  princes  hved  was  lake  Issikul,  the  Karakum  desert,  and  the 
borders  of  the  Jaxartes,  that  is,  the  old  Turk  land ;  and  there  can  be 
small  doubt  that  when  the  Mongols  became  famous,  and  the  Turkish  and 
Persian  historians  were  at  a  loss,  as  the  Lamas  were  at  a  later  date,  to 
find  a  suitably  dignified  ancestry  for  their  princes,  they  boldly  tacked 
them  on  to  the  line  of  old  Turkish  sovereigns. 

We  are  told  that  the  families  descended  from  Tatar  and  Mogol  Khan 
were  at  constant  feud  with  one  another,  and  at  length  the  latter  were 
nearly  extirpated.  The  only  remaining  members  of  it  being  the  Kian 
and  Nokuz  above  mentioned,  who  with  their  people  took  refuge  in  the 
famous  valley  of  Irgene  kun.  Here  their  descendants  remained  for 
400  years.  We  are  not  told  who  the  princes  were  who  reigned  during 
this  interval  and  after  its  close  the  story  really  commences  again,  and 
the  statement  clearly  hides  one  of  the  joints  in  the  patchwork,  and 
is  of  value  only  as  showing  how  the  incongruous  materials  of  the 
genealogy  have  been  pieced  together.  At  length,  after  400  years,  the 
Mongols  are  said  to  have  broken  the  yoke  of  the  Tartars,  and  to  have 
issued  from  the  defiles  of  Irgene  kun.  Abulghazi  says  that  their  king 
at  the  time  when  they  left  was  Burtechino,  descended  from  Kian,  and  of 
the  tribe  of  the  Kurulas.*  This  Burtechino  and  the  Burtechino  of 
Ssanang  Setzen  are  clearly  the  same  person,  proving  further  that  we  here 
have  a  fresh  beginning  of  the  story.  The  Kurulas  were  a  section  of  the 
Turkish  tribe  of  the  Kunkurats,  thus  the  connection  with  the  Turks  is 
still  kept  up  in  the  legend. 

According  to  the  Chinese  accounts  Burtechino  had  a  son  Bedetse.t 
Ssanang  Setzen,  who  has  merely  interpolated  certain  names  in  the  older 
lists,  gives  Bedetse  a  brother  Bedes,  making  the  former  the  ancestor  of 

*  AWgiiMii  Bdt  Dtsiniuioa'ff  ai«  t  jovnu  Aii«t»i  ih  708 ;  iii.  lU)  iig. 


the  Taidshuts  and  the  latter  of  the  Mongols,  contrary  to  the  much  better 
authority  of  Raschid. 

The  following  table  shows  the  succession  according  to  Ssanang  Setzen 
and  the  Persian  Raschid.* 

Burtechino.  Burtechino. 

Bedetse.  Bichin  Kian. 

Tamatsak.  Timaj.f 

Khoritsar  Mergen.  Kichi  Merguen. 

Aghojim  Bughurul.  Kudjuin  Bughnil. 

Sali  Khaldshigo.1 

Nige  Nidan  {i.e.,  one-eyed).  Yeke  Nidun  (t.«.,  Iarge-eyed).i 

Samsuji.  Sam  Sauji. 

KhaU  KharUhu.  Khali  Khaju. 

So  far  the  two  lists  are  practically  identical  and  clearly  derived  from 
the  same  source,  but  at  this  point  they  diverge. 

Ssanang  Setzen  makes  Khali  be  succeeded  by  Bordshigetei  Mergen, 
who  seems  to  be  merely  an  eponymos  created  to  explain  the  family  name 
Bordshig.  His  wife  Mergen  Mongholdshin  Goa  seems  to  be  an  equivalent 
of  the  Mongol  name.  Their  son  he  calls  Torghaldshin  Bayan,  who  by 
his  wife  Borokchin  Goa  had  two  sons,  named  Doa  Sokhor  and  Dobo 
Mergen.  The  former  is  given  four  sons,  namely,  Donoi,  Dokshin, 
Emnek,  and  Erke,  who  are  made  the  ancestors  of  the  four  Uirad  tribes. 
All  this  except  the  mention  of  Dobo  Mergen  is  an  interpolation,  and  one 
which  has  been  very  ingeniously  explained.  Dobo  or  Dubun,  as  he  is 
called  by  Raschid,  has  been  identified  with  Topo  Khan,  the  great  chiet 
of  the  Turks,  who  died  in  581.  He  had  a  brother  named  Sekin  or  Sakui, 
who  is  no  doubt  the  Doa  Sochor  of  Ssanang  Setzen.  We  are  told  that 
on  the  death  of  Topo  Khan  the  Turks  were  divided  into  four  sections, 
just  as  Ssanang  Setzen  makes  Doa  Sokhor's  four  sons  be  the  heads  of 
the  four  Uirad  tribes.  The  whole  is  an  ingenious  adaptation  of  the  Turk 
legend,  and  is  of  no  value.  |j  Raschid,  who  is  a  much  better  authority, 
makes  Khali  Khaju  be  immediately  succeeded  by  Dubun  Bayan,  while 
Abulghazi  interposes  the  names  of  Timur  Tash,  Mingli  Khodja,  and 
Yolduz  Khan.  M.  Desmaison  says  he  does  not  kno>f  where  he  has  got 
them  from.  With  Dubun  Bayan,  or  Dubun  the  Ox,l[  we  get  again  on 
common  ground.  Ssanang  Setzen  tells  us  that  Doa  Sokhor  was  so 
called  because  (like  Cyclops)  he  had  only  one  eye,  aud  this  in  the 
midst  of  his  forehead.     One  day  as  he  and  his  brother  were  playing  on 

*  The  orthography  of  these  names  is  taken  from  M.  Berezide's  Edition,  as  given  in  the  notes 
jn  Desmaison's  Edition  of  Abulghazi. 

t  Timaj  bad  four  other  sons,  who  settled    elsewhere  and   became  the  ancestors   of  th« 
Durbans.    Durban  means  four.    £rdmann,  5)4« 

I  This  is  doubtless  an  interpolation.  ^  Schmidt's  Ssanang  Setxen,  373. 

I  Wolff,  IS'    Schmidt's  Ssanacg  Sttien,  374.  IT  Rrdmand*  i6g. 


the  mountain  Biirkhan  Khaldun,  the  elder  brother  said,  there  comes  a 
caravan  from  the  district  of  Toiring  Garudi  along  the  river  Tunggelik. 
(This  stream  is  still  called  the  Tungglu.  It  springs  on  the  west  side  of 
the  mountains  Burkhan  Khaldun,  and  flows  into  the  Karagol.)*  In 
one  of  the  wagons  there  is  a  girl  supernaturally  bom.  We  will  go  and  see 
her,  and  she  shall  be  your  wife.t  After  this  they  both  set  out  and  discovered 
that  she  vras  born  of  Baraghodshin  Goa,  the  wife  of  Khoritai  Mergen,  of  the 
Khoyar  Tumed.  Raschid  says  she  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  the  Kurulas, 
(/>.,  she  was  a  Turk),t  and  that  she  had  a  spirit  for  her  father.  Her 
name  was  Alung  Goa,  and  Dobo  Mergen  made  her  his  wife,  and  by  her 
had  two  sons,  Belgetei  and  Begontei,  and  then  died.  After  her  husband's 
death  (Abulghazi  says  some  years  after)  Alung  Goa  one  night  had  a 
dream,  during  which  a  ray  of  light  penetrated  through  a  hole  in  the 
ceiling  into  her  tent,  and  took  the  form  of  a  fair-haired  youth  with  blue 
eyes  who  lay  by  her ;  by  him  she  had  three  sons,  Bughu  Khataki,  Bughu 
Saldshigo,  and  Budantsar  Mong  Khan. 

In  reference  to  this  legend,  it  may  be  remarked  that  it  is  a  repetition 
of  the  original  story  of  the  incarnation  of  the  Buddha  Sakiamuni.  A 
similar  story  is  told  about  the  birth  of  Apaokhi,  the  founder  of  the 
Liau  dynasty,  and  also  of  Aishin  Giyoro,  the  reputed  founder  of  the 
Manchu  dynasty.  The  existence  of  Alung  Goa  is  attested  by  so  many 
independent  witnesses,  that  it  may  perhaps  be  believed.  Raschid  tells 
us  that,  according  to  the  history  of  the  house  of  Jingis  Khan,  deposited 
in  the  Imperial  treasury  (the  same  MS.  elsewhere  referred  to  by  Raschid 
as  the  Altan  Defter,  or  Golden  Register),  and  according  to  the  evidence 
of  very  old  men,  she  probably  hved  four  centuries  before  his  time,  />., 
in  the  early  years  of  the  Abbassides  and  the  Samanids.§  This  would 
answer  to  the  date  when  the  name  Mongol  first  appears  in  the  Chinese 
histories.  Her  descendants  were  called  Bordshig,  probably  in  reference 
to  the  colour  of  the  eyes  of  their  supernatural  father,  for  Abulghazi  says 
that  the  Mongols  called  a  person  with  light  blue  eyes  Burjighin.|| 
Schmidt  tells  us  that  Bordshig  means  with  brownish  grey  eyes.  Ssanang 
Setzen  gives  the  Mongols  the  name  of  Koke  Mongols  or  Blue  Mongols, 
and  the  whole  has  reference,  no  doubt,  to  the  heavenly  or  supernatural 
origin  of  the  race. 

The  three  sons  who  were  supernaturally  bom  and  their  posterity  were 
named  Niruns  (children  of  light),  to  distinguish  them  from  their  older 
brothers  and  their  descendants,  who  were  styled  Darlegins.  According 
to  Raschid,  the  Niruns  were  to  the  Darlegins  as  the  pearl  is  to  the 
oyster  and  the  fruit  to  the  tree.  This  distinction,  which  is  largely  insisted 
upon  by  the  Persian  historians,  is  one  full  of  embarrassment  to  the 
student.    The  Orientals  are  very  poor  ethnologists,  and  their  distinctions 

*  Wolfif,  14.    Mote.       f  Stmniiig  Seuen^  S9'       I  y*^^  notes. 
5  D'OhssoDi  Hilt,  del  Mongols,  ii  24.    Note*  ||  Opt  cit.»  B4.,  Pesm.*  7i» 


are  rather  political  than  ethnic.  We  constantly  find  in  the  accounts 
of  Arabic  and  Persian  geographers  the  greatest  confusion  in  regard  to 
race  distinctions.  In  the  present  instance  the  confusion  is  profound. 
Thus  the  most  important  section  of  the  Darlegins,  namely,  the  Kunkurats, 
who  formed  a  confederacy  of  six  tribes,  were,  I  am  convinced,  not 
Mongols  at  all  but  Turks,  a  view  for  whose  justification  I  must  refer  to 
the  notes  at  the  end  of  the  volume,  where  I  have  also  tried  to  show  that 
their  country  was  not,  as  D'Ohsson  argues,  on  the  borders  of  Manchuria, 
but  on  the  western  part  of  the  Shamo  desert  south  of  the  river  Onghin. 
Some  of  the  Nirun  tribes  I  also  think  were  very  probably  Turks,  namely, 
the  Durbans,  the  Barins,  and  the  Sukanuts,  who  lived  in  the  central  part 
of  the  desert,  the  name  of  one  tribe  still  remaining  attached  to  the  district 
of  Barin  or  Parin  there.  There  is  good  reason  for  believing  the  Bayauts 
another  Darlegin  tribe,  to  have. been  also  Turks.  They  lived  on  the 
western  feeders  of  the  Selinga.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Darlegin  tribes 
of  the  Umauts,  Hushins,  Suldus,  Ildurkins,  and  Kingits  were  probably 
Mongols,  but  not  subject  to  the  Imperial  family  to  which  Jingis  Khan 
belonged,*  and  not  immediately  governed  by  his  relatives,  but,  like  the 
Uirads,  directly  ruled  over  by  another  stock.  The  name  Nirun  was 
probably  confined  to  those  who  obeyed  immediately  the  royal  family  of 
the  Bordshigs,  and  can  perhaps  best  be  explained  by  the  use  of  the  term 
**  white  bones  "  among  the  Kazaks  of  our  day,  a  name  they  apply  to  those 
only  who  belong  to  the  royal  stock.  Each  of  the  three  sons  of  Alung 
Goa  who  were  miraculously  born  is  made  the  epomymous  hero  of  a 
distinguished  stock.  The  eldest  one  of  that  of  the  Katakins,  the  second 
of  the  Saljuts,  and  the  third  of  that  of  the  Bordshigs  or  Imperial  stock 
of  the  Mongols.  The  two  former  tribes  were  among  the  most  inveterate 
enemies  of  Jingis  Khan  in  his  early  days.  They  perhaps  looked  upon 
him  as  only  representing  the  younger  branch  of  the  family,  as  he  was 
descended  from  Alung  Goa's  third  son.  We  are  told  that  Budantsar  had  a 
distinguished  presence,  but  that  he  was  simple  in  his  tastes,  serious,  and 
talked  little,  which  made  his  relatives  think  he  had  but  little  spirit.  His 
mother,  however,  reassured  them,  and  told  them  he  would  have  a 
numerous  progeny.  On  her  death  a  quarrel  seemed  imminent  among 
the  brothers  in  regard  to  the  division  of  the  heritage.  '*  Why  embarrass 
yourself  with  wealth?"  said  Bundantsar^  **are  not  the  plans  of  man 
scattered  by  the  will  of  the  gods  ? "  He  thereupon  mounted  his  horse 
and  went  to  the  country  of  Palitun  alan.t  Ssanang  Setzen  says  that 
when  the  heritage  was  divided  nothing  was  assigned  to  Budantsar  except 
a  tawny  horse  named  Uruk  Sussuk.  This  he  mounted  and  hied  him 
along  the  river  Onon.^  At  Palitun  ala  he  found  himself  short  of  pro^ 
visions.     Meanwhile  he  saw  a  falcon  devouring  a  quarry  of  the  species 

*  Stt  dotf  1  at  the  cbd  tf  the  Tdlomt.  t  Dc  llaillft,  ix.  4*  I  Op.  tiU  6u 

.      i"  THE  ORIGINES  OF  THE  MONGOLS.  39 

called  Khara  Khuru.  He  caught  it  with  a  lasso  and  trained  it  to  kill 
game  for  him,  while  he  obtained  drink  from  a  small  colony  of  people  who 
lived  close  by,  separated  from  their  race  and  without  any  ruler.  His 
nights  he  passed  in  a  thatched  hut.  This  account,  with  slight  variations, 
is  conmion  to  Ssanang  Setzen  and  the  Chinese  author  translated  by  De 
Mailla.  But  to  continue.  After  a  while  Budantsar  was  joined  by  several 
families  who  had  left  their  tribe  in  the  country  of  Tonkili  hulu  and  had 
settled  around  him.  His  brother  Bughu  Khataki  went  to  find  him  and 
returned  with  him.  On  his  return  home  Budantsar  told  his  people  that 
with  a  small  force  he  could  easily  subdue  the  people  of  Tunkili  hulu. 
Having  accordingly  got  together  a  body  of  men  he  set  out  for  that 
country,  which  he  conquered.*  Hyacinthe  has  corrected  Tunkili  hulu 
into  Tenggeri-Khura,t  />.,  the  celestial  ramparts,  by  which  the  chain  of 
Burkhan  Ehaldun  is  doubtless  meant. 

According  to  Raschid  and  the  Chinese  authorities  Budantsar  left  one 
5on.{  I  prefer  to  follow  the  orthography  of  Hyacinthe  and  to  call  him 
Bagaritai  Khabitshi.§  •  According  to  Raschid  he  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Dutum  Menen,  called  Minen  Dudum  by  Hyacinthe,||  the  Mahatudan 
of  De  Mailla,ir  and  Makha  Todan  of  Ssanang  Setzen.**  His  wife  was 
named  Monalun,  and  by  her,  according  to  the  Chinese  authorities,  he 
had  seven  Raschid  says  nine.  It  is  with  her  that  we  first  meet 
with  an  incident  to  relieve  the  general  monotony  of  the  story,  and  which 
is  so  circumstantially  told  that  we  can  hardly  doubt  its  having  some 
foundation  in  fact.  The  story  goes  that  the  Jelairs  having  been  defeated 
near  the  river  Eerulon  by  an  army  of  Kin  Tartars,  seventy  of  their 
families  took  refuge  on  Mongol  territory.  These  fugitives,  to  appease 
their  hunger,  proceeded  to  dig  some  wild  roots  that  grew  there.  The 
root,  according  to  Raschid,  was  called  sudusum,  and  it  has  been 
identified  with  great  probability  by  M.  Berezine  with  a  root  still  called 
sudu  by  the  Mongols,  the  sanguisorba  camea  of  botanists,  which  is  used 
as  a  substitute  for  Monalun,  who  was  of  a  truculent  and  irritable 
disposition,  inquired  harshly  how  they  dared  to  tear  up  the  ground  where 
her  children  exercised  their  horses,  and  without  waiting  for  an  ansvver, 
she  ran  over  several  of  them  with  her  chariot.  The  Jelairs  resented  this, 
made  a  raid  upon  the  horses  of  her  tribe  and  captured  them.     Her  sons 

*  De  Mailla,  ix.  4,  5.  t  Ssanang  Setzen.  Schmidt's  note,  375. 

X  He  is  called  Buka  by  the  Persian  authors,  Capitsi  calup  Paturu  by  De  Mailla,  iz.  5,  and 
Bagaritai  Khabitshi  by  Hyacinthe.  Out  of  the  latter  Ssanang  Setzen  has  made  two  sons, 
whom  he  calls  Baghantai  Khan  isaghortu  and  Khabitshi  Baghatur ;  he  further  adds,  probably 
to  flatter  some  of  his  friends,  that  he  had  a  third  illegitimate  son  named  Wadshirtai,  the 
ancestor  of  the  family  of  the  Wadshirtai.  He  has  also  gratuitously  inserted  another  genera- 
tion in  the  genealogy  in  the  person  of  Biker  Baghatur,  whom  he  makes  a  son  of  Khabitshi, 
and  whose  name  is  doubtless  a  corruption  of  Bagharitai.    Op.  cit.,  61. 

i  Erdmann*s  Temujin,  530.    Note.        B  D'Ohsson,  i.  26.    Note.         ^  Op.  dt.,  iz.  5. 

**  Op.  cit.,  61.  tt  De  Mailla,  iz.  5.    Erdmann's  Temujin,  340. 

II  Erdmann's  Temujin,  541.    Note. 


went  in  pursuit  without  waiting  to  put  on  their  armour.  Their  mother, 
fearing  for  the  result,  sent  off  their  wives  with  carts  loaded  with  armour, 
but  they  arrived  too  late.  .  The  chiefs  had  been  killed,  and  the  Jelairs 
returned  and  put  Monalun  and  such  of  her  family  as  they  could  lay 
hands  upon  to  death.*  According  to  the  Chinese  narrative,  which  I 
prefer  to  follow,  there  only  escaped  in  this  massacre  Nachin,  the  youngest 
son  of  Monalun,  who  was  then  living  in  the  country  of  Bargu,  where  he 
was  married,  and  Kaidu,  the  infant  child  of  her  eldest  son,  and  who  was 
hid  away  by  his  nurse  in  a  bundle  of  faggots.  This  Nachin,  who  no 
doubt  succeeded  in  some  measure  to  the  chief  authority  among  the 
Mongols,  is  clearly  the  Kachi  Kuluk  of  Ssanang  Setzen.  On  hearing  of 
this  disaster  he  returned  to  the  horde,  and  plotted  his  revenge.  Having 
disguised  himself  as  a  herdsman,  he  went  towards  the  Jelair  country 
On  his  way  he  met  two  men,  father  and  son,  who  were  hawking,  and 
some  distance  apart.  Seeing  his  brother's  hawk  on  the  younger  Jelair's 
fist,  he  first  told  him  he  had  seen  some  wild  ducks  and  geese,  and  would 
conduct  him  to  them.  Having  taken  him  some  distance,  he  assassinated 
him,  and  returning,  also  killed  his  father.  He  soon  after  came  across  a 
herd  of  horses,  which  had  also  belonged  to  his  brothers.  Having  killed 
the  young  people  in  charge,  he  returned  with  the  herd,  and  with  the 
hawk  on  his  fist.  He  then  removed  his  father's  uluss  and  the  young 
Kaidu  to  the  country  of  Barguchin  Tugrum,  which  from  the  latter  took 
the  name  of  Kaidu  Chunlun.t  When  Kaidu  grew  up  his  uncle  caused 
him  to  be  recognised  as  their  chief  by  the  people  of  Bargu  and  Tsieku. 
He  then  marched  against  and  subdued  the  Jelairs,  and  fixed  his  residence 
at  the  river  KarakuLt  Many  tribes  submitted  to  him.  He  became  rich 
in  wives  and  cattle.  He  built  many  towns  and  villages  on  the  banks  of 
the  Onon,  across  which  river  he  also  built  a  bridge,  and  he  was  doubtless 
the  real  founder  of  the  Mongol  power.  Kaidu  Khan  left  three  sons,  Bai 
Sankur,  who  succeeded  him,  Jerke  Linkum,  who  became  the  chief  of  the 
Taidshuts,  and  Jaujin  Urdeki,  who  became  the  chief  of  the  Sidshuts  and 
Ertekins.§  Of  these  only  the  eldest  is  mentioned  by  Ssanang  Setzen  and 
De  Mailla.  He  is  called  Shingkor  Dokshin  by  the  former  and  Paichongor 
by  the  latter.  Ssanang  Setzen's  is  probably  the  correct  orthography,  and 
I  shall  follow  it. 

Shingkor  Dokshin  had  a  son  named  Tumbaghai ;  the  Tumene  Khan  or 
Raschid  and  Abulghazi.  On  his  death  Shingkor's  widow  married  his 
next  brother  Jerkeh  Lingkum,  whose  name,  according  to  Raschid,  is  of 
Chinese  etymology,  Lingkum  meaning  great  prince.  ||  By  her  he  had  two 
sons,  namely,  Gendu  J  inch  and  Ulgedshin  Jineh,  who  became  the  chiefs 
of  the  clans  Jines ;  and  by  another  wife  two  others,  named  Surkul  and 

*  D'Obsson,  i.  ij,  28.  t  £rdmann*s  Temtuin,  343.  I  D'Ohston,  i.  29. 

S  Abulghazi,  Ed.  Desm.,  67,  68.    Erdmanii,  544.    D'Ohsson,  Genealogical  Table,  Vol. 
I  Erdmano's  Temujio,  217. 


Ludshineh.    The  son  and  successor  of  Surkul  was  Hemukai  Khan,  to 
whom  I  shall  revert  presently. 

Tumbaghai  left  nine  sons,  who  became  the  founders  of  very  numerous 
tribes.  So  much  did  they  increase  that  we  are  told  that  in 
A.D.  1300,  but  two  centuries  after  this  time,  they  numbered  nearly 
30,000  families.*  These  sons  are  thus  named  : — i.  Jaksu,  the  father 
of  Nuyakin,  Unit,  and  Mingkut,  the  respective  chiefs  of  the  tribes 
bearing  those  names.  2.  Barim  Shiratu  Khaiju,  the  chief  of  a  tribe 
not  named.  3.  Kajuli,  father  of  Erdemji  Berulas,  the  chief  of  the 
Berulas,  the  tribe  to  which  the  great  Timur  belonged.  4.  Sem  kadjun, 
the  chief  of  the  Hederkins.  5.  Baitkulki,  the  chief  of  the  Budats.  6. 
Kabul  Khan,  the  ancestor  of  Jingis  Khan.  7.  Udur  Bayan,  the  chief  of 
the  Jadjerats  or  Juriats.  8.  Budanjar  Doghlan  (r.^.,  the  cripple),  the  chief 
of  the  Doghlats.  And  9.  Jintai,  the  chief  of  the  Yissuts  (called  Baisuts 
by  Erdmann) ;  he  was  also  styled  Utchugen,  like  the  other  youngest 
sons  of  the  Mongol  Khanjs.  Utchugen,  according  to  Abulghazi,  means 
"the  master  of  the  hearth,"  and  is  derived  from  the  fact  that  while  the 
other  sons  were  each  settled  elsewhere,  the  youngest  remained  at  home 
and  was  the  heir  to  his  father's  yurt.t  Schmidt  disagrees  with  this,  and 
says  it  merely  means  the  youngest  or  the  child.J 

After  the  great  exploits  of  Timur  in  the  fourteenth  century,  it  became 
the  fashion  of  his  flatterers  to  connect  his  ancestry  very  closely  with  that 
of  the  family  of  Jingis  Khan,  and  he  is  made  to  descend  from  Karachar, 
who  is  styled  the  hereditary  leader  of  his  forces.  The  story  is  contained 
in  several  of  the  later  writers.  According  to  Mirkhond  the  origin  of  this 
hereditary  position  was  as  follows  : — **  One  -day  Kajuli,  the  third  son  of 
Tumeneh  or  Tumbagai,  dreamt  that  a  star  issued  from  the  thigh  of  his 
brother  Kabul,  but  the  firmament  remained  dark  ;  then  a  second  one, 
and  it  became  twilight ;  then  a  third,  and  it  was  dusk.  Then  there  came 
out  a  very  sparkling  star,  so  that  the  whole  sky  was  lit  up  with  its  rays, 
trhich  imparted  a  greater  lustre  to  the  other  stars.  Kajuli  awoke,  and 
supposed  that  only  a  third  of  the  night  had  passed.  He  meditated  on 
his  dream,  and  went  to  sleep  again.  Again  a  series  of  stars  issued,  but 
this  time  from  his  own  thigh.  This  scries  consisted  of  eight  stars,  of 
which  the  last  was  again  by  far  the  most  brilliant.  When  daylight  came 
Kajuli  betook  himself  to  his  father  Tumeneh,  and  related  his  dream. 
He  was  much  pleased  with  it,  called  his  son  Kabul  Khan,  and  had  it 
repeated  to  him.  The  grandees  maintained  that  three  princes  descended 
from  Kabul  Khan  would  mount  the  throne  ;  that  another  of  his  descend- 
ants would  enjoy  the  Imperial  authority,  and  would  conquer  the  earth  from 
one  end  to  the  other ;  and  after  his  death  his  dominions  would  remain 
for  a  long  time  subject  to  his  descendants.     That  from  Kajuli  would  also 

•  D'OhtsoD,  1.  30.  t  Abulghazi;  70.  t  Sstnang  Setzen,  375 



spring  seven  descendants,  who  would  bear  rule,  and  the  eighth  would 
far  eclipse  them,  and  also  rule  the  earth.  Tumeneh  Khan  was  much 
struck  by  this  dream,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  his  other  sons  he 
named  Kabul  Khan  his  successor,  and  appointed  Kajuli  generalissimo  of 
his  forces,  and  left  it  in  his  will  that  these  posts  should  be  hereditary. 
This  will  was  written  in  the  Uighur  character,  was  sealed  with  his 
Tamgha  (or  monogram),  and  it  was  kept  in  the  Imperial  treasury. 
Kabul  Khan  mounted  the  throne,  and  Kajuli  Khan  Baghatur  faithfully 
performed  his  office."  * 

Kabul  was  apparently  the  first  Mongol  sovereign  who  had  intercourse 
with  the  Chinese  Imperial  court.  It  is  said  that  having  been  summoned 
to  the  court  of  the  Kin  Emperor,  he  astonished  him  by  his  immense 
appetite.  One  day,  being  very  drunk,  he  so  far  forgot  himself  as  to  seize 
the  Emperor's  beard.  When  he  became  sober,  he  demanded  to  be 
punished,  but  the  Emperor  only  laughed  ;  and  to  show  that  he  had  over- 
looked the  fault,  presented  him  with  a  gold-embroidered  silken  garment 
suitable  to  his  size,  a  crown,  and  a  golden  girdle.  After  his  departure, 
instigated  by  his  courtiers,  the  Emperor  sent  messengers  to  demand  his 
return ;  and  when  these  messengers  tried  to  take  him  away  forcibly,  he 
had  them  put  to  death. 

It  is  probably  to  this  period  that  we  must  assign  the  events  referred  to 
in  the  history  of  the  Kin  dynasty  styled  the  Ta  kin  kwo  chi,  where  we 
read  that  during  the  reign  of  the  Kin  Emperor  Tai  tsung,  whose 
Tungusie  name  was  Ukimai,  i.e.,  in  the  interval  between  1123-1137,  a 
great  number  of  the  Mongols  became  subject  to  him,  but  in  the  next 
reign,  11 38-1 140,  they  were  rebellious.t  This  surely  points  to  the  sub- 
mission and  the  subsequent  rebellion  of  Kabul  Khan.  At  this  period  we 
also  meet  with  the  Mongols  in  the  pages  of  De  Mailla.  He  tells  us  that 
about  1 135  they  began  to  be  very  powerful  and  a  menace  to  the  empire, 
and  that  towards  the  end  of  this  year  the  Kin  Emperor  sent  his  general 
Hushaku  against  them.}  This  general  was  not  successful,  and 
Hushaku  was  obliged  to  retire.  His  retreat  was  the  signal  for  the 
advance  of  the  Mongols,  who  captured  many  of  his  people  and  followed 
him  as  far  as  the  district  of  Hai  ling,  where  the  Kin  general  ventured  a 
general  engagement,  and  his  army  was  cut  in  pieces.  Another  and 
more  formidable  army  was  sent  against  them.     This  was  apparently  in 

*  Kajuli.  we  are  told,  was  the  father  of  Erdemji,  and  Erdemjiof  Karachar.  Erskise  doubts 
the  story  inasmuch  as  it  is  contained  in  late  authorities  such  as  Mirkhond,  and  thinks  it  was 
invented  to  flatter  Timur.  D'Ohsson  says  Karachar  is  not  named  by  either  Raschid  or  Juveni 
(op.  cit.,  ii.  108.  Note),  but  in  this  he  is  surely  mistaken,  for  in  the  former's  description  of  the 
apportionment  of  Jingis  Khan's  people  he  says  the  great  chief  assigned  4,000  to  his  sonjagati. 
These  were  divided  into  four  Hezarehs,  and  Berlutai  Karachar  of  the  Derulas  is  made  the 
commander  of  the  first  Hezarch.     Erdmann,  453. 

t  Schott,  op.  cit.,  17.  I  De  Mailla,  viii.  518.  §  De  Mailla,  viii.  529, 


It  was  in  the  reign'  of  Kabul  Khan  that  the  long  feud  commenced 
between  the  Mongols  and  Tartars,  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  the 
latter  by  Jingis  Khan.  Kabul's  wife  was  named  Goa  Kulkua,  and  she 
was  of  the  tribe  of  the  Kunkurats.  It  happened  that  her  brother,  named 
Sain  Tikin,  fell  ill,  and  a  Tartar  Shaman  named  Jerkil  Nuduij  was 
summoned  to  cure  him.  Notwithstanding  his  conjuring,  Sain  Tikin  died, 
and  his  relatives  wreaked  their  vengeance  on  the  sorcerer,  who  was 
returning  quietly  home,  and  killed  him.  The  Tartars  took  up  arms  to 
revenge  him.*  A  struggle  ensued  at  a  place  called  Beran  Segdan,  in  which 
Kedan  Behadur  distinguished  himself  in  single  combat  with  the  Tartar 
leader  Meter  Behadur.  The  struggle  was  resumed  the  following  year, 
and  led  to  many  fights  between  the  Mongols  and  the  Tartars.t  One 
result  of  this  war  was  that  Hemukai,  the  chief  of  the  Taidshuts,  who  had 
gone  to  fetch  his  wife  from  among  the  Tartars,  was  taken  prisoner  by 
them.  He  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  near  relative  of  Kabul  Khan.  The 
Tartars  sent  him  as  a  prisoner  to  the  Kin  Emperor,  who,  to  revenge 
himself  upon  Kabul  Khan  for  the  murder  of  his  envoys,  had  him  put  to 
death  in  the  cruel  method  adopted  in  the  case  of  rebels.  He  was  nailed 
down  to  a  wooden  ass,  his  skin  stripped  oflf,  and  his  body  hewn  into 
pieces. t  Kabul  Khan  marched  against  the  Kin  empire  and  revenged 
himself.  Some  time  after  it  would  appear  that  the  Tartars  captured 
Ukin  Berkak,  Kabul  Khan's  eldest  son,  and  sent  him  also  as  a  prisoner 
to  the  Kin  court.  There  he  was  put  to  death  in  the  same  manner  as 

Kabul  Khan  had  six  sons,  whose  impetuosity  and  vigour  fitly  gained 
them  the  surname  of  Kiat,  or  Kiyat,  />.,  torrents.  Abulghazi  says  that  the 
Mongols  call  a  mountain  torrent  Kian,  of  which  the  plural  is  Kiat.  Kiat 
or  Kiyat,  as  is  well  known  was  the  family  name  of  Jingis  Khan,  and  it 
seems  to  be  much  older  than  the  days  of  Kabul  Khan.  The  Chinese 
form  of  the  name  is  Kian.  Kian  and  Noguz  or  Nokus  were  the  two 
sections  of  the  Mongols  who  sought  refuge  at  Irgene  kun ;  and  it  is 
curious  that  one  of  the  four  main  divisions  of  the  Turkish  Uzbegs  is 
called  Kiat  Kunghrat  or  Kiat  Kunkurat.  This  is  another  proof  that  the 
Mongol  royal  race  was  descended  from  that  of  the  Turks.  These  six 
sons  were  named  Ukin  Berkak,  ||  Bardam  Behadur,  Khutuktu  Munker, 
Kadan  Behadur,  Kutula  Khan,  and  Tudan  Utshugen.  (I  Have  followed 
the  orthography  of  M.  Beresine  in  the  notes  to  the  new  edition  of 
Abulghazi.)  Of  these  the  most  famous  was  Kutula  Khan,  called  Kubilai 
by  D'Ohsson,*!  and  Kutlah  Khan  by  Erdmann.**  He  was  a  favourite 
hero  of  Mongol  stor>'.     His  voice  is  compared  to  the  thunder  in  the 

*  Erdmann's  Extracts  from  Raschid,  42.     D'Ohsson,  i.  32.         t  Erdmadti's  Temujin,  553,  554. 

]  Erdraann's  Extracts  from  Raschid,  43.    Note.  §  Erdmann's  Temujin,  317. 

!  He  was  the  father  of  Sidsheh  Bigi,  who  became  the  chiet  of  the  Kiat  Burgins.    Vide  infra,  53 

%  Op.  cit.,  i.  32.  *•  Erdmann's  Temujin,  556. 


mountains,  his  hands  were  strong  like  bear's  paws,  and  with  them  he 
could  break  a  man  in  two  as  easily  as  an  arrow  may  be  broken.  He 
would  lie  naked  near  an  immense  brazier  in  the  winter,  heedless  of  the 
cinders  and  sparks  that  fell  on  his  body,  and,  on  awakening,  would 
mistake  the  burns  merely  for  the  bites  of  insects.  He  ate  a  sheep  a  day, 
and  drank  immense  quantities  of  kumis.  To  revenge  the  murder  of 
their  relatives  the  Mongols  now  entered  upon  a  great  campaign  against 
the  Kin  empire.  Of  this  expedition  Kutula  was  elected  the  leader  ;  with 
him  also  went  Yissugei,  the  grandson  of  Kabul  Khan  and  the  father  of 
Jingis  ;  Kadan  Taishi,  the  son  of  Hemukai,  and  his  son  Tuda.*  They 
defeated  the  Imperial  army  and  retired  with  a  rich  booty.  On  his  return 
homewards  Kutula  amused  himself  with  hunting,  and  got  separated  from 
the  rest  of  the  army,  with  only  one  follower  and  a  slave.  He  was  thus 
almost  alone  when  he  was  surprised  by  the  Durbans.  On  their  approach 
he  sped  his  horse  at  full  gallop  and  drove  it  into  a  marsh,  where  it  sank, 
but  be  sprang  on  the  saddle  and  thence  on  to  the  ground.  The  Durbans, 
it  is  said,  disdained  to  touch  him,  saying,  "  What  can  a  Mongol  do 
without  his  horse  .'* "  and  they  accordingly  left  him,  upon  which  he 
returned  to  his  horse,  seized  it  by  its  mane,  pulled  it  out  of  the  quagmire, 
and  returned  homewards.  Meanwhile  the  news  of  his  disaster  had 
reached  his  home,  where  it  was  thought  he  had  been  killed,  and  Yissugei 
had  already  carried  the  meats  for  the  funeral  feasts  to  the  yurts  of  Kadan 
Taishi,  and  Tuda,  the  relatives  of  Hamukai,  and  to  that  of  Kutulas 
widow.  But  the  latter  refused  to  credit  the  story.  "  How  can  he  whose 
voice  is  like  the  thunder,  and  whose  hands  are  Hke  bear's  paws,  become 
a  victim  to  the  Durbans  ?  Depend  upon  it  his  delay  is  caused  by 
some  other  reason,  and  he  will  come  presently.'!  After  recovering 
his  horse  he  determined  not  to  return  home  empty  handed,  but 
having  caught  a  stallion  belonging  to  the  Durbans,  he  drove  a  herd  of 
their  oxen  before  him,  filled  his  boots  with  the  eggs  of  wild  geese 
which  he  found  on  the  steppe,  and  rode  home  barefoot.f  Nothing 
of  this  appears  in  the  pages  of  Ssanang  Setzen,,  of  De  Mailla,  or  of 
Abulghazi,  nor  in  fact  is  Kutula  mentioned  by  them  at  all.  They  all 
make  Kabul  Khan  be  immediately  succeeded  by  Bartam  Behadur,  and 
if  the  exploits  assigned  to  him  are  really  his,  and  not  his  father^s,  or 
rightly  belonging  to  some  other  hero  of  Mongol  romance,  they  must  be 
credited  to  him  not  as  the  Khan  of  the  Mongol  race  but  as  the  bravest 
of  the  six  Kiats.  Although  .Ssanang  Setzen  does  not  mention  him 
individually  he  does  refer  to^the  brothers,  and  has  a  story  which  seems  to 
exclude  him  effectually  from  the  succession.  He  says  that  Kabul  Khan 
had  seven  sons,  and  that  Ambai,  i.<r.,  Hemuki,  the  chief  of  the  Taidshuts, 
had  ten,  and  that  a  strife  having  arisen  between  them,  the  latter  fell  on 

•  Erdmann'i  Temujin,  556.  t  Erdmann,  55g*CCi.    D'Ohsson,  i.  33-35« 

THE  ORIGINES  OF  THE  MONGOLS.  ^^       45 

the  former  and  killed  six  of  the  seven  brothers,  plundered  and  subdued 
their  territory.  The  seventh,  Bardam  Baghatur  (the  Bertam  Behader  of 
Erdmann),  escaped  with  three  wounds,  escorted  by  four  "  companions," 
while  his  eldest  son  Yissugei  Baghatur,  then  thirteen  years  old,  speared 
a  mailed  warrior  through  and  through,  and  having  seized  his  horse 
followed  his  father.  Sain  Maral  Khayak,  the  wife  of  Bardam  Baghatur, 
had  meanwhile  escaped  on  foot  with  her  three  younger  sons,  Negun, 
Mengetu,  and  Utchugen.  We  do  not  know  how  the  Mongols  revenged 
this  defeat.  We  are  simply  told  by  Ssanang  Setzen  that  Kabul  Khan 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Bardam  Baghatur.*  De  Mailla  says  the  same, 
only  he  calls  him  Pardai.  Abulghazi  also  says  that  on  the  death  of  Kabul 
Khan  his  son  Bartan  was  proclaimed  Khan,  and  we  may  take  it  as  clear 
that  these  authorities  are  right.  The  difficulty  about  the  exact  status  of 
Kutula  does  not  afifect  the  truth  of  the  statements  about  the  fight  with 
the  Kin  empire.  This  we  can  confirm  from  other  sources.  Thus  we 
read  in  De  Mailla,  under  the  year  1 1 47,  that  the  war  between  the  Kin 
empire  and  the  Mongols  still  continued,  and  the  son  of  Talan,  called 
Chinghoa-tulang,  whose  country  bordered  on  that  of  the  Mongols,  on  the 
death  of  his  father  abandoned  the  cause  of  the  Kins  and  went  over  to 
them,  a  defection  which  proved  ver>'  valuable  to  them,  and  the  general 
Uchu,  who,  on  his  return  from  Pien  leang,  was  sent  against  them  was 
constrained  to  make  peace  with  them,  to  surrender  twenty-seven  fortresses 
north  of  the  river  Si  ping  ho,  and  to  promise  to  pay  them  annually 
a  certain  quantity  of  cattle,  sheep,  and  grain.  He  wished  to  give  their 
chief  the  dignity  of  prince  with  the  title  of  Mongfu-kuewang,  but  the 
chief  refused  it  and  styled  himself  Emperor  of  the  great  empire  of  the 
Mongols,  with  the  title  Tsuyuen  Wangti.t  The  effects  of  this  campaign 
are  doubtless  referred  to  in  the  history  of  the  Kin  dynasty,  already 
mentioned,  which  speaks  in  more  general  terms.  There  we  read  that 
in  ii38-ii4othe  Mongku  became  rebellious.  Since  then,  it  goes  on  to 
say,  the  Mongku  have  obtained  many  Khitan  and  Chinese  boys  and 
girls,  either  in  war  or  by  way  of  ransom,  who  have  coalesced  with  them  ; 
have  gradually  got  accustomed  to  the  use  of  cooked  meats,  and  become 
a  great  nation  under  the  name  of  Ta  Mongu  ku6,  />.,  the  kingdom  of  the 
Great  Mongols.}  These  extracts  prove  that  the  Mongols  had  already 
consolidated  a  considerable  power  some  time  before  the  days  of  Jingis 

The  wife  of  Bardam  Baghatur,  according  to  Ssanang  Setzen,  was  called 
Sain  Maral  Khayak. §  She  is  called  Sunigel  Fudshin  by  Erdmann,  who 
tells  us  she  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  the  Barghuts.H  By  her  he  had  four 
sons,   Yissugei   Baghatur,    Negun    Taishi,    Mungdu    Kian,    and   Dariti 

•  OjK  cit.  81.  t  De  MailU,  viii.  545.  J  Schott,  op.  cit.  §  Op.  dt.,  83. 

B  Erdmann's  Temvjin,  251. 



Utchugen.*     Of  these  Yissugei  was  the  most  famous,  and  succeeded 
him  on  the  throne. 

Ssanang  Setzen  has  a  story  that  one  day  Yissugei  was  hunting  in 
company  with  his  two  younger  brothers,  and  was  following  the  tracks  of 
a  white  hare  in  the  snow.  They  struck  upon  the  spoor  of  a  waggon,  and 
following  it  up  came  to  a  spot  where  a  woman's  yurt  was  pitched. 
Then  said  Yissugei,  "This  woman  will  bear  a  valiant  son."  He  dis- 
covered that  she  was  the  damsel  Ogelen  Eke  {i.e.,  the  mother  of  nations), 
and  that  she  was  the  wife  of  Yeke  Yilatu,  of  the  Tartar  tribe,  and  was 
returning  home  with  him.  As  the  strangers  drew  near  her  yurt  she  said 
to  her  husband,  "  Don't  you  see  the  intention  of  the  eldest  of  the  three 
men  ?"  With  these  words  she  took  off  her  under  garment,  gave  it  to 
Jilatu,  and  said,  "  Haste  you  away  as  quickly  as  you  can."  While  this 
was  going  on  the  three  brothers  drew  near,  and  Yeke  Yilatu  took  to  flight. 
They  plundered  neither  the  hut  nor  its  contents,  but  only  carried  away 
Ogelen  Eke.  She  ceased  not  to  cry  until  the  youngest  of  the  three 
brothers,  Dariti  Utchugen,  addressed  her,  and  said,  "  We  have  already 
crossed  three  rivers,  we  already  have  three  mountain  ranges  behind  us. 
Pursuit  is  hopeless.  Your  cries  will  not  be  heard."  Upon  which  our 
author  says  she  became  quieter.  Yissugei  made  her  his  wife.  De  Mailla 
tells  us  that  until  his  reign  the  Mongols  had  been  more  or  less  tributaries 
of  the  Liau  and  Kin  dynasties  in  China,  and  that  he  was  the  first  to  free 
them  from  that  yoke  ;t  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  we  must  assign  to 
him,  and  not  to  an  earlier  Khan,  the  events  I  have  already  related,  when 
the  Mongol  Khan  refused  to  accept  a  Chinese  title  and  styled  himself  the 
Emperor  of  the  Great  Mongols.^  Previously  the  Taidshuts  had  apparently 
been  the  chief  tribe  among  the  Mongols,  but  they  were  induced  to  obey 
the  strong  hand  of  Yissugei  Baghatur.  After  the  death  of  Hemukei,  the 
chief  of  the  Taidshuts,  there  was  a  grievous  contention  among  his 
relatives  as  to  who  should  succeed  him,  but  this  was  decided,  as  I  have 
already  described,  by  the  choice  of  Terkutai  Kiriltuk; 

In  1 1 54  and  1155  Yissugei  marched  with  a  large  army  against  the 
Tartars.  He  overran  their  country,  laid  it  waste,  and  captured  its  two 
chiefs,  Temujin  Ergeh  and  Kur  Buka,  and  returned  home  to  his  encamp- 
ment on  the  Onon  laden  with  booty.  At  this  time  his  wife  Ogelen  Eke 
gave  birth  to  his  firstborn  son,  upon  which  they  named  the  boy  1  emujin, 
or  rather  Temudjin,§  after  the  defeated  Tartar  Khan.ll 

The  birthplace  of  the  famous  chief,  who  was  to  be  so  widely  known  in 

♦  Ssanang  Sctzcn,  61.  t  Op.  cit.,  ix.  8.  I  Vidt  previous  page. 

S  Erdmann  writes  the  name  Temudschin,  which  according  to  our  orthography  would  be 

written  Temujin,  as  I  have  written  it  occasionally  in  the  notes,  but  I  find  that  Visdelou  writes 

the  name  The  mud  gin  (op.  cit.,  230  and  334),  and  therefore  the  spelling  Tcmudjin  which  has 

been  adopted  in  the  following  chapters  is  probably  more  correct. 

S  Ssanang  SeUen,  63. 


later  days,  is  fortunately  easy  to  fix.    It  is  called  "  Deligun  Buldagha,  near 

the  Onon,"  by  Ssanang  Setzen,  and  Tie  li  vun  by  Hyacinth.*    The  place 

is  still  known  under  the  same  name,  and  is  mentioned  by  a  Russian  trader 

named  Yurinski,  a  native  of  Nertschinsk,  who  describes  Dilun  Boldak  as 

a  place  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Onon,  seven  versts  higher  than  the  island 

Eke  Aral  (/>.,  the  great  island),  and  three  versts  from  the  Kotshuefshian 

guard-house.t    D'Ohsson  says  that  Bulduk  in  Mongol  means  hill-t   Wolff 

explains  the  name  as  meaning  "  the  mole  hill.^'J    Deligun  Bulduk  was 

doubtless  the  place  where  Yissugei  had  his  chief  camp  and  was  the 

focus  of  his  kingdom.    According  to  Ssanang  Setzen,  Temudjin   was 

proclaimed   Khan    and   took  the  name  of  Jingis   there,  ||    among  the 

places  whose  memory  is  invoked  in  the  burial  dirge  composed  for  his 

funeral  by  Kiluken  Baghatur,  Deligun  Bulduk  on  the  Onon  is  specially 

apostrophised  fif  and  we  gather  from  other  sources  that  the  country 

of  the  Onon  was  in  fact  the  cradle  land  of  the  Mongols.     It  is  called 

the  land  of  Onon  Kerule  by  Rubruquis.     This  name  has  been  interpreted 

as  the  land  of  the  Onon  and  the  Kerulon,  but  I  believe  it  is  merely 

a  corruption  of  Onon  Kiher,  the  plains   of  the  Onon.     Those   plains 

arc  otherwise  frequently  referred  to  as  Sari  Kiher,  or  the  Yellow  Plains.** 

The  Onon  springs  in  the  knot  of  mountains    known    as  the   Kente 

chain,  and  called  Burkhan  Khaldun  by  the  Mongol  historians,  the  sacred 

peaks  to  which  sacrifices  were  offered,  and  whose  spirits  were  looked 

upon  as  the  special  patrons  of  the  Mongols,  as  those  of   the  White 

Mountains  of  Manchuria  were  of  the  Manchus. 

But  we  must  on  with  our  story.  According  to  the  Persian  authors 
followed  by  De  la  Croix,  the  young  Temudjin's  horoscope  was  drawn 
by  the  father  of  Karachar  Noyan,  the  ancestor  of 
who  foretold  a  bloody  career  for  him.  Besides  Temudjin,  Yissugei  had 
by  his  wife  Ogelen  Eke  three  other  sons,  namely,  Juji  Khassar,  Khad- 
shiken,  and  Temugu  Utchugen,  and  by  two  other  wives,  named  Goa 
Abaghai  and  Doghaskhi,  two  other  sons,  named  Bekter  and  Belgutei. 
It  is  quite  clear  from  the  subsequent  history  that  Yissugei  was  obeyed  by 
all  the  sections  of  the  Mongol  race  comprised  in  the  divisions  Niruns 
and  We  do  not  realise  in  this  statement  how  very  small 
the  beginnings  were  of  that  vast  empire  built  up  by  his  son,  nor  do  we 
do  so  until  we  read  that  the  number  of  families  subject  to  his  father 
probably  did  not  exceed  40,000,  and  that  his  kingdom  may  therefore  be 
fitly  compared,  as  Erdmann  has  compared  it,  with  the  dukedoms  of 
Oldenburgh  or  Saxe  Weimar  Eisenach,§§  assuredly  a  very  small  focus 
out  of  which  in  so  short  a  time  to  build  up  so  large  an  empire.    The 

D'Ohuon,  i.  36.    Note.  t  Erdmann's  Tcmujin,  571.  I  Op.  cit.,  i.  36.    Note. 

i  Op.  cit.,  33.  'I  Op.  cit.,  i.  71.  ^  Ssanang  Setzen,  107.  ••  Vide  infra,  55,  &c. 

tt  The  Sughak  J  ihen  of  Erdmann.    Note  20.  H  Erdmann's  Temujin, 

^  Op.  cit.,  259. 


assistance  of  Yissugci  was  sought  by  the  celebrated  Wang  Khan  of  the 
Keraits,  the  Prester  John  of  so  many  romances,  whose  story  will  be  told 
in  detail  in  the  tenth  chapter.  He  had  been  driven  away  from  the  throne 
by  his  uncle  Gur  Khan.  Yissugei  marched  to  his  assistance,  drove 
Gur  Khan  into  Tangut,  and  replaced  Wang  Khan  on  the  throne.  The 
latter,  cap  in  hand,  swore  an  eternal  friendship  to  his  benefactor,  />.,  in 
Mongol  phrase,  became  anda  or  sworn  friend.*  Yissugei  died  in  1175. 
According  to  the  Saga  of  Ssanang  Setzen,  he  was  a  victim  to  the 
treachery  of  the  Tartars,  who  one  day  asked  him  to  take  food  in  one  of 
their  tents,  and  then  mixed'  poison  with  the  meat.t  He  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Temudjin,  who  acquired  a  wide-world  fame  under  his  title  of 
Jingis  Khan.     His  history  forms  the  subject  of  the  next  chapter. 

*  D'Ohuon,  i.  152.  t  Op.  cit.,  65. 



AMONG  the  men  who  have  influenced  the  history  of  the  world 
Jingis  Khan  holds  a  foremost  place.  Popularly  he  is  mentioned 
with  Attila  and  with  Timur  as  one  of  the  "  Scourges  of  God." 
One  of  those  terrible  conquerors  whose  march  across  the  page  of  history 
is  figured  by  the  shnile  of  a  swarm  of  locusts  or  a  fire  in  a  Canadian 
forest ;  but  this  is  doing  gross  injustice  to  Jingis  Khan.  Not  only  was 
he  a  conqueror,  a  general  whose  consummate  ability  made  him  overthrow 
every  barrier  that  must  intervene  between  the  chief  of  a  small  barbarous 
tribe  of  an  obscure  race  and  the  throne  of  Asia,  and  this  with  a  rapidity 
and  uniform  success  that  can  only  be  compared  to  the  triumphant  march 
of  Alexander.  But  he  was  far  more  than  a  conqueror.  Alexander, 
Napoleon,  and  Timur  were  all  more  or  less  his  equals  in  the  art  of  war. 
But  the  colossal  powers  they  created  were  merely  hills  of  sand,  that 
crumbled  to  pieces  as  soon  as  they  were  dead ;  with  Jingis  Khan  matters 
were  very  different,  he  organised  the  empire  which  he  had  conquered  so 
that  it  long  survived  and  greatly  thrived  after  he  was  gone.  In  every 
detail  of  social  and  political  economy  he  was  a  creator,  his  laws  and  his 
administrative  rules  are  equally  admirable  and  astounding  to  the  student. 
Justice,  tolerance,  discipline,  virtues  that  make  up  the  modem  ideal  of  a 
state,  were  taught  and  practised  at  his  court.  And  when  we  remember 
that  he  was  bom  and  educated  in  the  desert,  and  that  he  had  neither 
the  sages  of  Greece  nor  of  Rome  to  instruct  him,  that  unlike  Charlemagne 
and  Alfred  he  could  not  draw  his  lessons  from  a  past,  whose  evening 
glow  was  still  visible  in  the  horizon,  we  are  tempted  to  treat  as  exag- 
gerated the  history  of  his  times,  and  to  be  sceptical  of  so  much  political 
insight  having  been  bom  of  such  unpromising  materials. 

It  is  not  creditable  to  English  literature  that  no  satisfactory  account  of 
Jingis  Khan  exists  in  the  language.  Baron  D'Ohsson  in  French,  and 
Erdmann  in  German,  have  both,  written  minute  and  detailed  accoimts  of 
him,  but  none  such  exist  in  English,  although  the  subject  has  an  epic 

*  J  in  Jingia,  Juji,  and  other  proper  names  ia  to  be  sounded  aa  a  couaotutnt,  aa  in  Jupiter, 
John,  Ac,  equivalent  to  the  Gennan  Dach. 


grandeur  about  it  that  might  well  tempt  some  well-grounded  scholar  like 
Colonel  Yule  to  try  his  hand  upon  it.  We  have  seen  how  he  received 
the  name  of  Temudjin.  According  to  the  vocabulary  attached  to  the 
history  of  the  Yuen  dynasty,  translated  from  the  Chinese  by  Hyacinthe, 
Temudjin  means  the  best  iron  or  steel.  The  name  has  been  confounded 
with  Temurdji,  which  means  a  smith  in  Turkish.  Thi»  accounts  for  the 
tradition  related  by  Pachymeres,  Novairi,  William  of  Ruysbrok,  the 
Armenian  Haiton,  and  others  that  Jingis  Khan  was  originally  a  smith.* 

The  Chinese  historians  and  Ssanang  Setzen  place  his  birth  in  1162; 
Raschid  and  the  Persians  in  1155.  The  latter  date  is  accommodated  to 
the  fact  that  they  make  him  seventy-two  years  old  at  his  death  in  1237,  but 
the  historian  of  the  Yuen  dynasty,  the  Kangmu,  and  Ssanang  Setzen 
are  all  agreed  that  he  died  at  the  age  of  sixty-six,  and  they  are  much  more 
likely  to  be  right.t  Mailla  says  he  had  a  piece  of  clotted  blood  in  his 
fist  when  bom,  no  bad  omen,  if  true,  of  his  future  career.  According  to 
De  Guignes,  Karachar  Nevian  was  named  his  tutor.  Ssanang  Setzen 
has  a  story  that  his  father  set  out  one  day  to  find  him  a  partner  among 
the  relatives  of  his  wife,  the  Olchonods,  and  that  on  the  way  he  was  met 
by  Dai  Setzen,  the  chief  of  the  Kunkurats,  who  thus  addressed  him  : — 
<<  Descendant  of  the  Kiyots,  and  of  the  race  of  the  Bordshigs,  whither 
hiest  thou  ?"  "  I  am  seeking  a  bride  for  my  son,"  was  his  reply.  Dai 
Setzen  then  said  that  he  recently  had  a  dream,  during  which  a  white 
falcon  had  alighted  on  his  hand.  '^  This,"  he  said,  "  Bordshig,  was  your 
token.  From  ancient  days  our  daughters  have  been  wedded  to  the 
Bordshigs,  and  I  now  have  a  daughter  named  Burte  who  is  nine  years 
old.  I  will  give  her  to  thy  son."  "  She  is  too  young,"  he  said ;  but 
Temudjin,  who  was  present,  urged  that  she  would  suit  him  by-and-by. 
The  bargain  was  thereupon  closed,  and  having  taken  a  draught  of  kumiss  . 
and  presented  his  host  with  two  horses,  Yissugei  returned  home.{ 

On  his  father's  death  Temudjin  was  only  thirteen  years  old  ;  an  age 
that  seldom  carries  authority  in  the  desert,  where  the  chief  is  expected  to 
ccnmiand,  and  his  mother  acted  as  regent  This  enabled  several  of  the 
tribes  which  had  submitted  to  the  strong  hand  of  Yissugei  to  reassert 
their  independence.  The  Taidshuts,  under  their  leaders  Terkutai,  named 
'KirHtuk,  i,e.,  the  spiteful,  the  great  grandson  of  Hemukai,  and  his  nephew 
Kurul  Behadur,  were  the  first  to  break  away,  and  they  were  soon  after 
joined  by  one  of  Yissugei's  generals  with  a  considerable  following. 
To  the  reproaches  of  Temudjin,  the  latter  answered,  '*  The  deepest  weQs 
are  sometunes  dry,  and  the  hardest  stones  sometimes  split ;  why  should 
I  cling  to  thee  ? "  Temudjitfs  mother,  we  are  told,  mounted  her  horse, 
and  taking  the  Royal  Standard  called  Tuk  (this  was  mounted  with 
the  tails  of  the  Yak  or  mountain  cow,  or  in  default  with  that  of  a  horse ; 
it  is  the  Tau  or  Tu  of  the  Chinese,  used  as  the  Imperial  Standard, 

*  D*OhMon,  i.  36.  f  D^Ohtaon,  L  38.    Note.  I  Sauuuig  Setsen,  63. 


and  canfenrad  as  a  token  of  royahy  upon  their  vassals,  the  Tartar 
Princes*)  in  her  hand,  she  kd  her  people  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives^  and 
bcought  a  good  number  of  them  back  to  their  allegiance.t 

After  the  dispersion  of  the  Jelairs,  to  which  I  have  previously  referred, 
fluany  of  them  became  the  slaves  and  herdsmen  of  the  Mongol  royal 
buaily.  They  were  encamped  near  Sar^dhar,  the  Saligol  of  Hyacinthe^ 
in  the  district  of  Ulagai  Bulak,  which  D'Ohsson  identifies  with  the 
Ulengaiy  a  tributary  of  the  Ingoda,  that  rises  in  the  watershed  between 
that  river  and  the  Onon.§  One  day  Tagudshar,  a  relative  of  Chamuka, 
the  chief  of  the  Jadjerats,  was  himting  in  this  neighbourhood,  and  tried 
to  lift  the  catde  of  a  Jelair,  named  Ju)i  Termele,  who  thereupon  shot  him. 
This  led  to  a  long  and  bitter  strife  between  Temudjin,  n^io  was  the  patron 
of  the  Jelairs,  and  Chamuka.  He  was  of  the  same  stock  as  Temudjin, 
and  now  joined  the  Taidshuta,  with  his  tribe  the  Jadjerats.  He  also 
pemiaded  the  Uduts  and  Ni^akias,  the  Kunilas  and  Inkixasses,  to  join 

Teraudjin  strugj^  in  vain  against  this  confederacy,  and  one  day  he 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Taidshuts.  Terkutai  fastened  on  faima  fOMiue^ 
the  instrument  of  torture  used  by  the  Chinese^  consisting  «f  two  boaidi 
which  aie  listened  to  the  shoukiers,  and  wbea  joined  together  round  Urn 
nedcform  an  effectual  barrier  to  desertion.  He  one  day  found  meaaa  tB 
escape  while  the  Taidshuts  were  busy  iieasting^  hid  in  apoad  with  hi« 
aastrils  only  oat  of  water,  was  detected  by  a  pursuer  sunned  Suxghan 
Shiiah  (by  Ssaaaag  Setzen,  Torj^ian  Shara).  He  belonged  to  the  Suldoz 
c2a%  had  pity  on  him,  took  him  to  his  kouse^  hid  him  under  some 
wool  in  a  cart,  so  that  his  piursuevs  failed  ta  find  him,  and  then  sent  him 
to  his  own  people.  51  This  and  other  stories  illustrate  one  {rfiase  of  Mongol 
character.  We  seldom  hear  amoi^  them  of  those  domestic  murders  sa 
fteqoeat  ia  Turkish  history ;  pretenders  to  the  throne  were  reduced  to 
servitude^  and  generally  made  to  perform  menial  offices,  but  seldom 
murdered.  They  illustrate  another  fact;  favours  conferred  in  distress 
were  seldom  forgotten,  and  the  chroniclers  fire^ently  explain  the  rise  of 
tome  obscure  individual  by  the  reodlection  of  a  handsome  thing  4one  to 
the  nJer  ia  his  unfortunate  days. 

Another  phase  of  Mongol  character,  namely,  the  treachery  and  craft 
with  which  tiiey  attempt  to  overreach  one  another  in  war  may  be 
iUnstxated  l^  a  short  Saga  told  by  Ssanang  Setzen,  and  probably  xelatix^ 
to  this  period  of  Tenuidjin's  career.  It  is  curious  how  circumstantial 
aanjr  of  these  traditions  are.  ''At  that  time,''  he  says,  ''Btdce  Qiilger  of 
the  Taidshuts  dug  a  pitfall  in  his  tent  and  covered  it  with  felts.  He  then, 
with  his  brothers,  arranged  a  grand  feast,  to  which  Temudjin  was  invited 
HiXb,  fblaome  phrases.    'Formerly  we  knew  not  dune  excellence,' lie  salc^ 

•^'niiMMi|iL#»,   Nolt.         tBftinitiia.i«9.    D»JCmilte,is.».         ^J 
ID^hMoii,i.4t«  mrto.     JUttM^ Jois,  ii.  171.     |  Erdrnwiyfini    -f  tuning  ScUcb,  ^< 


'and  lived  in  strife  with  thee.  We  have  now  learnt  that  thou  art 
not  false,  and  that  thou  art  a  Bogda  of  the  race  of  the  gods.  Our 
old  hatred  is  stifled  and  dead;  condescend  to  enter  our  small  house/ 
Temudjin  accepted  the  invitation,  but  before  going  he  was  warned 
by  his  mother  :  *  Rate  not  the  crafty  foe  too  lightly,'  she  said.  '  We  do 
not  dread  a  venomous  viper  the  less  because  it  is  so  small  and  weak.  Be 
cautious.'  He  replied,  *  You  are  right,  mother,  therefore  do  you  Khassar 
have  the  bow  ready.  Belgutei,  you  also  be  on  your  guard.  You, 
Chadshikin,  see  to  the  horse,  and  you,  Utsuken,  remain  by  my  side.  My 
nine  Orloks*  you  go  in  with  me,  and  you  my  three  hundred  and  nine 
body  guards  surround  the  yurt.'  When  he  arrived  he  would  have  sat 
down  in  the  middle  of  the  treacherous  carpet,  but  Utsuken  pulled  him 
aside  and  seated  him  on  the  edge  of  the  felt.  Meanwhile  a  woman  was 
meddling  with  the  horse  and  cut  off  its  left  stirrup.  Belgutei,  who 
noticed  it,  drove  her  out,  and  struck  her  on  the  leg  with  his  hand,  upon 
which  one  Buri  Buke  struck  Belgutei's  horse  with  his  sword.  The  nine 
Orloks  now  came  round,  helped  their  master  to  mount  the  white  mare  of 
Toktanga  Taishi  of  the  Kortshins,  a  fight  began,  which  ended  in  the 
defeat  and  submission  of  the  enemy ."t  Once  more  free,  Temudjin,  who 
was  now  seventeen  years  old,  married  Burte  Judjin,  whose  betrothal  I 
have  already  described.}  He  was  not  long  in  collecting  a  number  of  his 
men  together,  and  soon  managed  to  increase  their  number  to  13,000. 
These  he  divided  into  thirteen  battalions  of  1,000  men  each,  styled  gurans 
(1./.,  rings  ;  compare  the  rings  among  the  Avares),  each  guran  under  the 
command  of  a  gurkhan.§  The  gurkhans  were  chosen  from  his  immediate 
relatives  and  dependents.  The  forces  of  the  Taidshuts  numbered  30,000. 
With  this  much  more  powerful  army  Temudjin  risked  an  encounter  on 
the  banks  of  the  Baldjuna,  a  tributary  of  the  Ingoda,  and  gained  a 
complete  victory.  Abulghazi  says  the  Taidshuts  lost  from  5,000  to  6,000 
men.  The  battle-field  was  close  to  a  wood,  and  we  are  told  that  Temudjin, 
after  his  victory,  piled  faggots  together  and  boiled  many  of  his  prisoners 
in  seventy  cauldrons.  ||    A  very  problematical  story. 

Among  his  neighbours  were  the  Jadjerats  or  Juriats,ir  the  subjects  of 
Chamuka,  who,  according  to  De  Guignes,  fled  after  the  battle  with  the 
Taidshuts,  just  described.  One  day  a  body  of  the  Jadjerats,  who  were 
hunting,  encoimtered  some  of  Temudjin's .  followers,  and  they  agreed 
to  hunt  together.  The  former  ran  short  of  provisions,  and  he 
generously  surrendered  to  them  a  large  part  of  the  game  his  people  had 
captured.  This  was  favourably  compared  by  them  with  the  harsh 
behaviour  of  their  suzereigns,  the  Taidshut  princes,  and  two  of  their 

*  The  nine  Orloks  were  the  nine  principal  officers  of  Temudjin.  They  are  enumerated  in 
an  old  saga  describing  a  feast  in  which  he  and  his  nine  Orloks  were  engaged.  Ssanang 
Betsen,  381.    Note  30. 

t  Bsanang  Betxen,  8x.  %  Bsanang  Betxen,  69. 

I  On  these  ntmea  see  Brdmann,  Temndijin,  note  50,  and  Von  Hammer,  Golden  Horde,  fe^. 

I  Brdmann^  261-3.  f  Tchaoliei  of  De  ICaiUa. 


chiefs,  named  Ulugh  Behadur  (the  Yulu  of  De  Mailla)  and  Thugai  Talu, 
with  many  of  the  tribe  went  to  join  Temudjin.  They  were  shortly  after 
attacked  and  dispersed  by  the  Taidshuts.  This  alarmed  or  disgusted 
several  of  the  tatter's  allies^  who  went  over  to  the  party  of  Temudjin^ 
Among  these  were  Chamuka,  who  contrived  for  a  while  to  hide  his 
rancour,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Suldus  and  Basiuts.*  Their  example  wais 
soon  followed  by  the  defection  of  the  Barins  and  the  Telenkuts^  a  branch 
of  the  Jelairs.t 

Temudjin's  repute  was  now  considerable,  and  De  Mailla  tells  us 
that  wishing  to  secure  the  friendship  of  Podu,  chief  of  the  Kieliei,  or 
or  Ykiliesse  (Gaubil  9),  t.e,,  the  Kurulats,  who  lived  on  the  river  Ergone, 
!>.,  the  Argun,}  and  who  was  renowned  for  his  skill  in  archery,  he  offered 
him  his  sister  Termulun  in  marriage.  This  was  gladly  accepted,  and 
the  two  became  fast  friends.  As  a  sign  of  his  goodwill,  Podii 
wished  to  present  Temudjin  with  fifteen  horses  out  of  thirty  which  he 
possessed,  but  the  latter  replied,  "  To  speak  of  giving  and  taking  is  to  do 
as  merchants  and  traffickers,  and  not  allies.  Our  elders  tell  us  it  is 
difficult  to  have  one  heart  and  one  sotd  in  two  bodies.  It  is  this  difficult 
thing  I  wish  to  compass,  I  mean  to  extend  my  power,  over  my  neigh- 
bours here,  I  only  ask  that  the  people  of  Kieliei  shall  aid  me."$  Temudjin 
now  gave  a  grand  feast  on  the  banks  of  the  Onon,  and  distributed 
decorations  among  his  brothers.  To  this  were  invited  Sidsheh  Bigi, 
chief  of  the  Burgins  or  Barins,  his  own  mother,  and  two  of  his  step- 
mothers. A  skin  of  kumiss,  or  fermented  milk,  was  sent  to  each  of  the 
latter,  but  with  this  distinction.  In  the  case  of  the  eldest,  called  Kakurshin 
Khatun,  it  was  for  herself  and  her  family ;  in  that  of  the  younger,  for 
herself  alone.  This  aroused  the  envy  of  the  former,  who  gave  Sichir,  the 
master  of  the  ceremonies,  a  considerable  blow.  The  undignified  dis- 
turbance was  winked  at  by  Temudjin,  but  the  quarrel  was  soon  after 
enlarged^  One  of  Kakiu*shin's  dependents  had  the  temerity  to  strike 
Bdgutei,  the  half-brother  of  Temudjin,  and  wounded  him  severely  in  the 
shoulder,  but  Belgutei  pleaded  for  him.  "  The  wound  has  caused  me  ho 
tears.  It  is  not  seemly  that  my  quarrels  should  inconvenience  you,"  he 
said.  Upon  this  Temudjin  sent  and  counselled  them  to  live  at  peace  with 
one  another,  but  Sidsheh  Bigi  soon  after  abandoned  him  with  his  Barins. 
He  was  apparently  a  son  of  Kakurshin  Khatun,  and  therefore  a  step- 
brother of  Temudjin.]  About  11 94,  Temudjin  heard  that  one  of  the 
Taidshut  chiefs,  caUed  Mutchin  Sultu,  had  revolted  against  Madagu,  the 
Kin  Emperor  of  China,  who  had  sent  his  Chinsang  (prime  minister) 
Wan-jan-siang,  with  an  army  against  him.  He  eagerly  volunteered  his 
services  against  the  old  enemies  of  his  people,  and  was  successful    He 

*  The  Urdnti  and  Bnrdutt  of  Von  Hammer.      t  Erdmann,  263-5.  I^e  ICailla,  zt,  12. 

I  Ganbil  Hist  det  ICong.,  3.    Note  2.  %  De  Mailla,  ix.  14. 

I  De  Hailla,  is.  25,  z6.  Erdmann,  a68. 


killed  the  claef  and  capCnred  much  booty.  Ini^r  alia  was  a  silver  cradle 
vxdi  a  covering  of  giriden  tissue,  sttch  as  the  Mongx^  had  never  befeie 
aecB.  M  a  rewaid  lor  his  services  he  received  from  the  Qunese  officer 
the  title  cf  Jant-yoiEiy  written  Tcha-u-tii-Iu  in  Hyacinthe,  who  says  k 
flieans  commander  against  the  rebels.  According  to  Raschi^  on  thft 
same  occasion  Tuhii,  the  chief  of  the  Keraits,  was  invested  with  the  title  of 
Wang  (t>.y  king).*  On  his  return  from  this  expedidcm,  desiring  to  jenew 
his  intercourse  with  the  Barins,  he  sent  them  a  portion  of  the  Tartar 
booty.  The  beaiers  of  this  present  were  ms^treated.  Maiila,  lAio 
describes  the  event  somewhat  dtfierently,  says  that  ten  of  the  messengecs 
were  hilled  by  Sidsheh  Bigi,  to  revenge  the  indignities  that  had  been  pixt  on 
his  £nnily.  Temudjin  now  marched  against  the  Barins,  defeated  them  at 
Thulan  Bc^dak  (Tielito  ni  MaiUa).  Their  two  chie&  escaped.  According 
to  Mailla  th^  were  put  to  death^t 

In  1196  Temndjin  recdved  a  visit  from  Wang  Khan,  the  Kerait  dne^ 
who  was  then*  in  distress.  His  brother  Ilkah  Sengun,  better  known  as 
Jagampu  Keratti,  had  driven  him  from  the  throne.  He  first  sought 
assistance  from  the  chief  ef  Kara  Khitai,  and  when  that  failed  him,  tunwd 
to  Temndjin,  the  son  of  his  old  friend.  Wang  Khan  was  a  chief  of  graat 
consequence,  and  this  appeal  must  have  been  flatteriiig  to  him,  he  levied  a 
contribution  of  cattle  from  his  subjects  to  feast  lum  with^  and  promised 
Um  the  devotion  of  a  son  in  consideration  of  his  ancient  friendsh^  mth 

Temudjin  was  now,  says  Mailla,  one  of  the  most  powerful  princes  of 
these  parts,  and  he  determined  to  subjugate  the  Kieliei  {ue^  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Argun,  to  whom  I  have  already  referred),  but  he  was  defeated. 
Dtffing  the  action,  having  been  Ittt  )ay  twelve  arrows,  he  Hell  from  his 
horse  unconscious,  when  Bogordshi  and  Burgul  (Portchi  and  Mouholi  of 
Mailla)  at  some  risk  took  him  out  of  the  struggle.  While  the  former 
melted  the  snow  with  some  hot  stones  and  bathed  him  with  it,  so  as  to 
free  his  throat  from  the  blood,  the  latter,  during  the  long  winter  ni^t, 
covered  him  with  his  own  cloak  from  the  falling  snow.  He  would,  never- 
tiieless,  have  Cured  badly  if  his  mother  had  not  collected  a  band  of  his 
father's  troops  and  come  to  his  assistance,  together  with  Tului,  the 
Kerait  chie^  who  remembered  the  favours  he  had  received  from 
Temu^jin's  £ither.t  Mailla  ss^s,  that  returning  home  with  aiew  foUowen^ 
he  was  atUcked  by  a  band  of  robbers.  He  was  accon^anied  by  a  famous 
crossbowman,  named  Soo,  to  whom  he  had  given  the  name  of  Mei;£^ieAi 
While  the  robbers  were  within  ear^shot,  Meighen  shouted,  *'  There  aro 
two  wild  ducks,  a  male  and  a  female^  which  shall  I  bring  down.''  '^  The 
male,''  said  Temu4jin.  He  had  scarcely  said  so  when  down  it  came.  This 
was  too  much  for  the  robbers,  who  dared  not  measure  themselves  against 
such  victims.§    The  Merkits  had  recently  made  a  raid  upon  his  territory, 

<'D'01iMon,i.'4^   Vote.  t  Brdnuum,  168.   D»iC«iUm:ii.X7. 

I  Wolff,  ^.  ^^Dt^liMUm  ik.  19. 


and  carrkd  off  his  &vourite  wife  Bnrte  Judjin.  It  was  after  her  mtum 
finm  licr  captivity  that  she  gave  birth  to  her  elder  son,  Juji,  about  whose 
kgilimaqr  theze  seems  to  have  been  some  doubt  in  his  fiither^s 
mind.  It  was  to  revenge  this  that  he  now  (1197)  marched  against 
them,  and  defeated  them  near  the  river  Mundsheh  (a  river  Mandzin  is  still 
t*-  be  found  in  the  canton  Karas  M^iren)  *  He  abandoned  all  the 
boaty  to  Wang  Khan.  The  latter,  through  the  influence  of  Temudjin, 
OBoe  more  regained  his  throne,  and  the  following  year  (1198)  he  had  aa 
ej^edttion  on  his  own  account  against  the  Merkits,  and  beat  them  at  a 
place  named  Buker  Gehesh^f  but  he  did  not  reciprocate  the  generosity  of 
his  ally. 

In  1199  the  two  friends  made  a  joint  expedition  against  the  Naimans. 
The  latter  were  now  divided  betwe^  two  brothers,  who  had  quarrelled 
^XMit  their  Other's  concubine.  One  of  them,  named  Buyuruk,  had 
letiied  with  a  body  of  the  people  to  the  Kiziltash  mountains.  The  other, 
called  Baibttka,  but  generally  referred  to  by  his  Chinese  title  of  Taiwang, 
or  Tayai^,  remained  in  his  own  proper  country.  It  was  the  latter  who 
was  now  attacked  by  die  two  allies,  and  forced  to  escape  to  the  country 
of  Kem  Kemdjut  {Le^  towards  the  sources  of  the  Yenissei).  Chamuka, 
the  chief  of  the  Jadjerats,  well  named  Satchan,  or  the  crafty,  still  retained 
hb  hatred  for  Temudjin.  He  now  whispered  in  the  ear  of  Wang  Khan 
thai  his  adly  was  only  a  iairweather  friend.  Like  the  wild  goose,  he  flew 
anaiy  m  winter,  while  he  himself,  like  the  snow<bird,  was  constant  under 
aM  circumstances.  These  and  other  suggestions  aroused  the  jealousy  id 
Wan|^  Khan,  who  suddenly  withdrew  with  his  forces,  and  left  Temudjin 
ia  the  enemy's  country.  The  latter  was  thereupon  forced  to  retire  also. 
He  went  to  the  river  Sali  or  Sari.^  Gugsu  Seirak,  the  Naiman  general, 
weat  in  pursuit,  defeated  Wai^  Khan  in  his  own  territory,  and  captured 
mach  booty.  Wang  Khan  was  hard  pressed,  and  was  perhaps  only 
saved  by  the  timely  succour  sent  by  Temudjin,  which  drove  away  the 
Nasnans.  Once  more  did  the  latter  abandon  the  captured  booty  to  his 
tieadienNis  ally.  After  the  victory,  he  held  a  Kuriltai,  on  the  plains  of 
Sad  or  Sali,  to  which  Wang  Khan  was  invited,  and  at  which  it  was 
resolved  to  renew  the  war  against  the  Taidshuts  in  the  following  year. 
The  latter  were  in  alliance  with  the  Merkits,  whose  chief,  Tukta,  had 
sent  a  contingent,  commanded  by  his  brothers,  to  their  help.  The  two 
friends  attacked  them  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Onon.i  Raschid  says 
in  the  country  of  Onon  (<>.,  the  great  desert  of  Mongolia).  |  The 
confederates  were  beaten.  Terkutai  Kiriltuk  and  Kududar,  the  two 
leaders  of  the  Taidshuts,  vrere  pursued  and  overtaken  at  Lengut 
Nuramen,  where  they  were  both  killed.  Another  of  their  leaders,  with 
the  two  chiefs  of  the  Merkits,  fled  to  BurghudshinlT  (i^^  Burgusin  on 
Lake  Baikal),  while  the  fourth  found  refuge  with  the  Naimans. 

*  Erdmann.    l<rote75.  t  Erdinaiin,27z.  X 'DtHMSXUtix.t^, 

I  De  ICailU,  iz.  23.  |  D*OIiuoii,  1. 61.    ITote.  %  Erdnuuis,  275. 


This  victory  aroused  the  jealousy  of  cerlain  tribes  which  were  as  yet 
independent  of  Temudjin,  namely,  the  Kunkurats,  Durbans,  Jelairs, 
Katakins,  Saldjuts,  and  Taidshuts,  and  they  formed  a  confederacy  to  put 
him  down.  We  are  told  that  their  chiefs  met  at  a  place  called  Aru  Bulak, 
and  sacrificed  a  horse,  a  bull,  a  ram,  a  dog,  and  a  stag,  and  striking  with 
their  swords,  swore  thus  :  *'  Heaven  and  earth  hear  our  oaths,  we  swear 
by  the  blood  of  these  animals,  which  are  the  chiefs  of  their  races,  that  we 
wish  to  die  like  them  if  we  break  our  promises."  The  plof  was  disclosed 
to  Temudjin  by  his  father-in-law,  Dai  Setzen,  a  chief  of  the  Kunkurats. 
He  repaired  to  his  ally,  Wang  Khan,  and  the  two  marched  against  the 
confederates,  and  defeated  them  near  the  Lake  Bujrur.  He  afterwards 
attacked  some  confederated  Taidshuts  and  Merkits  on  the  plain  of 
Timurkin  (/.^.,  of  the  river  Timur  or  Temir)  and  defeated  them.  Mean- 
while the  Kunkurats,  afraid  of  resisting  any  longer,  marched  to  submit  to 
him.  His  brother,  Juji  Kassar,  not  knowing  their  errand,  unfortunately 
attacked  them,  upon  which  they  turned  aside  and  joined  Chamuka.* 

That  inveterate  enemy  of  Temudjin  had  at  an  assembly  of  the  tribes, 
Inkirasses,  Kurulasses,  Taidshuts,  Katakins,  and  Saldjuts,  held  in  1201, 
been  elected  Gurkhan.  They  met  near  a  river,  called  Kieiho  by  Mailla, 
Kian  by  Hyacinthe,  and  Kem  by  Raschid,t  and  then  adjourned  to  the 
Tula,  where  they  made  a  solemn  pact  praying  that  "  whichever  of  them 
was  unfaithful  to  the  rest  might  be  like  the  banks  of  that  river  which  the 
water  ate  away,  and  like  the  trees  of  a  forest  when  they  are  cut  into 
faggots.*'  This  pact  was  disclosed  to  Temudjin  by  one  of  his  friends  who 
was  present,  named  Kuridai.  He  marched  against  them,  and  defeated 
them  at  a  place  north  of  the  Selinga,  called  Ede  Kiurghan,  i,e,^  site  of  the 
grave  mounds. t     Chamuka  fled,  and  the  Kunkurats  submitted.} 

In  the  spring  of  1202,  Temudjin  set  out  to  attack  the  tribes  Antshi  and 
Tshagan.l  These  were  doubtless  the  subjects  of  Wangtshuk  and 
Tsaghan,  mentioned  by  Ssanang  Setzen.  They  were  probably  Tun- 
gusian  tribes.  The  western  writers  tell  us  that  Temudjin  gave  orders 
to  his  soldiers  to  follow  up  the  beaten  enemy,  without  caring  about  the 
booty,  which  should  be  fairly  divided  among  them.  His  relatives,  Kudsher, 
Daritai,  and  Altun,  having  disobeyed,  were  deprived  of  their  share, 
and  became,  in  consequence,  his  secret  enemies.T  Ssanang  Setzen  has 
much  more  detail,  and  his  narrative  is  interesting  because,  as  Schmidt 
suggests,  it  apparently  contains  the  only  account  extant  of  the  conquest 
df  the  tribes  of  Manchuria.  He  says,  that  while  Temudjin  was  hawking 
between  the  river  Olcho  (a  river  Olcoui,  rising  in  the  Soyoldji,  a  branch 
of  the  Khinggan  mountains,  about  the  forty-seventh  parallel  of  latitude,  is 
mentioned  by  D'Ohsson,  i.  64),  and  the  Ula  (probably  the  Nonni  Ula). 

*  Brdmann,  379.  D'Ohason,  i.  62.  t  Erdnumn.    Note  108.  I  Wolfi;  41.    Note. 

S  D'Ohssoa,  i.  65.  |  Hyacinthe  quoted  by  Brdmtim.    Note  1x4. 

If  Brdmann,  a8o,  381. 



Wangtshuk  Khakan,  of  the  Dschurtschid  (/V.,  of  the  Niutchi  Tartars  of 
Manchuria),  had  retired  from  there.  Temudjin  was  angry,  and  went  to 
assemble  his  army  to  attack  the  enemy's  capital.  But  as  a  passage  was 
forbidden  him  across  the  river  Ula,  and  the  road  was  blockaded,  the  son  of 
Toktanga  Baghatur  Taidshi,  named  Andun  Ching  Taidshi,  coupled  ten 
thousand  horses  together  by  their  bridles,  and  pressed  into  the  river, 
forced  a  passage,  and  the  army  then  began  to  besiege  the  town. 
Temudjin  sent  word  to  Wangtshuk,  and  said:  "  If  you  will  send  me  ten 
thousand  swallows  and  one  thousand  cats  then  I  will  cease  attacking  the 
town,"  upon  which  the  required  number  was  procured.  Temudjin 
fastened  some  lighted  wool  to  the  tail"  of  each  and  then  let  them  go  ; 
then  the  swallows  flew  to  their  nests  in  the  houses,  and  the  cats  climbed 
and  jumped  on  the  roofs  ;  the  city  was  fired,  by  which  means  Temudjin 
conquered  Wangtshuk  Khakan,  and  took  his  daughter  Salichai  for  his 
wife.  He  then  marched  further  eastwards  to  the  river  Unegen,  but  he 
found  it  had  overflowed  its  banks,  whereupon  he  did  not  cross  it  but  sent 
envoys  to  Tsaghan  Khakan  (?  the  tribe  Tsagan  mentioned  iif  the 
western  accounts,  vide  supra)  of  the  Solongus,  /.<• ,  of  the  Solons.  "Bring 
ine  tribute,  or  we  must  fight,"  he  said  ;  upon  which  Tshaghan  Khakan 
was  frightened,  sent  him  a  daughter  of  Dair  Ussun,  named  Khulan 
Goa,  with  a  tent  decorated  with  panther  skins,  and  gave  him  the  tribes 
of  Solongos  and  Bughas  as  a  dowry,  upon  which  he  assisted  Tshaghan 
Khakan,  so  that  he  brought  three  provinces  of  the  Solongos  under  his 

Ssanang  Setzen  at  this  point  introduces  one  of  those  quaint  Sagas, 
which  however  mythical  in  themselves,  are  true  enough  to  the  peculiar 
mode  of  thought  of  the  Mongols  to  make  them  very  instructive.  The 
Saga  runs  thus  :—  During  a  three  years'  absence  of  her  husband,  Burte 
Judjin  sent  Arghassun  Churtshi  (/'.f.,  Arghassun  the  lute  player)  to  him  ; 
when  the  latter  was  introduced,  he  spoke  thus  :  — **  Thy  wife,  Burte 
Judjin  Khatun,  thy  princely  children,  the  elders  and  princes  of  thy 
kingdom,  all  are  well.  The  eagle  builds  his  nest  in  a  high  tree ;  at  times 
he  grows  careless  in  the  fancied  security  of  his  high-perched  home  ;  then 
even  a  small  bird  will  sometimes  come  and  plunder  it  and  eat  the  eggs 
and  young  brood:  so  it  is  with  the  swan  whose  nest  is  in  the  sedges  on 
the  lake.  It,  too,  trusts  too  confidently  in  the  dark  thickets  of  reeds.  Yet 
prowling  w^ater-falcons  will  sometimes  come  and  rob  it  of  eggs  and 
young  ones.  This  might  happen  to  my  revered  lord  himself"  These 
words  aroused  Temudjin  from  his  confident  air.  "Thou  hast  spoken 
truly,"  he  said,  and  he  hied  him  on  his  way  homewards.  But  when  some 
distance  still  from  home  he  began  to  grow  timid.  "  Spouse  of  my  young 
days,  chosen  for  me  by  my  noble  father,  how  dare  I  face  thee  home- 
tarrying  Burte  Judjin,  after  living  with  Chulan  (/.^.,  the  Chulan  Goa 

*  Ssanabg  Sebcen,  75. 

•-<  1 


already  named),  whom  I  came  across  in  my  journey,  it  would  be  shameful 
to  seem  unfriendly  in  the  assembly  of  the  people.  One  of  you  nine  Orloks 
hie  you  to  Burte  Judjin  and  speak  for  me."  Mukuli,  of  the  Jelair 
tribe,  volunteered,  and  when  he  came  to  her,  delivered  this  message:  — 
"  Beside  protecting  my  own  lands  I  have  looked  around  also  elsewhere. 
I  have  not  followed  the  counsel  of  the  greater  and  lesser  lords.  On  the 
contrary,  I  have  amused  myself  with  the  variegated  colours  of  a  tent 
hung  with  panther  skins.  Distant  people  to  rule  over  I  have  taken  Chulan 
to  be  my  wife ;  the  Khan  has  sent  me  to  tell  you  this.''  His  wife 
seems  to  have  understood  the  enigmatical  phrases,  for  Setzen  says,  "Tlic 
sensible  !  Burte  Judjin  thus  replied,  *  The  wish  of  Burte  Judjin  and  of  the 
whole  people  is  that  the  might  of  our  sovereign  may  be  increased.  It 
rests  with  him  whom  he  shall  befriend  or  bind  himself  to.  In  the  reedy 
lakes  there  are  many  swans  and  geese.  If  it  be  his  wish  to  shoot  arrows 
at  them  until  his  finger  be  weary,  who  shall  complain?  So  also  there  are 
mai^y  girls  and  women  among  our  people.  It  is  for  him  to  say  who  the 
choicest  and  luckiest  are.  I  hope  he  will  take  to  himself  both  a  new  wife 
and  a  new  house.  That  he  will  saddle  the  untractable  horse.  Health 
and  prosperity  are  not  wearisome,  nor  are  disease  and  pain  desirable, 
says  the  proverb.  May  the  golden  girth  of  his  house  be  immortal '"  (/./., 
may  the  band  that  binds  the  felts  and  spars  of  the  yurt  never  decay,  in 
other  words,  may  he  ever  be  prosperous,  a  favourite  Mongol  wish). 

When  he  arrived  at  home  he  discovered  that  Arghassun  had  appro- 
priated his  golden  lute,  upon  which  he  ordered  Boghordshi  and  Mukuli 
to  kill  him.  They  seized  him,  gave  him  two  skins  full  of  strong  drink,  and 
then  went  to  the  Khan,  who  had  not  yet  risen.  Boghordshi  spake 
outside  the  tent:  **The  light  already  shines^  in  your  Ordu.  We 
await  your  commands,  that  is,  if  your  effulgent  presence,  having 
cheerfully  awoke,  has  risen  from  its  couch  I  The  dayhght  already 
shines.  Condescend  to  open  the  door  to  hear  and  to  judge  the 
repentant  culprit,  and  to  exercise  your  favour  and  clemency."  The 
Khan  now  arose  and  permitted  Arghassun  to  enter,  but  he  did  not  speak 
to  him.  Boghordshi  and  Mukuli  gave  him  a  signal  with  their  lips.  The 
culprit  then  began:  "While  the  seventy-tuned  Tsaktsaghai  unconcernedly 
sings  tang,  tang,  the  hawk  hovers  over  and  pounces  suddenly  upon  him 
and  strangles  him  before  he  can  bring  out  his  last  note  jang.  So  did 
my  lord's  wrath  fall  on  me  and  has  unnerved  me.  For  twenty  years  have 
I  been  in  your  household  but  have  not  yet  been  guilty  of  dishonest 
trickery.  It  is  true  I  love  smoked  drink,  but  dishonesty  I  have  not  in 
my  thought.  For  twenty  years  have  I  been  in  your  household  but  I  have 
hot  practised  knavery.  I  love  strong  drink,  but  am  no  trickster."  Upon 
which  Temudjin  ejaculated,  "  My  loquacious  Arghassun,  my  chattering 
Churtchi,"  and  pardoned  him. 

Temudjin  noi^  seems  to  have  been  master  of  the  country  generally 
known  as  Eastern  Dauria^  watered  by  the  Onon,  the  Ingoda,  the  Argun, 

JINGIS  KHAN.  *  59 

and  also  of  the  tribes  of  Tungusic  race  that  lived  on  the  Nonni  and  the 
Upper  Amur.  The  various  victims  of  his  prowess  began  to  gather  together 
for  another  effort.  Among  these  were  Tukta,  the  ch  ief  of  Merkits,  with  the 
Naiman  leader,  Buyuruk  Khan,  the  tribes  Durban,  Katagun,  Saldjut,' 
and  Uirat,  the  last  of  whom  were  clients  of  the  Naimans.*  Wang  Khan 
was  then  in  alliance  with  him.  At  the  approach  of  the  enemy  they 
retired  into  the  mountains  Caraun  Qiidun,  in  the  Khinggan  chain,  on  the 
frontiers  of  China,  where  they  were  pursued.  The  pursuers  were  terribly 
harassed  by  the  ice  and  snow,  which  Mailla  said  was  produced  by  one 
of  their  own  Shamans,  or  necromancers,  and  which  proved  more  hurtful 
to  them  than  to  the  Mongols,  f  Many  of  them  perished,  and  when  they 
issued  from  the  defiles  they  were  too  weak  to  attack  the  two  allies.  The 
latter  spent  the  winter  at  Altchia  Kungur  (a  small  river  Kung^r  flows 
into  Lake  Taal,  about  43  deg.  N.L.)J  Here  their  two  families  were 
united  b>  mutual  betrothals;  as  these,  however,  broke  down  ill- 
feeling  was  aroused  between  them,  and  Chamuka  had  an  opportunity 
of  renewing  his  intrigues.  He  suggested  that  Temudjin  had  secret  com- 
munications with  the  Naimans,  and  was  not  long  in  arousing  the  jealousy 
of  Wang  Khan  and  his  son  Sengun.  They  attempted  unsuccessfully  to 
assassinate  him,  but  he  was  warned  in  time.  He  now  collected  an  army 
and  marched  against  the  Keraits.  His  army  were  very  inferior  in 
numbers,  but  attacked  the  enemy  with  ardour.  Wang  Khan's  bravest 
tribe,  the  Jirkirs,  turned  their  backs,  while  the  Tunegkaits  were  defeated, 
but  numbers  nevertheless  prevailed,  and  Temudjin  was  forced  to  fly. 
This  battle,  which  is  renowned  in  Mongol  history,  was  fought  at  a  place 
called  Kalanchin  Alt.  Raschid  says  this  place  is  near  the  country  of 
the  Niuchis,  not  far  from  the  river  Olkui.  Some  of  the  Chinese  authorities 
call  it  Khalagun  ola,  and  Hala  chon,  and  D'Ohsson  surmises  that  it  is 
that  part  of  the  Khinggan  chain  from  which /low  the  southern  affluents 
of  the  Kalka,  one  of  which  is  called  Halgon  in  D'Anville's  map.  Mailla, 
however,  distinctly  places  it  between  the  Tula  and  the  Onon,  which  is 
probably  right.  §  Abandoned  by  most  of  his  troops,  he  fled  to  the  desert 
Baldjuna,  where  he  was  reduced  to  great  straits  (D'Ohsson  says  that 
a  lake  Baldjuna,  whence  flows  the  Tura,  a  tributary  of  the  Ingoda,  is 
found  in  the  plateau  north  of  the  Onon).  Here  are  still  found  many 
grave  mounds,  and  the  Buriats  relate  that  this  retired  place,  protected  on 
the  north  by  woods  and  mountains,  was  formerly  an  asylum  |  A  few  firm 
friends  accompanied  him.  They  were  afterwards  known  as  Baldjunas, 
a  name  compared  by  Von  Hammer  with  that  of  Mohadshirs,  borne  by 
the  companions  of  Mahomet's  early  misfortunes.  IT  Two  shepherds,  named 
Kishlik  and  Badai,  who  had  iiiformed  him  of  Wang  Khan's  march,  were 
created  Terkhans.** 

*  Eidmaan.  aSx.  t  De  ICailla,  ix.  26.  I  D'Ohsaoo,  i.  67.    Note. 

i  De  iCaiUa,  op.  dt.  iz.  54.  |  Wo]flr43.    Ritter*s  Aait,  ii.  372-2^ 

%  Voo  Hammer,  Golden  Horde,  65.  **  D*Oha«on,  i.  72. 


Having  been  a  fugitive  for  some  time,  Temudjin  at  length  moved  to  the 
south-east,  to  the  borders  of  Lake  Kara,  into  which  flows  the  river  Uldra, 
there  he  was  joined  by  some  Kunkurats,  and  he  once  more  moved  on  to 
the  sacred  Mongol  lake,  the  Dalai  Nur.*  Thence  he  indited  the  following 
pathetic  letter  to  Wang  Khan:— 

"  I.  O  Khan,  my  father,  when  your  uncle,  the  Gur  Khan,  drove  you  for 
having  usurped  the  throne  of  Buyuruk,  and  for  having  killed  your  brothers 
Tatimur  Taidshi  and  Buka  Timur,  to  take  refuge  at  Keraun  Kiptchak  (the 
Garavoun  Gabdjal  of  D'Ohsson),  where  you  were  beleagfured,  did  not 
my  father  come  to  your  rescue,  drive  out,  and  force  the  Gur  Khan  to  take 
refuge  in  Ho  Si  (the  country  west  of  the  Hoangho),  whence  he  returned 
not  ?  Did  you  not  then  become  Anda  (/.^.,  sworn  friend)  with  my  father, 
and  was  not  this  the  reason  I  styled  you  father  ? 

"  2.  When  you  were  driven  away  by  the  Naimans,  and  your  brother, 
Ilkah  Sengun,  had  retired  to  the  far  east,  did  I  not  send  for  him  back 
again,  and  when  he  was  attacked  by  the  Merkits,  did  I  not  attack  and 
defeat  them  ?    Here  is  a  second  reason  for  your  gratitude. 

"  3.  When  in  your  distress  you  came  to  me  with  your  body  peering 
through  your  tatters,  like  the  sun  through  the  clouds,  and  worn  out  with 
hunger,  you  moved  languidly  like  an  expiring  flame,  did  I  not  attack 
the  tribes  who  molested  you  ;  present  you  with  abundance  of  sheep  and 
horses  ?  You  came  to  me  haggard.  In  a  fortnight  you  were  stout  and 
well-favoured  again.     Here  is  a  third  service  we  have  done  you. 

"  4.  When  you  defeated  the  Merkits  so  severely  at  Buker  Gehreh,  you 
gave  me  none  of  the  booty,  yet  shortly  after,  when  you  were  hard  pressed 
by  the  Naimans,  I  sent  four  of  my  best  generals  to  your  assistance,  who 
restored  you  the  phinder  that  had  been  taken  from  you.  Here  is  the 
fourth  good  office. 

"  5.  I  pounced  like  a  Jerfalcon  on  to  the  mountain  Jurkumen,  and 
thence  over  the  lake  Buyur,  and  I  captured  for  you  the  cranes  with  blue 
claws  and  grey  plumage,  that  is  to  say,  tlie  Durbans  and  Taidshuts. 
Then  I  passed  the  lake  Keule.  There  I  took  the  cranes  with  blue  feet, 
that  is,  the  Katakins,  Saldjuts,  and  Kunkurats.  This  is  the  fifch  service 
I  have  done  you. 

**6.  Do  you  not  remember,  O  Khan,  my  fatiier,  how  on  the  river  Kara, 
near  the  Mount  Jurkan,  we  swore  that  if  a  snake  glided  between  us,  and 
envenomed  our  words,  we  would  not  listen  to  it  until  we  had  received 
some  explanation ;  yet  you  suddenly  left  me  without  asking  me  to 

"7.  O  Khan,  my  father,  why  suspect  me  of  ambition.^  I  have  not  said 
*  My  part  is  too  small,  I  want  a  greater;'  or  *  It  is  a  bad  one,  I  want  a 
better.'  When  one  wheel  of  a  cart  breaks,  and  the  ox  tries  to  drag  it,  it 
only  hurts  its  neck.      If  we  then  detach  the  ox,  and  leave  the  vehicle,  the 

•  Wolff,  44. 


thieves  come  and  take  the  load.  If  we  do  not  unyoke  it,  the  ox  will  die 
of  hunger.    Am  I  not  one  wheel  of  thy  chariot  ? " 

With  this  letter  Temudjin  sent  a  request  that  the  black  gelding  of 
Mukuli  Behadur,  with  its  embroidered  and  plated  saddle  and  bridle,  which 
had  been  lost  on  the  day  of  their  struggle,  might  be  restored  to  him  ;  he 
also  asked  that  messengers  might  be  sent  to  treat  for  a  peace  between 

Another  letter  was  sent  to  his  uncle  Kudshir,  and  to  his  cousin 

This  letter  is  interesting,  because  it  perhaps  preserves  for  us  some 
details  of  what  took  place  at  the  accession  of  Jingis.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  Mongol  Khans  affected  a  coy  resistance  when  asked  to  become 
chief.  The  letter  runs  thus  : — "  You  conspired  to  kill  me,  yet  from  the 
beginning  did  I  tell  the  sons  of  Bartam  Behadur  {i.e.,  his  grandfather),  as 
well  as  Satcha  (his  cousin),  and  Taidju  (his  uncle).  Why  does  our 
territory  on  the  Onon  remain  without  a  master  ?  I  tried  to  persuade  you 
to  rule  over  our  tribes.  You  refused.  I  was  troubled.  I  said  to  you, 
'Kudshir,  son  of  Tekun  Taishi,  be  our  Khan.'  You  did  not  listen  to  me; 
and  to  you,  Altun,  I  said,  *  You  are  the  son  of  Kutluk  Khan  (the  Kubilai 
of  D'Ohsson),  who  %vas  our  ruler.  You  be  our  Khan/  You  also  refused, 
and  when  you  pressed  it  on  me,  saying,  *  Be  you  our  chief,'  I  submitted  to 
your  request,  and  promised  to  preserve  the  heritage  and  customs  of  our 
fathers.  Did  I  intrigue  for  power?  I  was  elected  unanimously  to  prevent 
the  country,  ruled  over  by  our  fathers  near  the  three  rivers,  passing  to 
strangers.  As  chief  of  a  numerous  people,  I  thought  it  proper  to  make 
presents  to  those  attached  to  me.  I  captured  many  herds,  yurts,  women, 
and  children,  which  I  gave  you.  I  enclosed  for  you  the  game  of  the 
steppe,  and  drove  towards  you  the  mountain  game.  You  now  serve  Wang 
Khan,  but  you  ought  to  know  that  he  is  fickle.  Yoti  sec  how  he  has 
treated  me.     He  will  treat  you  even  worse."* 

Wang  Khan  was  disposed  to  treat,  but  his  son  Sengun  said  matters 
had  gone  too  far,  and  they  must  fight  it  out.  We  now  find  Wang  Khan 
quarrelling  with  several  of  his  dependents,  whom  he  accused  of  conspiring 
against  him.  Temudjin*s  intrigues  were  probably  at  the  bottom  of  the 
matter.  The  result  was  that  Dariti  Utshegin,  with  a  tribe  of  Mongols, 
and  the  Sakiat  tribe  of  the  Keraits,  went  over  to  Temudjin,  while  Altun 
and  Kudshir,  the  latter^s  relations,  who  had  deserted  him  as  I .  have 
described,  took  refuge  with  the  Naimans.t 

Among  the  companions  of  his  recent  distress,  a  constant  one  was  his 
brother  Juji  Kassar,  who  had  also  suffered  severely,  and  had  had  his 
Camp,  &c.,  pillaged  by  the  Keraits.  Temudjin  had  recourse  to  a  ruse* 
He  sent  two  servants  who  feigned  to  have  come  from  Juji,  and  who 
offered  his  submission  on  condition  that  his  wife  and  children  were 

*  D'Ohwon,  h  78.  t  Erdmann,  ag5. 


admitted  the  justice  of  this  punishment,  which  he  would  himself  have 
meted  out  if  he  had  been  successful. 

D'Ohsson  says  that  Temudjin  had  now  conquered  enough  of  men, 
cattle,  and  pastures,  and  his  eyes  turned  to  the  capture  of  richer  booty 
in  the  south,  the  former  hunting  ground  of  many  nomade  tribes.  His 
first  venture  was  made  upon  Tangut,  the  Hia  of  the  Chinese  writers.  The 
kingdom  had  been  previously  known  as  that  of  Ho  Si,  i.e.j  west  of  the 
river  (corrupted  by  the  Mongols  into  Kaschin).  When  Temudjin  con- 
quered it  the  name  Kaschin  was  given  to  his  youthful  grandson,  a  son 
of  Ogotai^s,  who  was  born  at  the  time,  and  on  his  death  the  name  was 
changed  to  Tangut.  The  Mongols  first  captured  a  strong  fort  named 
Liki  (Lairi  of  Hyacinth's  Histor>'  of  the  Yuen),*  and  having  razed  it  to  the 
ground,  took  the  town  of  Lung-si-hien  (Asagitgelus  of  Erdmann),  and  in 
it  a  large  iDooty,  v/ith  which  he  returned  to  the  desert.t  This  expedition 
was  made  in  1205.  De  Mailla  here  tells  a  quaint  stor>',  "As  Temudjin 
returned  from  Hia  he  met  a  child  in  charge  of  some  sheep.  This  child 
had  put  a  stick  in  the  ground  and  his  cap  upon  it,  and  was  dancing  and 
singing  around  it.  Temudjin,  whose  curiosity  was  tickled,  asked  him 
why  he  did  thus.  *  When  one  is  alone,'  said  the  child,  *  having  no  com- 
panion but  one's  cap,  one  ought  to  respect  //.  If  there  are  two  persons 
together,  the  younger  ought  to  pay  respect  to  the  elder.  As  I  was  alone 
I  did  it  to  my  cap.  I  heard  you  were  about  to  pass,  and  I  thought  I 
would  practice  the  ceremonies  due  to  you  when  you  should  arrive.'" 
Temudjin  took  the  child  home  and  had  him  brought  up  in  his  tent. 

He  had  now  reached  a  memorable  epoch  in  his  life ;  north  of  the  desert 
he  had  subdued  all  t,he  turbulent  and  lawless  tribes  that  stretched  from 
the  Irtish  to  the  Khinggan  mountains.  He  had  destroyed  all  his 
rivals,  apd  we  are  told  that  in  the  spring  of  1206  he  summoned  a  Kuriltai 
near  the  sources  of  the  Onon ;  on  this  spot  was  planted  a  standard  com- 
posed of  nine  white  tuks  (/V,  Yak-tails,  one  for  each  of  the  nine  Orloks) 
placed  one  over  the  other,  around  this  were  collected  the  chiefs  of  the 
different  tribes.  A  Shaman  named  Gueukdju,  who  was  surnamed  But 
Tengri,  or  Image  of  God,  now  came  forward  and  declared  solemnly  that 
having  conquered  so  many  Gur  Khans,  />.,  "  chief  Khans,"  he  could  not 
adopt  that  humbled  title,  and  that  heaven  decreed  to  him  the  title  of 
Jingis  Khan,  or  the  "Ver>' Mighty  Khan."  He  was  therefore  saluted 
under  that  name  by  the  different  chiefs.  He  was  now  forty-four  years  of 
age,  or  according  to  Raschid  fifty-one. 

Ssanang  Setzen  has  a  queer  tale  to  tell  of  the  origin  of  the  name  Jingis. 
He  says  that  in  11 89,  when  Temudjin  was  forty-eight  years  old,  he  was 
proclaimed  Khakan  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Kerulon.  For  three  mornings 
before  the  ceremony,  a  five-coloured  bird,  in  shape  like  a  lark,  came 
and  sat  on  a  squared  stone  in  front  of  the  royal  yurt,  and  screamed  out 

•  D'Ohsson,  i.  97.    Note.  t  DelfailU,  ix.40. 


Jingis,^Jingis,  which  he  thereupon  adopted  as  his  middle  name,  his  title 
in  full  being  Sutu  Bogda  Jingis  Khakan.  There  then  appeared  in  the 
midst  of  the  stone  the  seal  called  Chas  Boo.  This  seal  was  a  span  in 
length  and  breadth.  On  its  lower  face  was  a  turtle,  and  in  the  back  of 
the  latter  two  dragons  were  interlaced.  On  this  truly  Mongol  legend 
Erdmann  has  the  cynical  comment, "  En  Cor  Zenodoti  en  jecur  Cratetis."* 
The  legend  goes  on  to  say  that  it  was  now  that  Temudjin  gave  his 
people  the  name  of  Koke  Mongol,  /V.,  Blue  or  Celestial  Mongols.t  Ssanang 
Setzen  says  they  had  hitherto  been  called  Bed^,  butj  as  I  have  shown,  the 
name  Mongol  is  of  much  older  date.  Guekdju  the  Shaman  had 
gained  great  credit  among  the  Mongols,  and  even  persuaded  them  he 
sometimes  mounted  to  h^ven  on  a  grey  horse.  He  now  became  trouble- 
some to  Temudjin,  to  whom  he  was  aggressively  impertinent.  The  latter 
grew  weary  of  him,  and  ordered  him  to  be  killed.  Juji  Kassar,  we  are 
told,  kicked  him  out  of  the  tent  and  then  put  him  to  death.  After  the 
dissolution  of  the  Kuriltai,  Jingis  (as  we  shall  now  call  him)  marched 
against  the  Naimans.  On  the  death  of  Tayang  Khan,  his  brother 
Buyuruk,  who  had  divided  the  heritage  with  and  now  succeeded  him,  was 
with  his  people  hunting  in  the  Ulug  Tag  mountains  (the  Urtu-ola  of  the 
Chinese — they  form  the  western  continuation  of  the  Little  Altai  west  of 
the  Balkash  Sea)  near  the  river  Sudja.  Here  he  was  attacked  and  killed 
by  some  supporters  of  Jingis,  his  wife  and  baggage  fell  into  the  victor's 
hands,  while  his  nephew  Gushluk  and  the  irrepressible  Khan  of  the 
Merkits  fled  towards  the  land  watered  by  the  Irtish.  As  the  people  of 
Hia  had  failed  to  send  the  promised  tribute,  he  ordered  a  fresh  expedition 
against  them.  This  was  in  1207.  This  expedition  captured  the  town  of 
Wuhlahai,  and  returned  with  much  booty.  |  "  Wuhlahai  gave  its  name  to 
one  of  the  seven  lu  of  the  Mongolian  period,  including  Tangut  or 
Kansuh.'  It  was  probably  the  kingdom  of  Egrigaia  of  Marco  Polo."  § 
Jingis  Khan  now  called  upon  the  Kirghises  and  Kem  Kcmdjuts  who 
lived  north  of  the  Naimans  to  do  homage.  Their  two  chiefs  are  called 
Idymere  and  Aldar  by  Hyacinthe,||  Yetici  Ynali  and  Alitiei  by  Mailla. 
One  of  the  names  is  wanting  in  the  MSS.  of  Raschid.  The  other  is 
called  Urns  Inal  by  him. IT  Ssanang  Setzen  calls  him  Orodshu  Schiguschi 
and  his  people  Oirad  Buriad.**  Burut  is  still  a  well-known  synonym  for 
the  black  or  proper  Kirghises.  The  two  chiefs  agreed  to  do  homage,  and 
sent  Jingis  a  present  of  some 

In  the  autumn  of  1208  Jingis  pursued  Gushluk  andTukta  in  the  direction 
of  the  Irtish.  On  the  way  the  tribe  Oirat,  called  Ouayla  by  Mailla  JJ 
(Girat  is  a  synonym  for  the  Telenguts  or  White  Kalmuks  of  the  Irtish), 
submitted  to  him,  and  their  chief  volunteered  to  guide  his  army.    The 

•  Erdmann,  309,  and  Note  179.  t  See  Wolff,  47«  Ssanang  Setzen,  71. 

I  Erdmann,  311.    De  Mailla,  ix.  42.  ^  Porter  Smith's  Vocabulary,  63. 

I  Erdmann,  Note,  183.       f  D'Ohsson,  i.  103.    Note.       ••  Op.  cit.,75. 
tt  D'Ohsson,  i.  X04.  11  Op.  cit.,  ix.  42. 



fugitives  were  overtaken  near  the  Kem,  ue.,  the  upper  Irtish.  Tukta  the 
Merkit  chief  was  killed,  Gushluk  escaped  to  Kara  Khitai.  Soon  after  he 
received  the  submission  of  Bardjuk  the  Idikut  or  king  of  the  Uighurs  ;  he 
was  a  tributary  of  Kara  Khitai,  but  in  1209  had  murdered  the  deputy  of 
that  empire,  named  Shukem ;  when  in  expectation  of  dire  punishment 
he  heard  of  the  great  successes  of  Jingis,  he  hastened  to  recognise  him. 
In  the  fulsome  Eastern  panegyric  he  wrote  "  As  when  the  clouds  break 
and  disclose  the  sun  burning  with  renewed  lustre,  as  the  cracking  ice 
displays  the  pure  blue  stream  below,  so  did  thy  arrival  fill  me  with 
delight  and  with  the  hope  of  deliverance."*  Jingis  Khan  received  this 
message  with  courtesy,  and  sent  word  back  that  he  wished  the  Idikut  to 
go  to  him  in  person  with  the  richest  object  in  his  treasury.  The  latter 
despatched  a  valuable  bag  full  of  pearls  and  other  gifts,  but  does  not 
appear  to  have  gone  himself.t 

In  1209  he  commenced  another  campaign  by  penetrating  into  Kan-su, 
then  dependent  on  the  kingdom  of  Hia,  whose  king,  Li-ngan-tsuen,  sent 
his  son  with  an  army  to  oppose  him,  but  he  was  beaten,  and  Kao-ling- 
Kong,  his  Lieutenant- General,  was  made  prisoner.  The  Mongols  then 
captured  Uiraka  (/>.,  the  passage  through  the  wall — Raschid  calls  it 
Erica,  and  in  another  place  Erlaca,t  and  it  is  probably  the  Egrigaia  of 
Marco  Polo),§  they  then  took  the  fortress  of  I-men,  crossed 
the  Hoangho,  and  laid  siege  to  Nin  hia  fu,  then  called  Chung 
hing,  the  capital  of  Hia  (the  Calatia  of  Marco  Polo— it  was  for- 
merly also  called  Hwai  Yuen),||  but  the  inhabitants  opened  the  dykes 
of  the  river  and  flooded  their  camp.  The  Mongols  then  sent  messengers 
into  the  city  to  treat.  The  king  of  Hia  agreed  to  acknowledge  their 
supremacy,  and  surrendered  one  of  his  daughters,  who  was  sent  to  the 
harem  of  Jingis.^  On  his  return  to  his  yurt  he  found  the  Idikut  of  the 
Uighurs,  Arslan  Khan,  chief  of  the  Karliks  (/>.,  the  Turks  of  iCayalik), 
and  Ozar,  prince  of  Almalig,  who  had  come  to  do  him  homage.  Arslan 
.  Khan  had  recently  followed  the  example  of  the  Uighur  prince,  and  had 
slain  the  deputy  of  his  suzereign,  the  Khan  of  Kara  Khitai.  Jingis  took 
him  into  his  service,  invested  him  with  a  golden  girdle,  and  gave  him  a 
daughter  of  his  house  to  wife.  The  Idikut  asked  that  he  might  have  some 
special  mark  of  favour  and  be  treated  as  his  fifth  son.  To  this  he 
assented,  and  gave  him  his  daughter  Altun  Bigi  in  marriage.**  Ozar, 
prince  of  Almalig,  was  shortly  after  captured  while  hunting,  and  put  to 
death  by  order  of  Gushluk.  Jingis  appointed  his  son  Seknak  Tekin  to 
succeed  him,  and  gave  him  the  daughter  of  his  eldest  son  Juji  in 
marriage,  tt 

The  Khan  of  the  Mongols  now  felt  himself  strong  enough  to  undertake 
a  much  more  important  enterprise,  namely  to  attack  the  empire  of  China. 

•  D'Ohiton,  110.         t  Erdmann,  314.        J  De  Mailla  «aya  Wuh-la-hai.    Op.  cit.,  4a. 
D*Obflion,  i.  zo6.        S  |  Porter  Smith,  op.  cit.,  5.       %  D'Ohsaoo,  i.  xo6.       **  Erdmann,  315. 

tt  D'Ohsson,  i.  iiz. 


That  country  was  divided  into  two  portions,  the  southern  portion,  with 
its  capital  at  Lin-ngan  (the  later  Hangchow,  in  Chekiang ;  it  was  also 
called  Kinsai,  and  was  so  known  to  Marco  Polo),*  was  under  the  native 
dynasty  of  the  Sung ;  the  northern  portion,  comprising  the  provinces  of 
Pehchehli,  Shansi,  Shan-tung,  Honan,  the  southern  part  of  Shensi,  and 
that  part  of  Kiang  Nan  north  of  the  Yellow  River,  with  its  capital  at 
Yenking,  near  the  modem  Peking,  was  under  the  domination 
of  the  Kin  emperors,  the  Tartar  dynasty  from  which  the  Manchus 
eventually  sprang.  The  Kin  emperors  dominated  over  Tartary,  and 
among  others  the  Khitans,  the  previous  masters  of  Northern  China,  were 
their  tributaries.  Jing^s  Khan  relied  upon  the  assistance  of  these  latter. 
He  was  also  encouraged  by  some  refugees,  who  reported  to  him  that  the 
Qiinese  were  discontented  with  the  Kin  dynasty.  During  the  reign  of 
the  emperor  Chang  tung,  11 90- 1208,  his  uncle  Ta  ngan,  who  held  the 
fief  of  Wei  in  Honan,t  had  been  sent  into  Tartary  to  collect  tribute,  and 
had  used  his  influence  to  thwart  the  rise  of  Jingis.J  In  1209  Ta  ngan 
succeeded  his  nephew,  and  is  known  in  Chinese  history  as  Chong-hei. 
In  1209  he  sent  the  usual  embassy  to  Jingis  to  receive  his  tribute. 
Instead  of  kneeling  to  receive  the  Imperial  commands  he  scornfully  told 
the  envoy  that  the  "  Son  of  Heaven "  (the  euphemism  used  by  the 
Chinese  when  speaking  of  their  emperors)  ought  to  be  an  extraordinary 
person,  but  an  imbecile  like  this  Chong  hei,  was  he  worthy  of  a  throne, 
or  that  he  Temudjin  should  abase  himself  before  him  ?  Upon  which  he 
moimted  his  horse  and  rode  away. 

Having  collected  his  officers,  he  recounted  to  them  the  injuries  their 
ancestors  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  Altan  Khans,  the  good  fortune 
that  had  hitherto  attended  his  arms,  which  would  probably  continue,  and 
his  determination  to  resist  the  pretensions  of  the  emperor.  This  address 
was  well  received,  and  it  was  determined  to  send  one  of  the  principal 
Mongols,  named  Jafar  Khodsha,  to  the  Altan  Khan  with  a  haughty 
message,  reminding  him  that  Jingis  had  risen  from  being  a  small 
chieftain  to  be  the  master  of  the  desert.  That  his  forces  were  well 
disciplined  and  well  equipped.  That  fortune  attended  his  arms  in  all 
directions,  and  that  he  was  prepared  for  either  peace  or  war,  whichever 
the  Kin  emperor  desired,  but  that  he  should  no  longer  be  his  dependent. 
To  this  the  emperor,  who  was  naturally  enraged,  replied  with  some 
firmness  and  scom,§  and  Jingis  prepared  for  war.  On  the  mountain 
In-chan  he  made  a  solenm  pact  with  a  chief  of  the  Khitans,  in  which  a 
white  horse  and  a  black  ox  were  sacrificed,  and  an  arrow  was  broken 
while  the  parties  faced  towards  the  north.  They  swore  mutual  fidelity; 
the  Khitan  undertaking  to  serve  the  Mongols,  while  the  latter  undertook 
to  restore  the  Khitans  to  the  sovereignty  of  Liautung.    The  chief  with 

*  Porter  Smith,  op.  dt»,  9i  and  29.  t  Wolff,  54.  J  De  Goignet,  iv.  a6. 

i  Brdmaim,  3x7  and  318.  ' 


whom  this  treaty  was  made  was  named  Yeliu  Liuko.  He  was  a  scion  of 
the  old  royal  family  of  the  Liau,  and  lived  at  Tsien-u,  on  the  northern 

Before  setting  out,  Jingis  climbed  a  mountain,  and,  having  unloosed 
his  girdle,  addressed  a  prayer  to  the  gods,  in  which  he  mentioned  the 
murder  of  his  relatives  Ugin  Berkak  and  Hemukai  Khan  by  the  Kin 
emperors ;  how  he  was  now  setting  out  to  claim  vengeance  for  their 
blood,  and  prayed  that  victory  might  rest  with  those  who  had  the  right 
on  their  side.*  Having  left  his  trusty  commander  and  son-in-law, 
Thugadshar  Noyan,  with  a  corps  of  2,000  men  to  keep  a  watch  on  the 
newly  conquered  tribes,  he  set  out  in  March,  121 1,  from  the  river 
Kerulan.  His  four  sons  accompanied  him.  He  had  first  to  cross  the 
desert  of  Gobi,  which  then  bordered  the  Mongol  tribes  on  the  ^uth,  and 
then  came  to  the  province  of  Shansi,  whose  northern  frontier  was 
protected  by  the  rampart  of  earth  and  bricks,  with  its  occasional  towers, 
widely  celebrated  as  the  Great  Chinese  Wall.  The  Onguts,  who 
garrisoned  the  wall,  treacherously  went  over  to  the  invaders.  It  would 
seem  that  their  chief,  Alausse  or  Alakush,  was  the  chief  influence  among 
them  which  was  favourable  to  the-  Mongols,  and  that  the  tribesmen  were 
by  no  means  so  well  affected.t  At  all  events,  we  are  told  that  shortly 
after  this  Alausse  was  put  to  death  by  his  officers,  and  his  nephew 
Sengun  succeeded  him.t 

Chepe  Noyan  commanded  the  right  wing ;  Jingis's  three  sons,  Juji, 
Ogotai,  and  Jagatai  commanded  the  left  wing;  while  he  himself 
with  his  youngest  son  Tuli  was  in  the  centre.  Chepe,  with  the  ilite  of  the 
Mongol  army,  forced  several  posts  of  the  Great  Wall  situated  to  the 
north-east  and  north-west  of  Tai  tong  fu,  then  called  Si  king,  or  the 
western  court.§  He  then  advanced  and  plundered  the  country  to  within 
a  short  distance  of  the  Kin  capital  Tung  king.  Jingis  himself  invaded 
the  province  of  Pchchehli.  After  the  capture  of  the  town  of  Fu  chau,  he 
advanced  to  the  mountain.  Ye  hu  ling,  situated  seven  or  eight  leagues 
from  Siuen-hwa-fu.||  The  Kin  generals,  With  an  army  which  has  been 
calculated  at  the  absurd  number  of  400,000,  were  encamped  close  by. 
They  deemed  it  a  good  opportunity  for  attacking  him  while  his  horses  were 
emaciated  from  hard  service,  and  the  troops  demoralised  by  the  recent 
plunder  of  Fu  chau.  Jingis  was  informed  of  the  plan;  he  was  also  joined 
by  Ming-ngan  (a  Kin  general  in  command  of  the  advance  guard),  who 
deserted  to  him.  The  Mongols  made  the  necessary  arrangements; 
attacked  and  defeated  one  division  of  the  Kin  army,  under  the  general 
Kiukien.  The  main  army,  under  Wainen  Hosho,  upon  this  retired 
hastily,  and  was  pursued  to  the  fortress  of  Hoi  ho  p'u  on  the  river  Hoi, 
where  it  was  attacked  and  cut  to  pieces.^    A  general  whose  name  is  not 

*  Erdmann,3i9.        t  De  Mailla,  35.     J  D'Ohsson,  i.  129.  Note.       i  De  Guignes,  iv.  28. 
I  40.38  N.L.    115  E,    Porter  Smith,  op.  cit.,  49.      5  D'Ohsion,  i.  130  131. 


mentioned,  but  De  Guignes  says  he  was  a  Guebre  or  Fire  Worshipper, 
now  attacked  the  strong  fort  of  Kiu  yong  koan,  situated  at  the  head  of  a 
defile  four  leagues  long,  leading  to  the  capital.  This  was  abandoned  in 
a  cowardly  manner  by  its  commander,  and  the  Mongols  took  possession 
of  it.  Meanwhile  the  third  army,  commanded  by  the  three  sons  of 
Jingis,  overran  six  districts  north  of  the  Great  Wall  of  Shansi,  while 
another  division  conquered  the  frontier  country  of  Pehchehli.*  The 
list  of  Mongol  conquests  in  China  is  monotonous  and  not  very  easy  to 
follow.  At  length  in  August,  12 12,  Jingis  laid  siege  to  Tai-tong-fu.  This 
successfully  resisted  his  attack,  and,  having  been  wounded  by  an  arrow, 
he  retired  once  more  into  the  desert.  His  invasion  of  China  had  been 
an  almost  continuous  success.  He  had  broken  the  prestige  of  the  Kin 
soldiery  and  had  tested  the  skill  of  his  officers,  among  whom  Chep6,  Mukuli 
Subutai  and  his  brother  Juji  Kassar  had  greatly  distinguished  themselves. 
While  the  great  invasion  was  going  on,  his  ally  Yeliu  Liuko,  who  had 
raised  a  considerable  army  and  was  assisted  by  a  contingent  of  3,000 
Mongols,  defeated  the  Kin  general  Ho-sho,  who  was  at  the  head  of 
60,000  men.  Jingis  now  sent  his  able  officer  Chepe  to  help  him.  He  laid 
siege  to  Liauyang  (also  called  Tung  king,  or  the  eastern  residence),  the 
capital  of  Liautung,  which  was  shortly  afterwards  captured.  Yeliu  Liuko, 
with  the  consent  of  Jingis,  took  the  title  of  king  of  Liau,  and  fixed  his 
capital  at  Hienping. 

When  the  Mongols  retired,  the  Kin  soldiers  reoccupied  many  of  the 
towns  the  former  had  captured,  but  they  did  not  hold  them  long.  In  the 
autumn  of  12 13,  Jingis  once  more  entered  China  and  overran  a  large 
part  of  Pehchehli.  The  list  of  his  captures  occupies  a  closely 
packed  page  of  D'Ohsson's  history  (i.  136).  It  is  too  monotonous  to 
extract.  But  meanwhile  a  serious  revolution  occurred  elsewhere.  A 
general  of  the  empire  called  Hushaku,  who  had  been  an  exile  and  very 
destitute,  and  had  been  suddenly  raised  to  his  present  position,  conspired 
against  the  emperor,  had  him  seized  in  his  palace,  and  a  few  days 
afterwards  murdered  him,  and  placed  Utubu,  a  brother  of  the  murdered 
emperor  and  a  creature  of  his  own,  on  the  throne.  He  then  fought  a 
battle  with  the  Mongols,  in  which  he  was  successful.  The  following  day 
they  renewed  the  combat,  and  Kaoki,  who  commanded  the  Imperial 
forces  in  the  absence  of  Hushaku  who  had  been  wounded,  was 
defeated.  Fearing  the  vengeance  of  the  latter  he  forestalled  him  and 
had  him  murdered.  Having  cut  off  his  head  he  presented  it  to  the 
emperor,  who  rewarded  his  unsoldierly  conduct  by  making  him 
generalissimo  of  his  forces. 

Meanwhile  the  Tanguts  of  Hia  invaded  the  west  of  the  empire.  W.hen 
they  had  been  recently  attacked  by  the  Mongols  they  had  asked 
assistance  from  the  Kin  emperor,  and  as  this  had  been  refused  they 

•  D*Oh880D,  i.  132. 


were  piqued,  made  terms  with  the  Mongols,  and  now  attacked  the 
frontier  town  of  Kia  chau  in  Shensi.*  Many  Chinese  had  joined  the 
standard  of  Jingis,  and  to  conciliate  them  he  appointed  Chinamen  to 
conmiand  them.  He  also  adopted  the  clever  plan  of  making  the  women, 
the  aged,  and  the  children  march  in  front  of  his  army,  so  that  if  attacked 
they  would  be  the  first  victims.  Leaving  a  corps  of  observation  in  the 
north  he  divided  his  army  into  three  divisions,  one  of  which  overran 
Shansi;  a  second,  the  maritime  districts  of  Pehchehli  and  the 
district  of  Liau  si.  The  third,  under  his  own  orders,  conquered  the 
interior  districts  of  Pehchehli  and  Shan  tung.t  They  ravaged  ninety 
flourishing  towns,  compelling  the  rural  population,  as  they  went  along,  to 
construct  the  siege  works.  In  this  war,  in  which  a  great  part  of  the 
countr>'  north  of  the  Yellow  river  was  overrun,  the  Mongols  captured  an 
immense  booty;  gold  and  silken  tissues,  cattle,  horses,  and  slaves.  The 
Mongol  armies  were  all  reunited  not  far  from  Yen  king,  and  Jingis  sent  to 
the  emperor  to  offer  terms,  these  were  accepted.  Utubu  gave  Jingis  one 
of  the  daughters  of  the  deceased  emperor  Chong  hei  in  marriage,  and 
with  her  a  great  quantity  of  precious  articles,  500  youths,  500  girls,  and 
3,000  horses.  D'Ohsson  says  that  Jingis  in  retiring  from  the  country 
made  a  general  massacre  of  his  prisoners. 

The  Kin  emperor  having  got  rid  of  his  great  enemy,  proclaimed  a 
general  amnesty,  and  then  removed  his  residence  and  court  to  his 
southern  capital,  Pien  king,  now  Kai  fling  fu.  This  aroused  the  jealousy 
of  Jingis,  and  as  at  the  same  time  a  leader  of  irregular  troops  in  the 
Imperial  service  called  Choda  (he  is  called  Kanta  by  Gaubil),  revolted 
and  asked  his  assistance,  he  once  more  ordered  his  Mongols  to  cross 
the  frontier.  They  speedily  invested  Yen-king,  and  defeated  the  armies 
sent  to  its  relief.  The  commander,  despairing  of  success,  poisoned 
himself,  after  having  composed  a  monitory  address  to  his  emperor,  in 
which  he  set  out  the  measures  necessary  to  save  the  empire.  The 
conmiander  who  replaced  him  escaped  from  the  city  in  a  most  cowardly 
manner,  and  the  Mongols  entered  it.  Here  they  made  a  general  carnage ; 
they  fired  the  emperor's  palace,  which  is  said  to  have  continued  burning 
for  a  month,  and  then  despatched  a  vast  booty  to  Jingis  Khan.  Among 
the  captives  was  a  Khitan  whose  long  beard,  great  stature,  and  imposing 
voice,  are  recorded  as  having  impressed  his  conqueror  very  much.  Jingis 
addressed  him:  "The  houses  of  the  Liau  and  Kin  have  always  been 
enemies,  I  have  avenged  thee."  Khu-tsai,  such  was  his  name,  replied: 
"  My  father,  grandfather,  and  myself  have  been  the  subjects  and  servants 
of  the  Kin  Emperors;  it  is  not  seemly  that  I  should  abuse  them." 
Touched  by  his  fidelity,  Jingis  took  him  into  his  house,  made  him  court 
astrologer,  and  deputed  to  him  especially  the  duty  of  consulting  the 
divination  by  means  of  burnt  shoulder  blades  of  sheep,  a  practice  still 

*  Gaubil,  21.  t  D'OhMon,  i.  140. 


frequent  among  the  Mongols.*  He  became  the  trusty  councillor  of  Ogotai, 
vide  infra.  The  chief  heroes  of  the  capture  of  the  northern  capital  of  the 
Kin  were  the  Mongol  generals  Samuka  Behadur  and  Mingan.  Jingis  was 
determined  to  push  on  his  success.  He  despatched  Samuka  with  10,000 
men,  with  orders  to  march  by  way  of  Hia  and  to  force  the  pass  of 
Tung  kwan,the  celebrated  passage  through  the  mountains  which  separates 
the  provinces  of  Shensi  and  Honan,  and  is  in  fact  the  key  to  the  latter. 
After  attacking  it  in  vain  he  succeeded  in  turning  it,  and  clambered  over 
the  ravines  and  rocks — according  to  De  Mailla  using  lances  and  boughs 
of  trees  lashed  together  with  chains  as  a  roadway  for  his  cavalry. 
Having  thus  crossed  the  mountains  he  penetrated  into  the  heart  of 
Honan,  but  was  there  beaten  and  had  to  retire  rapidly ;  his  troops 
crossed  the  Yellow  river  on  the  ice.  He  did  not  retire  far,  and  next  year 
again  crossed  the  river,  captured  the  fort  of  Tung  kwan  and  several 
cities,  and  laid  siege  to  the  capital,  but  not  having  a  sufficient  force  he 
retu-ed  again,  and  was  soon  after  defeated  near  Pen  yan  fu,  in  Shan-si. 

Meanwhile  the  emperor  had  sent  an  army  to  recover  possession  of 
Liautung,  which,  from  its  natural  strength,  having  three  sides  defended 
by  the  sea,  was  treated  as  a  place  of  refuge,  in  case  of  disaster,  by  the 
court.  This  army  had  driven  out  Yeliu  Liuko,  soi-disant  king  of  Liautung, 
and  captured  his  capital.  Jijigis  sent  his  most  trusty  general  MukuH  with 
an  army  to  reinstate  his  protege.  Mukuli  attacked  Tung-king,  which  he 
captured,  by  a  ruse.  One  of  the  emperor's  messengers,  on  his  way  there,  was 
captured  and  put  to  death,  and  his  patent  of  office  having  been  secured,  a 
trusty  Mongol  was  substituted  for  him.  He  presented  himself  at  the  city, 
was  not  suspected,  reported  that  everything  was  again  quiet  at  the  Imperial 
court,  and  that  the  soldiers  should  be  disbanded.  Hardly  was  this  done 
when  Mukuli  appeared  with  his  army,  and  occupied  the  town  without 
shooting  an  arrow.  This  conquest,  says  De  Mailla,  secured  to  the  Mongols 
several  thousand  li  of  territory,  180,000  families,  100,000  soldiers,  and  an 
immense  store  of  riches.  Of  thirty-two  towns  of  Liautung,  all  except  Tai 
ning  were  captured.  Mukuli  now  advanced  into  tiau  Si,  />.,  Liau 

He  was  met  in  the  country  of  the  Hoa  tao  by  the  Kin  general  Intsing, 
who  had  an  army  of  200,000  men.  This,  according  to  Gaubil,  was 
filled  with  traitors,  and  partially  dispersed.  The  Imperial  general  was 
assassinated,  and  another  named  Ilduku  put  in  his  place.  Having 
ventured  on  a  battle,  he  was  beaten,  and  the  Peking,  or  northern  capital, 
which  then  was  the  city  of  Ta  ning  fu,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mongols. 
Ilduku  was  appointed  its  governor.  Mukuli  put  down  a  fresh  rebellion 
and  killed  its  leaders,  and  having  reduced  the  two  important  provinces 
of  Liautung  and  Liau  Si  to  order,  he  returned  to  the  camp  of  Jingis,  who 
received  him  with  great  honour,  pronounced  an  eulogium  upon  him,  gave 

*  D*OhMon,  i.  149. 


the  year  1200,  had  aheady  extended  his  dominion  by  the  conquest  of 
Balkh,  Herat,  and  all  Khorassan.  In  1208-9  he  broke  his  allegiance  to  the 
Gur  Khan,  and  in  the  next  year  he  subdued  Trans-Oxiana.  In  1212-13 
he  annexed  the  principality  of  Gur,  and  three  years  later  that  of  Ghazni. 
Here  he  discovered  that  the  caliph  of  Bagdad  had  been  intriguing  against 
him ;  he  thereupon  marched  an  army  against  him,  overran  Irak-Adjem, 
and  was  only  prevented  from  taking  Bagdad  by  the  severity  of  the  winter 
and  the  incessant  attacks  of  the  Kurds  and  other  nomades. 

The  mother  of  Muhammed  was  Turkan  Khatuna.  She  belonged  to 
the  Turkish  tribe  of  the  Kankalis,  who  then  dominated  over  the  steppes 
north  of  the  Aral.  On  her  marriage  many  chiefs  and  tribes  of  that  race 
entered  into  the  service  of  the  Khuarezm  Shah ;  they  formed  quite  a  sepa- 
rate element  in  the  population,  a  kind  of  military  aristocracy,  like  the  later 
Mameluks,  over  which  the  Sultana  had  great  influence,  and  through 
which  she  ha^  almost  equal  authority  with  her  son.  On  his  return  from 
Irak,  Muhammed  came  to  Bukharia,  where  he  received  some  envoys 
from  Jingis  Khan,  who  brought  him  presents  of  silver  bars,  musk,  jade, 
costly  dresses  of  white  wool  called  tarkoul  (made  of  white  camels'  hair, 
and  costing  fifty  dinars  each),  with  the  message:  "  I  send  these  greeting, 
I  know  thy  power  and  the  vast  extent  of  thine  empire,  I  regard  thee  as 
my  most  cherished  son.  On  thy  part,  thou  must  know  that  I  have 
conquered  China  and  all  the  Turkish  nations  north  of  it ;  thou  knowest 
that  my  country  is  a  magazine  of  warriors,  a  mine  of  silver,  and  that  I 
have  no  need  of  other  lands.  I  take  it  we  have  an  equal  interest  in 
encouraging  trade  between  our  subjects."  This  good  feeling  was 
apparently  reciprocated  by  Muhammed,  but  an  unfortunate  occurrence 
soon  caused  a  serious  quarrel  between  them  ;  some  agents  of  Jingis  who 
had  gone  to  buy  merchandise  for  him  in  Trans-Oxiana  were  seized  as 
spies  at  Otrar  and  executed  by  Inallzig,  the  chief  of  the  Kankalis 
encamped  there,  and  with  the  approval  of  Muhammed.  Jingis  sent 
envoys  to  demand  that  the  governor  of  Otrar  should  be  handed  over  to 
him,  in  default  of  which  he  would  declare  war.  Muhammed's  ruthless 
answer  was  to  murder  Bag^a,  the  chief  envoy,  and  to  send  the  other  two 
back  with  their  beards  cut  off.  He  then,  without  declaring  war,  led  an 
army  into  the  steppes  north  of  the  Jaxartes.  War  was  now  inevitable, 
and  Jingis  having  called  a  Kuriltai,  it  was  determined  to  prosecute  it 
vigorously.  It  would  seem  that  he  was  encouraged  to  proceed  by  the 
invitation  of  the  Khalif  Nassir,  who  was  a  deadly  enemy  of  Muhammed, 
the  latter  having  attempted  to  displace  him  and  to  put  a  nominee  of  his 
own  on  the  throne  of  Baghdad.* 

In  the  spring  of  12 18  Jingis  set  out  from  Karakorum  and  sunmiered  his 
cavalry  on  the  Irtish  ;  with  him  marched  the  princes  of  the  Uighurs  and 
the  Karluks,  and  the  chief  of  Almalig.    From  the  Irtish  the  Mongol  Khan 

*  D'Ohsson,  i.  axz.    Note.     De  Goignes,  iT.  43. 


directed  that  his  army  should  advance  upon  the  Khuarezmian  empire  by 
two  grand  routes.  The  northern  army  under  the  command  of  his  second 
son  Jagatai  marched  against  the  Kankalis,  who  defended  the  country 
abbut  the  Balkash  sea  and  Karatag  mountains.  The  southern  army  under 
his  eldest  son  Juji,  who  had  rejoined  his  father  after  his  campaign  in  the 
north  of  Sungaria,  marched  by  way  of  Utsh  Turfan  and  Pidshan,  and 
drove  the  broken  remnants  of  Kushluk's  former  army  towards  Kashgar, 
and  then  on  through  the  passes  of  Akizek,  Terek,  and  Tazik  in  Jhe 
Asfera  range,  and  into  Ferghana.  The  fugitives  wished  to  join  a  body  of 
Muhammed's  troops  who  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Khokand  or 
Khodjend.  They  were  overtaken  between  the  river  of  Ush,  also  called 
Takti  Soliman,  Kamuksu,  or  Kamzi,  and  the  river  of  Keba,  both  small 
tributaries  of  the  Jaxartes,  probably  near  Ardana,and  were  cut  to  pieces, 
except  a  few  who  escaped  or  were  taken  prisoners.*  Muhammed's 
forces  amounted  it  is  said  to  400,000  men,  who  were  ill-disciplined  and 
disintegrated,  while  he  himself  had  lost  the  confidence  of  his  younger 
days.  The  approach  of  the  Mongols  from  this  side  was  unexpected  ;  he 
put  his  people  in  motion  and  set  them  out  in  battle  array  between  Ush 
and  Sangar.  The  Mongol  chiefs  wished  to  retire  and  to  draw  the 
Sultan's  army  into  the  narrow  passes,  where  a  small  force  might  easily 
resist  a  large  one  ;  but  Juji  was  of  a  different  opinion.  He  ordered  the 
attack ;  a  savage  fight  ensued,  during  which  in  his  eagerness  he  was 
nearly  captured  or  killed,  and  was  saved  by  the  timely  succour  of  Pi  tu, 
the  son  of  Je  lu  lieu  ko,  who  had  been  appointed  king  of  Liautimg 
by  Jingis,  the  Khuarezmian  army  was  defeated,  and  if  we  are 
to  believe  the  chroniclers  who  deal  in  hyberbolic  phrases,  the  loss  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  fugitives  was  160,000.  Muhammed  now  determined 
to  avoid  meeting  the  Mongols  in  the  open  field,  but  to  scatter  his  army 
among  the  towns  of  Mavera  ul  nehr  and  Khuarezm,  in  the  vain  hope 
that  the  Mongols  would  be  content  with  ravaging  the  open  count r)-,  and 
then  return  with  their  booty.  He  himself  retired  to  Samarkand,  and  his 
retirement  broke  down  to  a  large  extent  the  spirit  of  his  subjects.t 

While  Juji  was  invading  Trans-Oxiana  from  the  east,  the  other 
sections  of  the  Mongol  army  were  marching  down  upon  the  doomed 
garden  of  Asia  from  the  north.  Otrar  was  the  main  point  of  attack.  It 
is  the  key  to  the  fertile  province  to  the  south  of  the  Jaxartes  called 
Mavera  id  nehr  by  the  Arabs,  and  known  in  the  west  as  Trans-Oxiana, 
names  equivalent  to  Mesopotamia,  Entre  Rios,  and  the  Doub  in  other 
countries,  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Jaxartes  or  Sihun,  on  the  south 
by  the  Oxus  or  Jihun,  and  on  the  east  and  west  by  the  mountains  of 
Pamir  and  the  Khorassan  sand-wastes  respectively.  The  Mongol  army 
was  divided  into  four  corps,  the  first  of  which  commanded  by  Jagatai  and 
Ogotai,  the  sons  of  Jingis,  invested  Otrar.    Planted  as  a  garrison  on  this 

•Wolfi,65.  t  Wolff,  66. 


frontier  were  a  body  of  Kankalis  under  their  chief  Inallzik,  who  had 
been  granted  the  title  of  Gur  Khan  by  the  former  chief  of  Kara 
Khitai,*  and  who  had  precipitated  the  war  as  I  have  described  by 
putting  the  envoys  of  Jingis  to  death.  His  army  mustered  about  50,000, 
and  he  was  now  reinforced  by  a  further  body  of  10,000,  who  were 
sent  him  by  Muhammed  under  Karadshar  Hadshib,  who  was  his 

The  army  that  marched  against  Otrar  was  conmianded  by  Jagatai  and 
Ogotai,  the  second  and  third  sons  of  Jingis.  After  a  siege  of  five 
months,  from  the  end  of  November,  12 18,  to  the  end  of  April,  12 19,  the 
garrison  became  hard  pressed,  and  as  Inallzik  refused  to  surrender, 
Karadshar,  with  the  Hite  of  the  soldiers,  left  the  town  at  night,  and 
deserted  to  the  Mongols.  They  were  put  to  death— the  Draconic 
sentence  of  the  Mongols  being  that 'one  who  was  faithless  to  his  own 
sovereign  would  prove  so  to  them.  Inallzik,  with  20,000  of  his  followers, 
now  took  refuge  in  the  citadel,  where  he  held  out  for  two  months.  The 
place  was  then  stormed  and  its  g^arrison  put  to  death.  Inallzik  escaped 
with  tw^o  men  to  his  home,  and  when  they  were  killed  the  story  goes  that 
he  hurled  bricks  at  his  pursuers,  which  were  handed  to  him  by  his  wife. 
He  was  at  length  captured  alive,  and  was  put  to  death  by  having  melted 
silver  poured  into  his  ears  and  eyes,  a  retribution  it  is  said  for  his 
a\*arice.  The  walls  of  Otrar  were  razed  and  the  place  was  pillaged,  but  the 
lives  of  the  inhabitants  were  spared;  but  the  siege  had  already  cost  the  lives 
of  100,000  soldiers  and  200,000  civilians.  While  this  siege  was  going  on 
Juji,  who  had  defeated  the  Khuarezmian  army  as  I  have  described, 
proceeded  to  subdue  and  overrun  the  country  of  Eastern  Ferghana. 
Among  its  towns  most  celebrated  in  later  days  was  Sighnak,  which  Wolff 
identifies  with  the  Senderach  of  Edrisi  and  the  Senkharab  or  Sengar  of 
other  authors,  which  is  situated  four  or  five  miles  south-east  of  Ush  on  the 
mountain  road  to  Kashgar.t  It  was  afterwards  the  capital  of  the  White 
Horde  Juji  ^-as  ordered  to  treat  the  inhabitants  with  tenderness.  He  sent 
forward  one  Hassan  Hadji,  or  the  pilgrim,  who  had  traded  with  the 
Mongols,  to  summon  the  town.  Treating  him  as  a  traitor,  the 
inhabitants  put  him  to  death.  To  re\*enge  this,  Juji  pressed  the  attack 
with  vigour,  and  after  seven  days  of  severe  fighting  captured  it  and  made 
a  general  massacre  of  its  inhabitants.  He  then  captured  and  pillaged 
Uzkend,  Barkhaligkcnd,  and  Eshnass-t  The  strong  city  of  Jend  was  his 
next  goal.  Its  governor,  Kutluk  Khan,  deserted  it  in  the  night.  This 
caused  great  confusion  inside,  and  prevented  preparations  for  defence. 
Its  high  walls  were  speedily  scaled ;  the  lives  of  its  inhabitants  were 
spared,  but  ihcy  were  driven  into  the  open  coimtry  for  nine  da3rs,  while 
the  town  was  gi\-en  up  to  pillage.  Juji  appointed  Ali  Khodja  of  Bokhara 
to  be  its  governor.  He  then  captured  the  tOM-n  of  Yengigent  (/>.  Xcwtown), 

*  \Vv>lff,  <o.        t  Wolff.  :i.        :  Schass  of  Voo  Hamincr^Gokico  HoHe.  79- 


situated  on  the  Jaxartes^  at  two  days'  journey  from  its  outlet  into  the  sea 
of  AraL 

We  are  now  told  that  the  Ulus  Bede,  probably  the  Uighurs,  desiring 
to  return  home,  were  sent  back  to  Karakorum,  and  were  replaced  by 
10,000  Turkomans.*  (Von  Hammer  and  D*Ohsson  say  expressly  it  was 
10,000  Uighurs  who  thus  returned  home.)  These  Turkomans  were  sent 
with  other  troops  into  Khuarezm,  but  having  killed  their  commander,  they 
were  attacked  by  the  other  Mongols  and  dispersed.  The  remnant  sought 
refuge  at  Amuyeh  and  Mem.  As  a  diversion  to  draw  off  some  of  the 
troops  of  Ferghanah  from  attacking  Juji,  Jingis  had  despatched  a  third 
army,  consisting  of  5,000  men,  under  Suktu  Buka  and  Alan  Noyon,  who 
first  captured  the  old  city  of  Aksi,  formerly  the  capital  of  Ferghanah, 
they  then  attacked  Benaket  which  was  garrisoned  by  some  Kankalis.  After 
a  short  resistance  they  surrendered,  hoping  for  qiercy,  but  it  availed  them 
nothing.  As  the  town  had  not  surrendered  at  once  the  soldiery  were  put 
to  death,  the  artisans  were  divided  as  prisoners  among  the  Mongols. 
This  division  then  attacked  Khodjend,  a  beautiful  town  on  the  Jaxartes, 
famous  for  its  gardens  and  fruits,  for  its  trade,  and  the  bravery  of  its 
inhabitants.  Its  governor  was  an  intrepid  warrior,  called  Timur-Melik, 
he  retired  with  1,000  men  to  a  small  island  in  the  Jaxartes,  out  of  reach 
of  weapons  from  either  bank.  The  Mongols  forced  the  country  people 
to  carry  stones  to  make  a  causeway  to  the  island.  Meanwhile  Timur- 
Melik  was  indefatigable  in  destroying  the  besiegers*  works.  He  built 
twelve  large  boats,  protected  by  felts  and  other  coverings  from  the  stink- 
pots of  the  Mongols;  with  these  he  made  raids  on  the  besiegers  and  their 
workmen,  but  hard  pressed  he  was  at  length  obliged  to  fly.  Having 
embarked  his  troops  and  valuables  on  seventy  boats,  he  trusted  himself 
to  the  river.  He  broke  past  Benaket,  where  a  chain  had  been 
stretched  across.  At  Jend  a  bridge  of  boats  had  been  built  as  a  barrier, 
and  baUstas  and  other  primitive  cannon  were  planted  on  the  banks. 
These  forced  him  to  land,  he  gave  battle  to  the  Mongols  several  times, 
but  his  force  gradually  diminished  until  he  was  left  alone,  and  alone  he 
reached  Urgendj.  Having  collected  a  few  troops,  he  returned  and 
surprised  Yengigent,  and  killed  its  governor,  a  nominee  of  the  Mongols. 
He  afterwards  joined  his  master,  the  Khuarezm  Shah.  His  intrepidity 
was  long  remembered.  Oriental  historians  quote  the  adage  that  "if 
Rustem  were  stiD  alive  he  might  be  his  page."  t 

While  these  three  divisions  were  successfully  overrunning  the  coimtry 
watered  by  the  Jaxartes,  Jingis  and  his  younger  son  Tului  advanced  with 
the  main  army  towards  Bokhara.  With  him  went  two  bodies  of 
balisters,  the  primitive  artillery  of  the  Mongols.  The  towns  of 
Tashkend  (not  Sertak,  as  the  translator  of  Abulghazi  says)t  and  Nur 
or  Nurata  surrendered  as  he  approached  ;  the  inhabitants  were  well 

*  Erdmann,  374.  t  Vambciyt  Bokharab,  xas*  I  Wolff,  69. 


treated,  merely  paying  a  ransom  and  supplying  a  contingent  of  young 
men  to  the  Mongol  army.  Jingis  ordered  the  name  of  the  former  town  to 
be  changed  to  Kutluk  balig,  ue.  Lucky  city.  At  the  latter  we  are 
told  that  the  ear-rings  of  the  women  collected  on  the  spot  made  up  one- 
half  the  amount  of  1,500  dinars y  which  was  claimed  as  ransom.  This  is 
no  bad  evidence  of  the  prosperous  condition  of  the  inhabitants. 

Bokhara  was  defended  by  20,000  soldiers.  It  was  then  a  very  laige 
and  magnificent  city.  "  Its  name,  according  to  the  historian  Alai-ud-din, 
is  derived  from  Bokhar,  which  in  the  Magian  language  means  the  *  centre 
of  science."'*  In  the  time  of  Ibn  Haukal  it  was  surrounded  by  two 
walls,  the  inner,  one  farasan^  in  circuit,  the  outer,  twelve  parasangs; 
between  the  two  were  palaces,  parks,  gardens,  and  villages.  The  river  of 
Sogd  traversed  its  faubourgs.  It  was  on  the  19th  of  June,  1219,  that 
Jingis  appeared  before  the  city.t 

After  several  days'  siege  the  garrison  despairing  of  success  forced  its 
way  through  the  Mongol  lines,  but  was  subsequently  attacked  and  almost 
destroyed.  The  next  day  the  Imams  and  great  men  came  to  surrender 
the  city.  The  Mongol  chief,  we  are  told,  entered  it  to  see ;  arrived 
at  the  great  mosque,  he  asked  if  this  was  the  Sultan's  palace ;  on  being 
told  it  was  the  house  of  God  he  dismounted,  climbed  the  steps,  and  said 
in  a  loud  voice  to  his  followers, "  The  hay  is  cut,  give  your  horses  fodder."  X 
They  easily  understood  this  cynical  invitation  to  plunder,  and  meanwhile 
the  boxes  in  which  the  korans  were  kept  were  converted  into  mangers ; 
the  sacred  books  were  trampled  under  the  horses'  hoofs.  As  if  this  was 
not  enough  insult,  the  floor  of  the  mosque  was  strewn  with  wine  skins, 
singing-women  were  introduced  into  the  building,  and  a  scene  of 
debauchery  ensued,  during  which  the  Imams,  doctors  of  the  law,  &c., 
were  compelled  to  hold  the  horses'  bridles.  Jingis  Khan  then  collected 
the  chief  inhabitants  in  the  Mosalla  or  place  set  apart  for  public  prayer, 
and  thus  addressed  them,  "  You  have  committed  great  faults,  and  the 
chiefs  and  leaders  of  the  people  are  the  greatest  criminals.  If  you  need 
any  proof  of  my  statement,  I  answer  that  I  am  the  scourge  of  God.  If 
you  were  not  great  criminals,  God  would  not  have  permitted  me  to  have 
thus  punished  you."  He  further  bade  them  disclose  all  their  hidden 
treasure,  and  not  mind  making  any  return  about  that  that  was  not  hidden, 
as  he  could  easily  find  that.  The  inhabitants  w^re  ordered  to  leave  the 
town  in  a  body,  with  only  their  clothes,  so  that  it  might  be  more  easily 
piDaged,  after  which  the  spoil  was  di\'ided  among  the  victors.  ^  It  was  a 
fearful  day,"  saj-s  Ibn  al  Ithir,  ^  one  only  heard  the  sobs  and  weeping  of 
men,  women,  and  children,  who  were  separated  for  ever ;  women  were 
ravished,  while  many  men  died  rather  than  sur\'ive  the  dishonour  of  their 
wives  and  daughters."    The  Mongols  ended  by  setting  fire  to  all  the 

•  D'Ofasson,  L  xi^  t  Wolff,  69. 


wooden  portion  of  the  town,  and  only  the  great  mosque  and  certain 
palaces  which  which  were  built  of  brick  remained  standing.* 

Von  Hammer  compares  with  force  the  accounts  of  the  capture  of 
Bokhara  given  by  the  Mussulman  historians  with  the  Byzantine  descrip- 
tions of  the  capture  of  Constantinople.  The  Kankalis  who  garrisoned 
Bokhara  were  as  usual  put  to  death,  according  to  Erdmann  to  the 
number  of  30,000,  and  the  city  remained  desolate  for  a  long  time.  The 
young  men  were  sent  to  do  sappers'  work  at  the  siege  of  Samar- 
kand, to  which  Jingis  now  turned.  He  advanced  along  the  beautiful 
valley  of  Sogd,  the  paradise  described  so  enthusiastically  by  Persian 
authors.  Muhammed  had  sometime  before  deserted  his  capital  and 
retired  across  the  Oxus  towards  Termed,  t 

Samarkand  was  not  only  the  capital  of  Trans-Oxiana,  but  also  one  of  ' 
of  the  greatest  entrepots  of  commerce  in  the  world.  Three  miles  in  cir- 
cumference, it  was  surrounded  with  a  wall  having  castles  at  intervals,  and 
pierced  by  twelve  iron  gates ;  was  then  garrisoned  by  110,000  men,  of 
whom  60,000  were  Turkomans  and  Kankalis,  and  50,000  Tajiks  or  Persians. 
There  were  also  twenty  war  elephants  attached  to  the  army.  Jingis 
was  joined  by  the  three  armies  that  had  overrun  Northern  Trans-Oxiana, 
which  converged  upon  the  doomed  town,  and  an  immense  body  of  men 
invested  it.  The  Turkish  mercenaries,  who  thought  they  would  be  treated 
as  compatriots  by  the  Mongols,  deserted  in  a  body  with  their  families  and 
property.  Upon  this  the  Imams  and  chief  men  came  out  and  offered  to 
surrender.  The  inhabitants  were,  as  before,  told  to  go  out  of  the  city 
while  it  should  be  plundered  ;  30,000  artisans  were  assigned  as  slaves  to 
his  several  sons,  an  equal  number  were  set  aside  for  military  works, 
transport  service,  &c.,  while  50,000  were  permitted  to  re-occupy  the 
ruined  city  after  paying  a  ransom  of  200,000  pieces  of  gold,  and  the 
province  of  Samarkand  was  almost  depopulated.  The  hardest  fate  was 
that  of  the  Kankalis  who  had  deserted.  Having  separated  them  from 
the  Persians,  they  were  lulled  into  security  by  being  ordered  to  adopt  the 
military  dress  of  the  Mongols,  and  then  slaughtered  to  the  number  of 
30,000,  with  their  principal  chiefs  Barishniaz  Khan,  Togai  Khan,  Sarsig 
Khan,  Ulag  Khan,  &c.t  It  is  hard  to  divine  a  reason  for  this  barbarous 
act,  unless  it  was  a  fear  of  the  turbulence  of  these  mercenaries.  Mean- 
while, Muhammed  had  deserted  his  richest  province.  As  the  Mongols 
advanced  into  Trans-Oxiana  he  retired  to  Nakhsheb,  his  irresolution 
being  increased  by  the  divergence  of  his  councillors.  As  he  retired 
he  reconmiended  the  inhabitants  to  submit,  as  his  soldiers  could  not 
protect  them.  When  he  reached  Balkh  he  was  joined  by  one  of  his 
viriers  called  Amad-ul-mulk,  who  persuaded  him  to  retreat  to  Irak  Adjem. 
His  Turkish  soldiers  began  to  be  treacherous,  and  he  had  to  change 
his  tent  every  night  to  escape  assassination.    On  the  eighteenth  of  April 

*  D'Ohstoa,  i.  331-234.  t  Erdmann,  383.  I  Erdmann,  Note  274. 


he  halted  at  Nishapoor,  and  on  the  twelfth  of  May,  having  heard  that  the 
Mongols  had  crossed  the  frontier  of  Khorassan,  he  hastily  left  that  town 
with  a  small  retinue  under  the  pretence  of  a  hunting  expedition. 

After  the  capture  of  Samarkand  Jingis  remained  in  its  fruitful  neigh- 
bourhood until  May,  1220,  when  having  sent  on  three  armies  in  pursuit  of 
Muhammed,  as  I  shall  presently  describe,  he  himself  moved  a  short 
distance  southwards,  and  spent  the  sunmier  in  the  beautiful  district 
of  Kesh  or  Shehr  Sebz,  />.,  the  Green  town,  situated  on  the  river  Koshka 
or  Kasaban.  In  the  autumn  he  broke  through  the  pass  in  the  Karatag 
chain,  called  the  Derbend  Kaluga  or  Iron  Gate,  and  advanced  upon 
Termed,  situated  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Oxus.  Having  refused  the 
summons  to  open  its  gates  and  to  demolish  its  walls  and  citadel,  it  was 
•captured  after  a  siege  of  nine  days.  Its  inhabitants  were  ordered  to 
evacuate  it  and  were  all  slaughtered. 

An  incident  of  the  capture  is  worth  repeating,  an  old  woman  on  the 
point  of  being  killed,  said  she  had  a  magnificent  pearl  which  she  would 
give  them  if  they  spared  her,  when  they  demanded  it  she  told  them  she 
had  swallowed  it,  upon  which  she  was  disembowelled.  Jingis  ordered 
the  other  corpses  to  be  dealt  with  in  the  same  way  and  searched  for 
similar  treasure. 

While  near  Termed  he  ordered  a  grand  hunt  to  be  held.  Such  a  hunt 
win  be  described  below.  This  one  was  on  a  very  large  scale,  and  lasted 
four  months.*  After  the  hunt  he  ravaged  the  districts  of  Kunkurt  and 
Saman,  and  sent  an  army  to  conquer  Badakshan.  He  was  now  master 
of  the  wide  country  north  of  the  Oxus.  All  Turan  was  his,  and  having 
no  enemy  to  dread  in  his  rear,  he  determined  to  cross  the  Oxus.  He 
first  destroyed  or  dispersed  the  fleet  which  defended  it  by  means  of 
showers  of  burning  missiles,  probably  stink-pots,  which  were  supplied 
him  by  one  of  his  Chinese  officers,  named  Ko  pao  yu.t  Hanng  crossed 
the  ri^*er,  he  ad\'anccd  against  Balkh,  the  cradle  of  the  earliest  traditions 
of  the  Arian  race,  a  very  populous  and  wealthy  cit>',  then  containing 
1,200  medsheds  or  great  mosques,  besides  lesser  ones,  and  200  public 
baths.  It  ^\•as  unfortified.  The  inhabitants  sent  him  presents  and  sub- 
mitted to  him,  but  he  was  afraid  to  leave  it  behind  him.  On  pretence  of 
numbering  its  inhabitants  he  enticed  them  out  of  the  city  and  then 
slaughtered  them ;  the  city  itself  was  reduced  to  ashes.  A  fearful  treat- 
ment for  so  slight  a  pretext 

Jingis  now  sent  his  son  Tului  with  70,000  men  to  ^a^'age  Khorassan, 
while  he  himself  went  eastward  to  Tokharistan  to  lay  siege  to 

Wliile  Jingis  loitered  with  his  forces  in  the  beautiful  meadows  of  Sogd, 
after  the  capture  of  Samarkand,  he  despatched  Chep^  Noyan  and  Subutai 
Behadur,  two  weU-thed   chiefs,  each  with  a  tuman,  tjt^  10,000  men, 

*  Srdmuuu  402-4.  t  WotS;  77. 


in  pursuit  of  Muhamnied.*  Erdmann's  mention  of  a  third  tuman  under 
Tuktai  is,  I  believe,  a  mistake.  He  ordered  them  to  chase  Muhammed 
wherever  he  should  ga  They  crossed  the  Oxus  at  Pendjab,  making 
trunks  out  of  branches  covered  with  hides  in  which  they  placed  their 
arms  and  valuables,  and  fastening  them  to  the  tails  of  their  horses  forded 
the  river.t 

Khorassan  was  then  a  rich  and  prosperous  province,  divided  into  four 
departments,  whose  chief  towns  were  Mem,  Herat,  Nishapoor,  and 

Baikh  submitted  at  the  approach  of  the  Mongols,  who  appointed  a 
governor,  and  hearing  that  Muhammed  had  fled  westward,  they  passed 
on  to  Andekuh,  and  thence  advanced  to  Herat,  whose  governor,  Amin 
Malek,  sent  out  envoys  offering  to  hold  himself  as  the  slave  of  the  Grand 
Khan,  and  bearing  presents.  Chep^  and  Subutai  upon  this  again  advanced. 
A  small  town  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Herat,  called  Zaweh,  now  known  as 
Turbut  Haidari,  dared  to  beard  them,  and  its  garrison  reviled  them  from 
the  ramparts.  Three  days  sufficed  for  its  capture.  Its  inhabitants  were 
put  to  death.^  On  the  5th  of  June  the  Mongol  advanced  guard  arrived 
before  Nishapoor.  On  being  summoned,  the  governor  replied  that  the 
city  had  been  entrusted  to  him  by  the  Sultan,  that  he  was  an  old  man, 
and  that  he  only  knew  how  to  use  the  pen.  "  Speed  on  after  him,"  he 
said,  "when  you  have  overcome  him  then  will  I  be  your  man." 
Meanwhile  he  sent  envoys  to  the  Mongol  camp  with  presents.  A  letter 
of  Jingis  Khan's,  written  in  the  Uighur  character,  and  phrased  as 
follows,  was  sent  to  the  inhabitants :— "  Commanders,  elders,  and 
commonalty,  know  that  God  has  given  me  the  empire  of  the  earth  from 
the  cast  to  the  west,  whoever  submits  shall  be  spared,  but  those  who 
resist,  they  shall  be  destroyed  with  their  wives,  children,  and  dependents." 
The  town  was  spared  on  this  occasion.  Having  victualled  their  troops 
there,  and  having  thus  warned  them  the  Mongol  army,  which  was  joined 
by  bands  of  brigands  and  renegade  Turks,  moved  on  in  pursuit  of 
Muhammed. §  He  had  retired  from  Nishapoor  under  pretence  of  a 
bunting  excursion,  leaving  a  considerable  garrison  there,  and  having 
placed  his  wife  and  his  youngest  son,  Ghiazzedin,  in  the  fort  of  Karendar, 
deemed  the  stronghold  of  Khorassan,  went  to  Bostan,  on  the  borders  of 
Khorassan  and  Mazanderan  and  thence  to  Kazvin.  The  two  Mongol 
commanders  followed  in  his  wake.  They  scoured  the  country  effectually; 
crossing  the  mountains  they  appeared  before  Thus  or  Toos,  whose 
inhabitants  were  not  submissive,  and  they  consequently  ravaged  the 
district  terribly.  ||  They  then  passed  through  the  beautiful  wooded  district 
of  Radegan  to  Koochan  or  Kabooshan,  plundering  and  appropriating 
such  food  and  clothing  as  they  needed,  and  leaving  commanders  or 

*  D*0hM0n,  L  a40.    Von  Hammer't  Goldeo  Horde,  8x.  t  D'Ohuon,  i.  244. 

I  D*OlisMii,  i.  a4S.    Brdauum,  39a.      ^  D'OhMon,  i.  245-8.    ErdmAim,  394.     I  BrdmAim,  393. 



deputies  in  each  town.*  Their  way  led  them  through  Bostan.  There 
apparently  the  two  commanders  separated.  Subutai  marched  through 
the  district  of  Kumuss  towards  Jeferan,  and  savagely  attacked  Sarabad 
(?  Shah-rood),  Dameghan,  and  Semnoon.t  Chep6  made  a  detour 
through  Mazanderan,  where  he  captured  the  principal  city,  which  was 
probably  Sari ;  t  then  crossing  the  Elburz  chain,  through  the  mountain 
region  of  Bariyan,  and  past  the  fortress  of  Ilak,  probably  the  modem  fort 
of  Ask  or  Asek,  eight  or  nine  miles  south  of  AmoL  This  fortress  was 
protected  by  its  position,  and  the  Mongols  passed  it  by,  unaware  it 
would  seem  that  Turkhan  Khatun,  the  Sultan's  mother,  and  her  young 
children  were  then  hiding  there.  Their  next  goal  was  the  fortress 
of  Rudin,  the  modem  Rudehan,  not  far  from  Demavend.§  Muhammed 
had  meanwhile  fled  in  the  direction  of  Hamadan,  and  Chep6  set  out  in 
pursuit  of  him,  while  Subutai  marched  upon  Kazvin.  Both  were  towns 
of  Irak  Adjem,  a  province  separated  by  deserts  from  Khorassan,  Fars,  and 
Kerman,  and  crowded  with  mountains,  many  of  which  are  snow-covered, 
whence  its  Arab  name  of  Jibal.  The  army  of  Irak,  30,000  in  number, 
was  collected  under  the  walls  of  Kasvin,  under  the  command  of  Rokn- 
ud-din,  the  son  of  Muhammed.  Chep6  captured  Kum,  then  advanced  to 
Rudbar  and  Hamadan  ;  the  latter  was  a  famous  and  rich  town  of  Irak. 
Its  governor  sent  him  presents  and  was  submissive,  and  thus  saved  its 
inhabitants  from  attack.  Chep6  now  seems  to  have  rejoined  Subutai  before 
Kazvin,  which  was  captured  and  50,000  people  slaughtered.  Meanwhile 
Muhammed  escaped  to  Maradaulat  abad,  south-east  of  Hamadan,  where 
he  and  his  son  collected  an  army  of  from  20,000  to  30,000  men.  This 
was  attacked  and  dispersed.  Rokn-un-din,  the  Sultan's  son,  fled  to 
Kerman,  the  Sultan  himself  went  first  to  Kurdistan  and  then  to  the  strong 
fort  of  Karend,  on  the  road  from  Kermandshah  to  Baghdad.  There  he  was 
met  by  Hezar-Asb,  the  Prince  of  Luristan,  a  skilful  commander.  He 
tried  to  persuade  his  suzerein  to  retire  behind  the  range  that  divides  Fars 
from  Luristan,  where  he  might  rely  on  the  assistance  of  the  Kurdish 
mountain  tribes,  but  Muhammed  was  suspicious  of  this  advice  and 
preferred  to  make  a  stand  in  Irak ;  but  the  Mongols  were  at  his  heels. 
He  passed  through  Mazanderan  and  Ghilan,  where  he  arrived  almost 
alone.  At  length  he  reached  a  village  called  Istidura  by  Abulghazi, 
and  Astadad  by  Nissari.  It  is  now  called  Astara,  and  is  situated  on  the 
south-western  shore  of  the  Caspian.  Thence  he  escaped  to  a  small 
island  in  that  sea,  which  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  Abiskhum,  a 
day's  journey  from  Astrabad.  The  Caspian  is  constantly  shallowing,  and 
it  is  now  a  peninsula,  and  called  Gumish  Tepe,  /.^.,  the  Silver  Hill. 
Ruins  and  many  silver  coins  are  found  there.  J  Muhanmied  was  suffering 
from  an  attack  of  pleurisy,  and  feeling  his  end  approach  he  nominated  his 

*  ErdmAon,  395.  t  Erdmann,  39s.  I  Wolff,  80.  ^  Wolff,  80. 

fl  Wolff.  8z. 


son  Jdal-ud-din  as  his  successor,  declaring  that  he  was  the  only  one  able  to 
save  the  empire ;  he  girded  his  sword  on  him  and  ordered  his  younger 
sons  to  do  him  homage ;  he  died  directly  after  and  was  buried  in  the 
island.  So  poor  was  he  that  it  is  said  he  was  buried  without  a  shroud, 
and  merely  in  his  shirt.  The  date  of  his  death  was  the  loth  of  January, 
1221.*  A  date  which  has  a  terrible  sound  in  it  as  it  marks  the  rapidity 
with  which  so  mighty  a  potentate  as  he  was,  was  hunted  down  and 

Persian  historians  are  much  divided  in  their  estimate  of  Muhammed; 
some  endowing  him  with  many  soldierly  virtues,  others  accusing  him  of 
love  of  luxury  and  dissipation.  There  can  be  little  question  about  his 
wavering  and  decrepit  conduct  in  the  presence  of  the  Mongols. 

Let  us  again  revert  to  Subutai  and  Chep6.  Having  captured  Ardebil, 
the  chief  town  of  Eastern  Azerbaidjan,  they  followed  the  Sultan  to  the 
southern  coast  of  the  Caspian,  and  then  marched  eastward  again  into 
Northern  Khorassan,  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Khuarezmian  princes. 
There  they  suffered  some  loss  from  an  irregular  chieftain  named  Inandj' 
who  had  assembled  some  troops  in  the  mountains,  at  the  sources  of  the 
rivers  Gurgan  and  Attrek  ;  t  but  having  been  joined  by  a  reinforcement 
of  10,000  men,  they  made  him  retire  to  Nessa. 

When  Muhanmied  retired  behind  the  Oxus,  he  sent  word  to  his  mother, 
Turkan  Khatun,  who  governed  at  Urgendj  (the  modern  Khiva),  and  with 
whom  he  was  not  on  very  good  terms,  to  retire  into  Mazanderan.  Jingis, 
who  knew  of  the  ill-feeling,  tried  to  cajole  her  into  deserting  the  cause  of 
her  son,  and  promised  her  the  government  of  Khorassan.  She  did  not 
reply  however  to  his  advances,  and  when  she  heard  that  Muhammed  had 
retreated  she  murdered  the  several  princes  whose  dominions  Muhammed 
had  occupied,  and  who  were  retained  as  prisoners  at  Urgendj  ;  they  were 
drowned  in  the  Oxus,  among  these  were  two  sons  of  Thogrul,  the  last 
Seljuk  sultan  of  Irak,  the  prince  of  Balkh  and  his  son,  the  lord  of  Termed, 
the  princes  of  Bamiran  and  of  Vakhsh,  the  two  sons  of  the  lord  of  Sighnak, 
the  two  sons  of  Mahmud,  the  last  prince  of  Gur,  and  many  others.^  She 
then  retired  into  Mazanderan,  where  she  shut  herself  up  in  the  fort  of  Ilak 
or  Elek,  now  Al  Ask.  Subutai  and  Chep^  returned  once  more  to  Kumuss, 
where  they  found  the  town  of  Dameghan  deserted  by  its  inhabitants,  who 
had  fled  to  the  mountains.  They  attacked  and  plundered  in  their  savage 
way  Amol  and  other  towns  of  Taberistan,  and  at  length  sat  down  to 
besiege  the  fortress  of  Ilak. 

It  was  situated  in  a  rainy  district,  and  its  builders  had  not  made 
provision  for  a  droughty  season,  which  this  proved  to  be ;  want  of  water 
compelled  a  capitulation  after  a  resistance  of  three  months.  The  Sultana 
and  the  Sultan's  harem  were  sent  as  prisoners  to  Jingis  Khan,  who  was  then 
besieging  Talikhan.  Two  of  the  princesses  became  wives  of  Jagatai;  others 

•  Wolflf,  81.  t  Wolff,  Bi.  I  D'Ohston,  i.  238. 


were  given  to  Mongol  officers.  A  son  of  Muhammed,  who  was  still  with 
the  harem,  was  put  to  death.  Two  chests-full  of  precious  stones  also  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  victors.*  The  rapid,  persistent,  and  ubiquitous 
pursuit  of  Muhammed  and  his  family,  through  an  unknown  and  difficidt 
country,  may  be  read  with  profit  by  military  critics,  and  speaks  not  less 
for  the  skill  of  the  two  Mongol  commanders  than  for  the  discipline, 
courage,  and  endurance  of  their  men. 

The  death  of  Muhammed  and  the  capture  of  his  harem  by  no  means 
completed  the  work  which  the  Mongols  had  prepared  for  themselves.  It 
was  their  aim  to  tear  up  by  the  roots  not  only  the  main  trunk  but  also 
the  subordinate  branches  of  the  ruling  family  of  Khuarezm.  Several  of 
Muhammed's  sons  were  still  at  large  and  long  and  successfully  evaded 
capture,  but  they  were  hotly  pursued  notwithstanding,  and  when  we  /ead 
the  frightful  chapter  of  human  history  which  I  shall  presently  shortly 
epitomise,  and  which  describes  the  practical  depopulation  and  destruc- 
tion of  the  beautiful  province  of  Khorassan,  we  must  remember  that  the 
probable  motive  of  it  all  was  the  assistance  the  fugitive  princes  ever 
received  in  this  centre  of  their  faith  and  of  their  race,  and  although  the 
wolfish  g^eed  of  blood  and  massacre,  which  must  sicken  every  reader  who 
follows  the  story,  cannot  be  defended,  yet  it  must  be  allowed  that  the 
treachery,  fanaticism,  and  want  of  spirit  of  the  Tajik  and  Turk  frontagers 
of  Persia — their  ruling  vices  still— made  the  sword  of  terror  the  only 
means  the  isolated  Mongols  had  of  producing  quiet  and  order,  and  in 
themselves  invited  at  one  time  or  other  a  fitting  retribution.  On  the  death 
of  his  father,  Jelal-ud-din,  who,  as  I  have  said,  had  been  named  his 
successor,  made  his  way  to  Mangushlak,  on  the  Caspian,  whence  he  sent 
his  two  brothers  Uzlak  Sulan  and  Ak  Sultan  to  Urgendj,  where  the 
Mongols  had  not  yet  appeared,  to  announce  his  accession.  He  shortly 
after  followed.  An  army  of  90,000  Kankalis  was  assembled  there.  These 
unruly  troops  either  feared  the  strong  hand  of  Jelal  ud  din,  or  despised 
his  youth,  or  favoured  some  other  pretenders,  and  plotted  against  his  life. 
He  fled  with  300  companions,  led  by  the  brave  defender  of  Khodjend, 
Timur  Melik.  Jingis,  whose  forces  were  now  encamped  near  Naksheb, 
sent  a  large  force  under  three  of  his  sons  to  capture  Urgendj,  the  capital 
of  Khuarezm,  and  ordered  the  troops  which  had  traversed  Khorassan  to 
form  a  cordon  round  the  southern  edge  of  the  desert.  Jelal-ud-din 
crossed  the  desert  in  sixteen  days,  and  arrived  at  Shadbash,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Nessa.t  Here  he  charged  bravely  into  a  body  of  Mongols, 
and  managed  to  get  away,  and  escaped  to  Ghazni.  His  two  brothers, 
who  soon  after  followed  him,  were  less  lucky.  They  were  captured  and 
beheaded,  and  their  heads  were  shown  about  on  spears.  With  them  was 
taken  much  valuable  booty. 

We  are  told  that  the  peasants  of  the  canton  of  Vesht  were  greatly 

*  Wolff,  84.    D'Ohsion,  i.  259-261.  t  Erdmann,  408. 


enriched  by  the  number  of  precious  stones  captured  from  the  Khua- 
rezmians,  which  the  Mongols,  who  did  not  know  their  value,  sold  them 
at  an  absurdly  small  price. 

Meanwhile  (t,e.,  in  May,  1220)  the  Mongol  army  marched  upon 
Urgendj,  the  modem  Khiva,  the  capital  of  the  rich  cluster  of  cities  that 
then  bordered  the  Oxus,  a  river  very  like  the  Nile  in  forming  a  strip  of 
green  across  two  sandy  deserts  which  bound  it  on  either  hand.  The 
Kankalis  I  have  named  were  then  its  garrison.  The  Mongols  were  led 
by  Juji,  Jagatai,  and  Ogotai,  the  three  eldest  sons  of  Jinj^is,  Juji  having 
the  supreme  command.  He  summoned  the  inhabitants  to  surrender, 
offering  them  easy  terms.  His  father,  he  told  them,  had  made  him  a 
present  of  their  country,  and  he  wished  the  city  to  preserve  its  beauty 
and  prosperity.  The  summons  was  without  avail,  and  the  siege  pro- 
ceeded. For  lack  of  stones  the  Mongol  catapults  were  ser\ed  with  balls 
made  out  of  the  neighbouring  mulberry  trees,  hardened  by  being  soaked 
in  water.  The  quarrels  of  Juji  and  his  brother  Jagatai  interfered  with  the 
progress  of  the  siege,  discipline  was  loosened,  and  the  Mongols  after  six 
months'  labour  had  lost  a  great  number  of  men.  Jingis,  when  he  heard 
of  the  quarrelling,  appointed  a  younger  son,  Ogotai,  to  superintend  the 
work.  It  was  now  pushed  on  with  vigour  j  the  Mongols  at  length 
assaulted  the  town,  fired  its  buildings  with  naptha,  and  after  seven  days 
of  desperate  street-fighting  captured  it.  This  was  probably  in  December, 
1220.*  They  sent  the  artisans  and  skilled  workmen  into  Tartary,  set 
aside  the  young  women  and  children  as  slaves,  and  then  made  a  general 
massacre  of  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants.  They  destroyed  the  city,  and 
then  submerged  it  by  opening  the  dykes  of  the  Oxus.t  The  ruins  are 
probably  those  now  known  as  Old  Urgendj. 

Raschid  says  that  over  100,000  artisans  and  craftsmen  were  sent  into 
Mongolia,  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  were  divided  among  the  conquerors, 
and  so  numerous  were  they  that  twenty-four  Mussulmans  fell  to  the  lot  of 
each  Mongol.  The  soldiers,  as  usual,  were  put  to  death.  J  After  the 
capture  of  Urgendj  the  Mongols  joined  Jingis  before  Talikhan.  That 
obstinate  fortress  resisted  the  besiegers  for  nearly  seven  months.  The 
Mongols  freely  used  their  prisoners  in  the  first  ranks  of  the  assaulting 
force,  and  raised  a  great  mound  of  earth  on  a  wooden  platform,  on  which 
they  planted  their  siege  artillery.  The  place  at  length  fell.  Some  of  the 
cavahy  escaped  to  the  mountains  ;  of  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  not  a 
soul  escaped  slaughter.    The  town  itself  was  razed  to  the  ground. 

After  the  death  of  Muhammed  the  Mongols  adopted  a  scientific 
strategy  to  break  down  the  power  of  his  sons.  As  I  have  said,  one  army 
under  the  sens  of  Jingis  marched  upon  Urgendj,  or  Khuarezm,  the  capital 
of  their  dominions,  it  gave  its  name  to  the  empire  of  Khuarezm,  of  which 

^  Wolff,  97.  t  Ibn-&l.Etbir,  see  D'Ohsson,  i.  270. 

;  Erdmaan,  4x0-12.  D'Ohsson,  i.  265-270. 


they  were  the  rulers.  Other  Mongol  troops,  under  Subutai  and  Chep^, 
formed  a  ring  round  the  southern  edge  of  the  desert.  A  third  force,  com- 
manded by  Tului,  advanced  into  Khorassan,  whose  cities  had  been  sub- 
missive enough  to  the  Mongols  when  in  pursuit  of  the  Sultan  Muhanmied, 
as  we  have  already  related.  Khorassan  was  then  one  of  the  richest  and 
most  prosperous  regions  on  the  earth's  surface ;  its  towns  were  very 
thickly  inhabited,  and  it  was  the  first  and  most  powerful  province  of 
Persia.  The  Mongol  invasion  altered  all  this,  and  the  fearful  ravage  and 
destruction  then  committed  is  almost  incredible.  It  was  to  capture  the 
heir  of  Muhammed,  the  Sultan  Jelal-ud-din,  that  Tului  set  out  on  his 
terrible  journey.  He  marched  at  the  head  of  70,000  men.  This  was  in 
the  autumn  of  1220.  He  sent  on  an  advance  guard  under  Tugachar 
Noyan,  his  brother-in-law.  As  this  approached  Nessa,  one  of  its 
divisions  was  assailed  by  a  shower  of  arrows  from  the  walls,  and  its  leader, 
Balgush,  was  killed.  To  avenge  his  death  the  Mongols  attacked  the 

The  siege  has  been  told  by  one  of  its  contemporary  chieftains, 
Muhammed  of  Nessa.  After  fifteen  days'  pounding  from  twenty  catapults, 
which  were  served  by  prisoners,  a  breach  was  made,  the  walls  were 
stormed,  the  inhabitants  ordered  to  evacuate  the  city,'  they  were  then  told 
to  lie  down  side  by  side,  and  were  tied  together  with  cords,  then  the 
Mongols  destroyed  the  whole,  men,  women,  and  children,  with  showers 
of  arrows.  This  horrible  hecatomb  destroyed  70,000  people.  The 
historian  Muhammed,  with  many  fugitives,  had  taken  refiige  in  the 
impregnable  fort  of  Kharender.  When  the  Mongols  saw  they  could  not 
take  it  they  consented  to  retire  on  the  payment  of  10,000  cotton  garments. 
According  to  their  custom,  they  massacred  the  two  old  men  who  had 
volunteered  on  the  dangerous  errand  of  carrying  this  booty  to  their  camp. 
They  then,  says  Muhammed  of  Nessa,  spread  over  Khorassan.  When 
they  arrived  in  a  district  they  assembled  the  peasants,  and  marched 
them  off  to  the  town  they  meant  to  attack,  to  employ  them  upon  the 
siege  works.  The  terror  and  desolation  were  so  general  that  the  captive 
was  deemed  luckier  than  he  who  lived  at  home.  The  chieftains  also  were 
obliged  to  assist  with  their  retainers  in  the  siege  of  the  towns.  Those 
who  refused  were  attacked  in  their  castles,  and  with  their  clients  were  put 
to  the  sword.* 

From  Nessa  Tugachar  advanced  to  Nishapoor.  This  was  in 
November,  1220.  On  the  third  day  of  the  siege,  however,  he  was  killed 
by  an  arrow  shot  from  the  ramparts.  The  general  who  succeeded  him 
deeming  his  army  too  weak  to  capture  the  city,  raised  the  siege  and 
divided  his  army  into  two  sections.  One  laid  siege  to  and  captured 
Sebzevar,  whose  inhabitants  to  the  number  of  70,000  were  destroyed. 
The  other  overran  the  district  of  Thus  or  Toos,  and  captured  the  strong- 

•  P'Ol^son,  i.  177. 


holds  there.  Inter  alia  the  forts  of  Kar  and  Nokan.  The  inhabitants 
were  pitilessly  slaughtered.*  This  body  of  Mongols  now  seems  to  have 
joined  Subutai  and  Chep6  Noyan. 

Meanwhile  Tului  was  advancing  with  the  main  army.  He  successively 
occupied  Andekuh  and  Serukhs  and  proceeded  to  attack  Mem 
Shahjan,  j>.,  Mem  the  king  of  the  world,t  one  of  the  four  chief 
cities  of  Khorassan,  and  one  of  the  oldest  cities  in  the  world.  It 
had  been  the  capital  of  the  great  Seljuk  Sultans  Melikshah  and  Sanjar, 
and  was  very  rich  and  populous.  It  was  situated  on  the  banks  of  the 
Meri  el  rond,  also  called  the  Murjab.  It  was  at  this  time  troubled  by 
internal  dissension,  and  by  the  attacks  of  neighbouring  Turkomans. 
The  Mongols  first  attacked  and  destroyed  or  dispersed  the  Turkomans 
who  camped  outside  the  city.  The  siege  commenced  on  the  twenty-fifth 
of  February,  1221.  The  governor  of  the  town  was  Mojir-ul-mulk.  After 
attempting  two  unsuccessful  sorties  he  sent  a  venerable  mkra  as  an  envoy 
to  the  Mongol  camp.  He  retumed  with  such  fair  promises  that  the 
governor  himself  repaired  to  the  camp,  and  was  loaded  with  presents ;  he 
was  asked  to  send  for  his  chief  relations  and  friends  ;  when  these  were 
fairly  in  his  power,  Tului  ordered  them  all,  including  the  governor,  to  be 
killed.  The  Mongols  then  entered  the  town,  the  inhabitants  were  ordered 
to  evacuate  it  with  their  treasures ;  the  mournful  procession,  we  are  told, 
took  four  days  to  defile  out.  The  Mongol  prince  was  seated  on  a  golden 
throne  in  the  midst  of  the  plain,  and  ordered  the  principal  military  chiefs 
to  be  decapitated  before  the  people.  The  rest  of  the  captives  were  dis- 
tributed among  the  army,  and  a  general  and-  frightful  massacre  ensued ; 
only  400  artisans  and  a  certain  number  of  young  people  were  reserved  as 
slaves.  The  author  of  the  JhankusJiai  says  that  the  Seyid  Yzz-ud-din,  a 
man  renowned  for  his  virtues  and  piety,  assisted  by  many  people,  were 
thirteen  days  in  counting  the  corpses,  which  numbered  1,300,000.  Ibn  al 
Ethir  says  that  700,000  corpses  were  counted.  The  town  was  sacked, 
the  mausoleum  of  the  Sultan  Sanjar  was  rifled  and  then  burnt,  and  the 
¥^alls  and  citadel  of  Mem  levelled  with  the  ground. 

The  ferocity  of  the  massacre  can  only  be  appreciated  by  its  mere  after- 
thought, 5,000  poor  wretches  had  escaped  in  holes  and  comers  of  the  city. 
They  some  time  afterwards  ventured  out  and  were  put  to  the  sword  by 
the  detachments  sent  to  recmit  Tului's  army.  Tului  next  advanced  upon 
Nishapoor,  the  ancient  capital  of  Khorassan.  Its  name  in  Persian  means 
the  city  of  Sapor.  It  is  situated  twelve  days'  journey  from  Mem.  It  had 
been  twice  destroyed  in  less  than  a  century ;  in  1 1 53  by  the  Oghuz  Turks, 
who  had  revolted  against  the  Sultan  Sanjar,  and  in  1208  by  an  earthquake. 
Its  inhabitants  had  not  spared  the  various  bodies  of  Mongol  troops  that 
came  their  way,  and  they  now  prepared  a  vigorous  defence.  Their  ramparts 
were  armed  with  3,000  ballisters  to  shoot  javelins  with  and  500  catapults. 

*  D*0hM0ii«  i.  378.  t  Wolff,  87. 


Tului,  who  was  exasperated  by  the  death  of  Tugachar  Gurgan,  his 
brother-in-law,  who  had  been  killed  by  an  arrow  from  the  ramparts  while 
laying  siege  to  the  town  the  previous  year,  collected  a  great  siege  train, 
3,000  ballisters,  300  catapults,  700  machines  for  throwing  naptha  (?  Greek 
fire),  4,000  ladders,  and  2,500  loads  of  stones,*  and  he  proceeded  to  lay 
waste  all  the  province  of  which  Nishapoor  was  the  capital.  The  inhabit- 
ants began  to  grow  frightened,  and  sent  an  embassy  of  im4ms  and 
notables,  having  at  their  head  the  chief  judge  of  Khorassan,  to  offer  to 
surrender  the  city,  and  to  pay  an  annual  tribute.  Tului  refused  all  terms, 
and  ordered  the  assault ;  after  two  days'  cannonade  the  walls  were 
pierced  with  seventy  breaches,  and  the  Mongols  rushed  in  on  every  side  ; 
a  terrible  combat  ensued  in  the  streets,  the  widow  of  Tugachar,  daughter 
of  Jingis,  at  the  head  of  10,000  men  leading  the  avenging  force;  the 
carnage  lasted  four  days.  To  prevent  the  living  hiding  beneath  the 
dead,  Tului  ordered  every  head  to  be  cut  off,  and  separate  heaps  to  ,he 
made  of  men's,  women's,  and  children's  heads.  The  destruction  of  the 
city  occupied  fifteen  days ;  it  was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  its  site  was 
sown  with  barley,  only  400  artisans  escaped,  and  they  were  transported 
into  the  north.  According  to  Mirkhond  1,747,000  men  lost  their  lives  in 
this  massacre.t  The  capture  of  Nishapoor  took  place  in  April,  1221,  two 
months  after  the  death  of  the  Sultan  Muhammed.  Four  or  five  years 
later  the  Sultan  Jelal-ud-din,  who  had  recovered  possession  of  Persia, 
farmed  out  the  right  to  seek  for  treasure  among  the  ruins  of  Nishapoor 
for  30,000  dinars  a  year,  and  as  much  as  this  sum  was  sometimes  recovered 
in  one  day.  J 

Tului  now  marched  upon  Herat,  situated  five  days'  journey  south-east 
of  Nishapoor,  a  beautiful  city  surrounded  with  villages  and  gardens.  On 
his  way  thither  a  detachment  of  his  forces  destroyed,  near  the  town  of 
Thus,  the  tomb  of  the  Kaliph  Harun  el  Raschid,  and  that  of  Ali  el  Razi, 
a  descendant  of  the  Kaliph  Ali,  for  whom  the  Persian  Mahometans  or 
Shias  had  an  especial  veneration.  Another  detachment  ravaged  Kuhustan. 
At  length  Tului  appeared  before  Herat.  After  eight  days'  attack  and  the 
death  of  its  governor,  it  offered  to  capitulate.  Tului  promised  to  spare 
the  lives  of  its  inhabitants  if  they  surrendered  immediately,  ;and  he  was 
so  far  honest  on  this  occasion  that  he  contented  himself  with  destroying 
only  12,000  men,  the  dependents  and  soldiers  of  the  Sultan  Jelal-ud-din. 
He  appointed  a  Mahometan  prefect  and  a  Mongol  governor  to  the  town, 
and  eight  days  later  received  orders  to  join  his  father  at  Talikh&n. 

The  effects  of  such  a  devastation  of  a  whole  province  cannot  be  properly 
estimated  in  these  latitudes.  In  Khorassan  the  desert  has  ever  been 
encroaching  more  or  less  on  the  cultivated  land,  and  it  is  only  by  the 
persistent  labour  of  many  hands  that  it  is  held  back  at  many  points,  and 

*  D*Ohsson,  i.  aSg. 
t  Erdratnn,  4^0.  I  D'Ohsson,  i.  291. 


when  these  hands  arc  destroyed  by  the  hundred  thousand,  the  ruin  must 
become  deplorable. 

When  the  Mongols  were  overrunning  Khorassan  a  small  tribe  of 
Turkomans  called  Kayi  Kankali  fled  and  took  refuge  in  Asia  Minor ;  they 
became  the  nucleus  of  the  Ottoman  Turks. 

Jelal-ud-din,  after  his  flight  from  Urgendj,  had  reached  Ghazni  in 
safety.  There  his  partisans  hastened  to  meet  him.  His  father-in-law, 
Khan  Melik,  the  late  governor  of  Meru,  brought  him  40,000  horsemen, 
probably  Kankalis ;  Seif  ud  din  Agruk,  a  Turkoman  chief,  brought  his 
Turkomans  aud  Kalladjes  (the  latter  a  mixed  race  of  Arabs  and  Turko- 
mans who  wandered  between  the  Indus  and  Ganges) ;  the  governor  of 
Kabul  and  Aazam  Melik  brought  their  forces ;  and  thus  Jelal-ud-din 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  from  60,000  to  70,000.  When  Jingis,  who 
had  captured  Talikhan  and  sunmiered  his  cavalry  in  the  Kunduz 
mountains  around  it,  heard  of  this  he  set  out  for  Bamian,  in  the  Hindu 
Kush,  but  he  foimd  it  a  more  difficult  place  to  capture  than  he  expected. 
The  inhabitants  had  laid  waste  the  country  for  four  or  five  miles  round, 
and  also  removed  the  stones  from  its  neighbourhood,  so  that  the  Mongols 
might  have  no  missiles.  As  it  was  likely  that  he  would  be  delayed  there, 
he  sent  on  a  contingent  of  30,000  men,  under  Siki  Kutuktu  and  four  other 
generals,*  to  attack  the  young  Sultan,  who  was  encamped  with  his  troops 
at  Peruan  or  Birwan,  one  da/s  march  from  Ghazni.  A  fierce  and  well- 
contested  battle  was  fought  for  two  days  between  the  rival  forces,  when 
the  Mongols  at  length  gave  way  and  fled,  and  most  of  them  were  killed 
in  the  broken  ground  that  hindered  their  retreat.  They  were  always 
great  at  ruses,  and  on  this  occasion  are  said  to  have  stuffed  manikins 
made  of  felt  with  straw  and  put  them  on  horseback,  to  increase  the 
apparent  strength  of  their  army.  Jingis  Khan,  like  all  great  commanders, 
was  very  lenient  to  his  beaten  generals.  He  knew  too  well  the  fickleness 
of  fortune  in  war,  and  he  seems  to  have  contented  himself  on  this  occasion 
with  a  homily  on  the  danger  of  officers  who  were  intoxicated  with  victory 
growing  careless. 

The  Sultan  was  prevented  from  improving  his  victory  by  the  quarrels 
of  his  subordinates.  Amin  Melik  and  Seif  ud  din  Agruk  disputed  about 
an  Arab  horse,  part  of  the  captured  booty,  and  the  former  struck  the 
latter  on  the  head  with  a  whip,  and  as  he  could  not  get  redress, 
he  retired  with  20,000  to  30,000  Kankalis  into  Beloochistan.  Amin  Melik 
shortly  after  also  left  him,  and  retired  to  Herat.t  Meanwhile  Jingis  had 
pressed  the  siege  of  Bamian  and  had  captured  it.  Moatugan,  son  of 
Jagatai,  and  one  of  his  favourite  grandsons,  perished  during  the  siege, 
and  a  terrible  vengeance  was  extorted.  Every  living  creature,  including 
animals  and  plants  as  well  as  human  beings,  was  destroyed,  a  heap  of 
slain  was  piled  up  like  a  mountain  ;  and  the  site  of  the  desolated  town 

*  Erdmann,  427.  t  Wolff,  gz,  92. 


was  renamed  Mobalig,  />.,  the  city  of  woe.  The  mother  of  Moatugan 
especially  distinguished  herself  by  her  ferocity.*  It  remained  a  desert 
for  loo  years.t  Having  captured  Bamian,  Jingis  pressed  on  to  retrieve 
the  disaster  which  had  overtaken  his  forces  near  Ghazni.  In  going  over 
the  battle-field,  he  pointed  out  to  his  officers  what  he  considered  to  be  the 
mistakes  in  the  conduct  of  the  unfortunate  battle.  He  advanced  rapidly, 
and  his  troops  for  two  days  had  not  time  to  cook  food.  He  arrived  at 
Ghazni  fifteen  days  after  the  Sultan  had  left  it,  and  having  left  a  governor 
there  he  marched  on  towards  the  Indus.  Jelal-ud-din  had  not  yet  crossed 
the  river ;  his  little  army  was  surrounded  by  the  Mongols,  whose  forces 
were  disposed  in  semicircles  round  it,  having  their  wings  resting  on  the 
river,  which  thus  formed  a  chord.  The  fighting  was  desperate,  but  the 
Turks  were  everywhere  beaten.  The  Sultan  made  a  last  desperate  charge, 
which  was  unavailing ;  he  then  mounted  a  fresh  horse,  and  having  taken 
off  his  cuirass,  he  jumped  with  it  into  the  river,  which  flowed  twenty  feet 
below,  and  with  his  shield  on  his  back  and  his  standard  in  his  hand  he  thus 
swam  across.  Jingis  Khan  could  not  help  admiring  the  deed  from  the 
banks,  and  pointed  it  out  to  his  sons  for  an  example.  Muhammed  of 
Nessa  tells  us  that  Jelal-ud-din  kept  his  faithful  charger  till  the  taking 
of  Tiflis  in  1226  without  mounting  him,  in  remembrance  of  his  services 
on  this  occasion. 

This  struggle  took  place  in  the  month  Redsheb  of  the  year  618  of  the 
Hegira,  />.,  in  August  or  September,  1221.}  The  Sultan's  harem  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Mongols,  who  killed  all  his  sons.  He  had  cast  much 
gold  and  treasure  into  the  river,  and  a  portion  of  it  was  recovered  by 
means  of  divers. 

Jelal-ud-din  reached  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Indus  in  safety.  There 
he  was  joined  by  the  feeble  debris  of  his  army  (chiefly  Khuarazmiens) 
which  had  been  able  to  cross  the  river.  He  made  a  raid  into  the  country 
for  arms  and  clothes,  defeated  an  Indian  prince,  and  on  the  news  that  the 
Mongols  were  still  pursuing,  he  retired  towards  Delhi.  Jingis  sent  his 
two  generals  Bt51a  and  Durbai  in  pursuit ;  they  proceeded  to  invest 
Multan,  but  as  it  held  out  bravely,  and  they  were  afraid  of  the  terrible 
summer  weather  there,  they  retired  again  to  Ghazni,  after  ravaging  the 
provinces  of  Multan,  Lahore,  Peshawur,  and  Melikpur.§ 

Jingis  now  determined  to  retire  towards  the  north  along  the  banks  of 
the  Indus,  but  in  order  that  the  Sultan  Jelal-ud-din  might  find  no  strong- 
hold he  despatched  his  son  Ogotai  to  destroy  Ghazni.  According  to 
Mongol  habit,  the  inhabitants  were  ordered  to  leave  the  city,  and  were 
then  murdered. 

While  Jingis  retired  northwards  his  son  Jagatai  made  a  raid  into 
Kerman  in  pursuit  of  Rokn-ud-din,  a  brother  of  Jelal-ud-din.      He 

•  Wolff,  9a.  t  Erdmann,  423.  D'Ohsson,  i.  294.  I  Wolff,  93 

i  Erdmann,  432. 


advanced  as  far  as  Tez,  on  the  borders  of  the  Indian  Ocean,  passed 
through  Beloochistan,  where  he  wintered,  and  where  he  also  lost  a  large 
number  of  his  soldiers,  and  returned  by  the  mountain  land  of  the 
Afghans,  were  he  was  joined  by  Bela  Noyan,  who  had  been  sent  across 
the  Indus,  as  I  have  mentioned.  Having  made  this  hazardous  and 
difficult  excursion,  he  rejoined  his  father  in  the  early  part  of  1222.  Of 
the  vast  dominions  of  the  Khuarezm  Shahs  the  only  portion  that  had  not 
felt  the  pressure  of  the  Mongol  heel  was  that  comprised  in  the  provinces 
of  Fars,  Luristan,  Kuhistan,  and  Kurdistan.* 

I  have  yet  to  describe  one  of  the  most  savage  and  terrible  acts  of  the 

When  the  news  of  Jelal-ud-din's  victory  over  the  Mongol  Siki  Kutuktu 
reached  Herat  it  rebelled  and  appointed  its  own  governor.  Jingis  blamed 
Tului  for  not  having  swept  out  its  inhabitants  when  he  captured  it.  He 
sent  his  general  Ilshidai  Noyan  with  80,000  men  against  it,  who 
blockaded  it  on  all  sides.  The  defence  was  kept  up  with  spirit,  and 
the  besiegers  suffered  great  loss.  But,  as  usual,  dissensions  broke  out  in 
the  garrison,  and  after  a  siege  of  a  little  more  than  six  months  Herat  was 

For  a  whole  week  the  Mongols  ceased  not  to  kill,  bum,  and  destroy, 
and  it  is  said  that  1,600,000  people  were  killed ;  the  place  was  entirely 
depopulated  and  made  desert.  The  Mongols  then  retired.  Soon  after 
they  sent  back  a  body  of  2,000  to  seek  out  and  destroy  any  of  the  inhabit- 
ants who  had  escaped  the  former  massacre.  Over  2,000  were  thus  dis- 
covered and  put  to  death.  After  the  Mongols  had  fairly  retreated,  forty 
persons  assembled  in  the  great  mosque — the  miserable  remnants  of  its 
once  teeming  population.t  Of  the  celebrated  men  who  had  formerly  lived 
at  Herat  only  one  survived,  namely,  Khalib  Mulawa  Scheref  ud  din.J 

Mem  had  been  partially  reoccupied,  and  had  received  a  garrison  com- 
manded by  an  officer  of  Jelal-ud-din.  This  was  enough  to  bring  down 
upon  it  the  vengeance  of  the  Mongols  ;  a  detachment  was  sent  against 
it,  who  searched  its  corners  for  forty  days  to  find  victims,  and  slaughtered 
them  mercilessly.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  hid  away  in  the  ruins  ;  the 
barbarous  general  ordered  the  muezzin  to  be  sounded,  and  as  each 
Mussalman  emerged  to  go  to  prayer  he  was  killed;  only  a  few  individuals 
remained  among  the  ruins,  and  Meru  continued  to  be  a  mere  collection  of 
debris  tmtil  the  day  of  Shah  Rukh,  the  son  of  Timur,  who  had  it 

Jingis  Khan  did  not  stay  long  near  the  Indus,  he  was  afraid  the  deadly 
summer  heats  might  destroy  his  army.  He  would  seem  also  to  have  been 
nervous  about  a  revolt  near  his  home  land,  viz.,  in  Tangut  or  Hia.  He 
retired  to  Peruan,  where  he  spent  the  summer  of  1222  ;  there  he  began 
his  administrative  measures  by  appointing  civil  governors  (Darugas)  to 

*  Wolff,  94.  t  Wolff,  94.  I  Brdmimn,  425- 


the  various  conquered  towns ;  he  wintered  about  the  sources  of  the 
Indus,  where  an  epidemic  attacked  his  army.  He  now  determined  to 
return  home  to  Mongolia,  and  before  setting  out  disencumbered  his  army 
of  prisoners  by  a  general  massacre,  whose  ferocity  may  be  judged  of  by 
the  fact  that  in  each  tent  there  were^  ten  or  twenty  captives.  Having 
crossed  the  mountains  of  Bamian,  he  passed  the  sunmier  in  the  district 
of  Bakalan,  where  he  had  sent  his  principal  baggage.  In  the  autumn  he 
resumed  his  march,  on  passing  Balkh  he  killed  the  miserable  and  starving 
wretches  who  had  occupied  its  ruins;  he  then  crossed  the  Oxus  and 
advanced  to  Bokhara  ;  there  he  summoned  the  Muhanmiedan  doctors  to 
explain  to  him  their  faith,  of  which  he  generally  approved,  except  of  the 
pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  saying  that  the  whole  world  is  the  house  of  God, 
and  that  prayers  will  reach  Him  wheresoever  they  rise.  On  his  arrival  at 
Samarkand  he  ordered  the  public  prayers  to  be  said  in  his  name,  as  he 
had  conquered  the  Sultan  Muhammed.  Before  he  crossed  the  Jaxartes 
he  ordered  the  mother  and  other  members  of  the  family  of  Muhammed  to 
wail  a  long  farewell  to  Khuarezm,  while  the  army  defiled  past. 

The  scene  of  desolation  that  must  have  presented  itself  in  the  northern 
borderland  of  Persia  at  this  time  is  terrible.  From  the  banks  of  the  Oxus 
to  Asterabad  every  town  of  any  importance  was  reduced  to  ruins,  and  its 
inhabitants  slaughtered.  Von  Hammer  has  extracted  two  pathetic 
passages  from  two  of  the  lucky  authors  who  escaped  the  general  slaughter, 
namely,  the  celebrated  mystic  Sheikh  Nedshmeddin  Daye  and  the  geo- 
grapher Jakut,  which  describe  with  all  the  pathos  of  the  Persian  language 
the  desert  created  by  the  Mongols.* 

Juji,  the  eldest  son  of  Jingis,  had  never  forgiven  his  brother  Jagatai 
their  quarrel  before  Khuarezm,  which  led  to  him,  the  eldest  son,  being 
supplanted  as  commander  by  his  younger  brother  Ogotai.  He  had  nursed 
his  rage  in  the  deserts  of  Kipchak.  Jingis  ordered  him  to  join  him  at  a 
place  called  Kelan  Bashi,  and  to  drive  before  him  a  grand  battue  of 
game,  that  he  might  enjoy  his  favourite  sport  of  hunting.  He  did  not  go, 
but  his  troops  formed  a  grand  circle,  according  to  the  Mongol  custom, 
and  enclosed  a  vast  area  of  country,  the  circumference  was  gradually 
drawn  in  and  the  game,  chiefly  wild  asses,  driven  towards  the  spot  fixed 
upon  by  Jingis,  where  he  sported  to  his  heart's  content 

About  the  same  time  Jagatai  and  Ogotai  went  to  hunt  Kukus  and 
Karaguls  (/>.,  wild  swans  and  antelopes),  and  sent  their  father  a  present 
of  fifteen  camel  loads  of  the  former.t  On  the  banks  of  the  Imil  he  was 
met  by  two  of  his  grandsons,  afterwards  very  celebrated,  namely,  Kubilai 
and  Khulagu,  one  eleven,  and  the  other  nine  years  old.  They  had  killed 
their  first  game,  and  according  to  Mongol  custom,  Jingis  pricked  their 
middle  fingers  to  mbc  some  blood  with  their  food  and  drink,  a  kind  of 
baptism  of  the  chase.     Later  on  he  gave  his  army  a  fSte,  in  a  place  called 

*  Golden  Horde,  76-78.  t  Brdmano*  437. 


Buka  Suchiku,  and  reached  his  Ordu  or  home  in  the  month  of  February, 

On  the  way  he  was  joined  by  his  two  generals  Chepe  and  Subutai,  who 
after  their  pursuit  of  the  Sultan  Muhammed  had  made  a  daring  expedition 
into  the  west,  which  I  must  now  describe. 

We  have  traced  their  steps  as  far  as  the  capture  of  Ilak,  where  the 
dowager  Sultana  and  the  Sultan's  harem  were  captured.  Thence  they 
marched  against  Rai,  the  ancient  Rages,  whose  ruin-heaps  still  remain 
not  far  from  Teheran.  There  they  found  the  inhabitants  engaged  in  one 
of  those  religious  feuds  which  disintegrate  Muhanmiedan  society  so 
seriously.  Among  the  MuhanMnedans  there  are  four  orthodox  rites  :--i, 
That  of  the  Imam  Abu  Hanefi ;  2,  That  of  Ibn  Hanbal ;  3,  That  of  Shafei ; 
and  4,  That  of  Melek,  and  they  are  divided  chiefly  in  regard  to  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Koran.  At  this  time  the  Abu  Hanefi  and  the  Shafei  sects  at 
Rai  were  engaged  in  a  great  feud.  With  abominable  treachery,  the  Kadhi 
of  the  town,  who  was  a  Shafeit,  had  two  of  the  gates  opened,  the  Mongols 
were  let  in  and  let  loose  upon  the  rival  sect,  who  constituted  one-half  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  who  now  perished  miserably.  The  Mongols  then 
turned  on  the  traitors,  arguing  plausibly  that  they  could  not  count  on  the 
fidelity  of  those  who  thus  deceived  their  own  brothers.*  The  same  feud 
led  to  the  same  result  at  Kum,  some  distance  south  of  Rai.  This  was  cap- 
tured by  Chepe,  who  had  separated  from  his  companion,  and  afterwards 
continued  the  bloody  raid  upon  the  towns  of  Irak,  Dinawar,  Sawa,  Holwa 
Nehawend,  and  the  far-famed  capital  of  the  ancient  Medes  Ecbatana.t 
Meanwhile  Subutai  captured  Kazvin,  and  then  advanced,  plundering, 
through  the  province  of  Dilem  upon  Azerbaidjan,  which,  together  with 
Arran,  were  then  ruled  by  the  Atabeg  Uzbeg,t  an  old  man,  and  much 
addicted  to  wine  ;  he  bought  off  the  Mongols  by  a  present  of  silver,  rich 
garments,  horses,  &c. 

The  Mongols  then  evacuated  Azerbaidjan,  and  wintered  in  the  rich 
plains  of  Mogan  on  the  shores  of  the  Caspian.  In  the  spring  of  the 
following  year  they  advanced  into  Georgia.  Their  advance  guard  was 
formed  of  Turkish  and  Kurdish  auxiliaries,  whom  they  readily  enlisted 
in  a  campaign  against  the  Christian  Georgians.  They  advanced  as  far 
as  Tiflis,  ravaging  everywhere,  and  ending  by  severely  defeating  the 
Georgian  army.  They  then  levied  a  second  contribution  upon  Tebriz, 
and  afterwards  attacked  the  town  of  Meraga.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  they 
placed  their  captives  in  the  front  rank  of  the  attacking  party,  and  com- 
pelled them  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  assault.  So  stupified  had  the 
inhabitants  of  Persia  become  by  the  Mongol  s;uccesses,  that  we  are  told 
that  in  Meraga  one  Mongol  entering  a  street  where  there  were  100 
individuals,  proceeded  to  kill  them  all  without  any  resistance.  This  was 
in  March,  1222.  § 

*  ErdmmiD,  395.    Wolff,  85.         t  Wolff,  86.        I  D'OhMon,  i.  335.       ^  Wolff,  86. 


The  Mongols  now  advanced  upon  Hamadan,  whose  inhabitants  had 
killed  the  governor  they  had  placed  there.  Headed  by  the  Fakih  they 
made  a  brave  resistance,  but  were  at  length  beaten ;  the  city  was  taken 
and  burnt,  and  its  inhabitants  slaughtered. 

The  same  fate  awaited  Serab  and  Bailekan,  towns  of  Arran,  while  the 
courage  of  the  inhabitants  of  Gunja,  capital  of  that  province,  and  of  Tehrii, 
was  so  renowned  that  it  preserved  them  from  a  worse  fate  than  the  pay- 
ment of  heavy  contributions.  Georgia,  which  was  then  governed  by 
Ruzudan,  daughter  of  the  celebrated  Queen  Thamar,  was  overrun  and 
terribly  ravaged.  The  Georgian  accounts  say  that  the  Mongols  advanced 
into  the  country  with  the  cross  at  their  head,  in  the  guise  of  Christians. 
This  tradition  accords  well  with  the  ever-ready  and  versatile  strategy  of 
those  conquerors.  Having  ravaged  Georgia,  they  turned  upon  Shirvan, 
captured  Shamaki,  its  capital,  and  then  Derbend,  all  except  the  citadel 
where  Raschid,  the  Shah  of  Shirvan,  had  taken  refuge.  He  purchased 
his  independence  by  furnishing  the  Mongols  with  guides  in  their  march 
across  the  Kaukasus. 

They  cut  off  the  head  of  one  of  these  pour  encourager  les  autres,  if 
they  should  prove  treacherous ;  but,  notwithstanding  this,  we  are  told 
they  led  them  into  the  dangerous  defiles  of  Daghestan,  where  they  were 
hemmed  in  by  a  combined  army  of  Lesghs,  Circassians,  and  a  section  of 
Kipchaks  or  Comans.  The  latter  were  Turkish  nomades,  who  then 
lorded  it  over  the  steppes  of  south-eastern  Russia.*  Caught  as  it  were  in 
a  trap,  the  Mongols  had  recourse  to  their  fox-like  instincts.  "  We  are 
Turks  like  yourselves,"  they  said  to  the  Kipchaks,  "  and  are  you  allied 
against  your  brethren  with  these  strangers.  Make  peace  with  us,  and  we 
will  give  you  gold  and  rich  garments,  as  much  as  you  list."  Seduced  by 
these  words,  the  Kipchaks  deserted  their  allies,  who  were  attacked  and 
vanquished,  and  the  towns  of  Tarku  (the  ancient  Semender)  and  Terki, 
now  Mosdok,  were  devastated.! 

Kotiak  was  then  the  chief  Khan  of  the  Kipchaks,  Poloutsi,  or  Comans. 
He  is  called  Kotian  by  the  Russians,  and  Koth4n  or  Kuthen  by  the 
Hungarians.  The  section  of  them  in  the  Caucasus  was  commanded  by 
Jurii  Kontshakovitch,  his  brother,  and  Daniel  Kotiakovitch,  his  son.  The 
reward  of  their  treachery  was  the  usual  Mongol  one  of  being  attacked 
and  dispersed,  the  two  princes  just  named  being  killed.  The  Mongols 
now  continued  their  advance,  plundered  and  partially  destroyed  Hadshi 
Tarkan,  the  modem  Astrakhan  on  the  Volga,  and  then  proceeded  against 
the  main  body  of  the  Kipchaks.  This  was  defeated.  The  invading  army 
now  divided  into  two  sections,  one  pursued  the  Kipchaks  to  the  Don,  the 
other  advanced  by  the  sea  of  Azof,  crossed  the  frozen  Bosporus  into  the 
Krimea,  where  they  plundered  Sudak,  the  Genoese  entrepdt  in  the  Krimea, 
a  rich  and  flourishing  city ;  and  then  returning  by  way  of  Perekop,  joined 

*  Bee  author's  paper  on  the  Comans,  Ethnological  Journal,  ii.  83.       t  See  Wolff. 


their  brethren  on  the  Don.  The  Kipchaks  retired  towards  Kief  and 
Chemigof  to  seek  assistance  from  their  former  victims  the  Russians. 
Russia  was  then  bounded  on  the  south-east  by  the  Oka  ;  it  was  divided 
into  several  principalities,  of  which  the  chief  at  this  time  was  that  of 
Novgorod,  whose  Grand  Duke  Yaroslaf  was  more  or  less  accepted  as 
feudal  lord  over  the  rest. 

But  the  most  vigorous  of  the  Russian  princes,  the  one  who  stands  out 
as  a  chief  actor  in  the  many  civil  wars  that  at  this  time  desolated  Russia, 
was  Mitislaf,  Prince  of  Gallicia,  the  son-in-law  of  the  Coman  Khan 

Kodak  reported  at  Kief  the  advance  of  the  terrible  enemy.  He  pre- 
sented the  Russian  princes  with  camels,  horses,  buffaloes,  and  beautiful 
slaves,  and  told  them  the  Mongols  had  taken  their  land,  and  that  that  of 
the  Russians  would  suffer  the  same  fate.  The  astonished  princes  asked 
who  these  strangers,  hitherto  unknown>  were.  Some  called  them  Taur- 
mains,  others  Petch^negs,  others  again  Tartars.  The  more  superstitious 
recounted  how  the  barbarians,  defeated  by  Gideon  1,200  years  before 
Christ,  were  to  reappear  at  the  end  of  the  world  from  their  deserts  and  to 
conquer  the  whole  earth.*  Mitislaf  assembled  the  princes  of  Southern 
Russia  at  Kief,  and  it  was  determined  unanimously  to  march  against  the 
invaders,  much  to  the  joy  of  the  Comans,  one  of  whose  princes  named 
Basti  embraced  Christianity.  They  assembled  their  forces  at  Zarub  and 
the  isle  of  the  Varagians  (places  whose  exact  sites  are  unknown),t  on  the 
Dnieper.  There  they  received  ten  ambassadors  from  the  Mongols,  who 
spoke  thus:  "We  understand  that,  seduced  by  the  statements  of  the 
Comans,  you  are  marching  against  us.  But  we  have  done  nothing  against 
the  Russians,  we  have  not  taken  your  towns  or  villages,  and  our  sole  inten- 
tion is  to  punish  the  Comans  our  slaves.  For  a  long  time  they  have  been 
enemies  of  the  Russians.  Side  with  us,  therefore,  and  take  a  signal  ven- 
geance upon  these  barbaiians,  and  seize  their  wealth.''  This  message  was 
accepted,  says  Karamzin,  as  a  sign  of  weakness  or  as  a  ruse.  Doubtless 
as  the  latter,  for  the  recent  treachery  of  the  Mongols  in  the  Caucasus 
must  have  been  known.  At  all  events,  the  ambassadors  were  barbarously 
murdered.  Others  were  sent.  "  You  have  preferred  the  counsel  of  the 
Poloutsi,  you  have  killed  our  envoys.  Well,  as  you  wish  for  war,  you 
shall  have  it.  We  have  done  you  no  harm.  God  is  impartial,  He  will 
decide  our  quarrel.'*J 

The  Russians  assembled  their  forces  in  large  numbers  from  Kief, 
Smolensk,  Pultowa  (?),  Kursk,  and  Trubtchevsk.  The  Volhynians  and 
Gallicians  came  in  a  thousand  boats,  on  which  they  sailed  down  the 
Dniester  to  the  sea,  and  then  up  the  Dnieper  to  the  island  Chortiza, 
called  the  Isle  of  St.  George  by  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus.  There 
also  came  some  bodies  of  Poloutsi.     The  Russians  numbered  some 

*  K«nunzin»  iii.  3S4.  t  Wolff,  107.  I  Karamzin,  iii.  286. 


82,000  men.    Mitislaf,  with  an  advance  guard  of  10,000,  impatient  to 
meet  the  enemy,  went  on  ahead,  overtook  a  body  of  Mongols  under 
Hamabek,  and  defeated  them  ;  their  leader  was  found  hidden  in  a  ditch 
or  hole  among  the  kurgans  or  mounds  on  the  steppe,  and  was  beheaded.* 
The  main  body  now  crossed  the  Dnieper,  and  after  a  nine  days'  march 
(Abulghazi  says  ten  and  Raschid  twelve)  arrived  at  the  river  Kalka,  the 
modem  Kaleza,  near  Mariupol,  in  the  government  of  Ekaterinoslaf. 
Mitislaf,  who  was  wishful,  probably,  of  monopolising  the  glory  of  the 
campaign,  ventiired  to  attack  the  main  body  of  the  Mongols  with  only  one 
division.    The  Russians  fought  splendidly,  but  their  feeble  allies,  the 
Poloutsi,  broke  away,  and  this  caused  the  rest  to  retire  also.    The  Mongols 
pursued  them  mercilessly.      Six  princes,  a   celebrated  paladin  named 
Alexander  Popovitch,  and  seventy  nobles  perished.    Of  the  contingent 
from  Kief  alone  10,000,  says  Karamzin,  were  left  on  the  field  of  battle, 
while  the  faithless  Poloutsi  used  the  occasion  for  plundering  their  unfor- 
tunate allies.    Mitislaf,  to  whom  reverse  was  something  new,  seemed 
beside  himself.     Having  crossed  the  Dnieper  himself,  he  caused   the 
boats  to  be  destroyed  in  order  to  prevent  pursuit.     In  the  general  route 
one  leader  held  his  ground,  this  was  Mitislaf  Romanovitch,  Prince  of 
Kief,  who  had  intrenched  himself  on  the  Kalka,  and  resisted  fcr  three 
days  the  assault  of  the  Mongols,  they  at  length  proposed  to  allow  him  to 
escape  on  paying  a  ransom  ;  but  in  their  usual  fashion  they  broke  faith, 
aCnd  put  him  to  death  and  slaughtered  all  his  followers.    They  smothered 
three  of  the  princes  under  planks  and  held  a  feast  over  their  bodies. 

The  pursuit  was  again  renewed.  In  vain  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns 
and  villages  submitted,  humbly  going  to  their  camp  with  their  crosses, 
but  no  pity  was  shown.  Their  grim  maxim,  surely  the  most  cynical  of  all 
ferocious  war-creeds,  was  that  "  The  vanquished  can  never  be  the  friends 
of  the  victors,  the  death  of  the  former  is  necessary  therefore  for  the  safety 
of  the  latter."t  Luckily  for  the  Russians  their  foes  did  not  prolong  their 
stay,  but  returned  to  meet  their  master.  Before  retiring  they  appear  to 
have  made  a  raid  upon  Great  Bulgaria,  on  the  Kama  and  Middle  Volga, 
then  the  Hudson's  Bay  territory  of  the  Old  World,  which  supplied  furs, 
honey,  wax,  and  fossil  ivory  to  the  luxurious  courts,  both  Christian 
and  Muhammedan,  of  the  Eastern  World.  Gorged  with  booty,  the  two 
Mongol  generals  retired  through  the  country  of  Saksin,  along  the  river 
Aktuba,  on  whose  banks  Serai,  the  capital  of  the  Golden  Horde,  was 
afterwards  built.  De  Guignes  says  that  on  crossing  the  Volga  they 
defeated  the  Kankalis  there,  and  killed  their  Khan  Hotose.J 

The  victorious  march  of  Chepe  and  Subutai  must  rank  among  the  most 
wonderful  military  exploits  related  in  history.  A  hundred  years  before 
Nusitagir  Hi,  the  Gurkhan  of  Kara  Khitai,  is  said  to  have  performed  the 
feat  of  marching  round  the  Caspian,  and  it  was  certainly  imitated  180  years 

*  Kannuin,  a88.  t  Karanuin,  291.  J  De  Guignes,  iv.  6x. 


later  by  Timurlenk  ;  but  in  these  two  cases  the  conqueror  was  the  master 
of  a  vast  empire,  and  had  not  half  a  dozen  expeditions  on  his  hands  at 
the  same  time,  while  Chepe  and  Subutai  were  but  subordinate  officers. 
The  former  did  not  long  survive,  but  died  shortly  after  his  return  home, 
with  the  reputation  of  a  great  warrior.*  The  main  cause  of  the  Mongol 
success  was  doubtless  the  terror  and  panic  they  created  by  their 
unflinching  vengeance  whenever  resisted. 

It  is  marvellous  how  miserably  decrepit  the  Turkish  and  other 
opponents  of  the  Mongols  had  become.  In  1224  a  small  body  of  3,000 
Mongols  was  able  to  once  more  destroy  Rayi,  to  do  the  same  to  Kum 
and  Kashan,  and  to  overrun  and  pillage  the  great  provinces  of  Irak 
Adjem  and  Azerbaidjan,  although  opposed  to  much  more  numerous  bodies 
of  Khuarezmians  and  other  Turks.  The  provinces  of  Khorassan  and  Irak 
Adjem  were  made  desolate  by  these  continued  invasions;  according  to 
Juveni  there  did  not  remain  one-thousandth  part  of  their  old  inhabitants, 
and  he  added,  that  if  nothing  interfered  with  the  growth  of  the 
population  in  these  two  provinces  it  would  not  between  his  day  and  the 
day  of  doom  amount  to  one-tenth  of  what  it  did  before  the  Mongol 
invasion.  Their  savage  mode  of  warfare  would  excuse  the  tales  that 
were  told  at  Byzantium  that  they  had  dogs'  heads  and  lived  on  human 

Jingis  had  hardly  reached  his  Ordu  before  he  had  to  deplore  the  death 
of  his  eldest  son  Juji.  He  left  by  his  various  wives  and  concubines  about 
forty  children,  and  his  descendants,  after  ruling  the  Golden  Horde  for  a 
long  period,  are  still  obeyed  by  the  Kazaks,  Uzbegs,  Nogays,  and  other 
fragments  of  the  Golden  Horde. 

While  Jingis  Khan  was  conquering  the  countries  south  of  the  Oxus,  his 
great  general  Mukuli  prosecuted  the  war  in  China.  I  have  described 
how  he  set  out  and  the  troops  he  was  entrusted  with. 

The  former  campaign  of  Jingis  in  China  had  only  produced  transient 
results,  and  the  Mongols  had  to  evacuate  all  their  conquests  there  except 
the  town  of  Chungtu  and  the  northern  edge  of  Pehchehli  and  Shan-si. 
The  country  was  everywhere  reoccupied  and  fortified  by  the  Kin  soldiers. 
During  the  Mongol  attack,  the  Sung  dynasty,  which  had  its  seat  at 
Hangchau,  the  chief  town  of  Chekiang,  and  ruled  over  China  south  of 
the  river  Hoei  in  Honan,  refused  to  pay  its  customary  tribute  to  the  Kin 
emperors,  and  to  punish  this  defection  the  latter,  on  the  retreat  of  the 
Mongols,  sent  an  army  which  ravaged  the  northern  portion  of  the  Sung 
territory.  It  was  at  this  juncture,  and  in  12 17,  that  Mukuli  advanced 
against  the  Kin  empire.  He  captured  several  towns  of  thfi  province  of 
Pehchehli.  The  next  year  he  advanced  into  Shan-si,  whose  capital,  Tai- 
tung-fu,  he  took  after  a  vigorous  attack,  the  governor  committing  suicide 
before  the  surrender.    During  the  year  12 18  he  took  the  eight  principal 

*  Wolff,  xxo.  t  Pachymeres,  i.  87.    D'Ohnon,  i.  332. 


towns  of  Shan*si,  and  the  following  year  completed  the  conquest  of  this 
great  province,  while  a  renegade  Kin  general  subjected  Pchchchli. 

The  Kin  empire  was  being  ground  between  two  millstones,  for  while 
the  Mongols  were  pressing  it  so  hard  in  the  north  the  troops  of  the  Sung 
were  harassing  its  southern  frontier.  Utubu,  the  Kin  emperor,  now 
sent  to  Mukuli  asking  for  terms.  The  only  terms  the  Mongol  general 
would  listen  to  were,  that  Utubu  should  content  himself  with  the  province 
of  Honan,  take  the  title  of  Prince  of  Honan,  and  resign  the  rest  of  his 
empire.  To  this  he  would  not  listen.  So  the  Mongols  continued  their 
attack.  They  defeated  a  large  army  in  the  province  of  Shantung,  a  great 
number  of  the  Kin  soldiers  being  driven  into  the  Yellow  River.  They 
then  laid  siege  to  Tungping,  which  resisted  their  arms  for  a  long  time, 
and  only  surrendered  in  June,  1221.  Mukuli  had  now  conquered  nearly 
all  the  country  north  of  the  Yellow  River,  and  he  determined  to  invade 
Ho«nan.  In  order  to  do  so  he  required  to  capture  several  strong  places  in 
Shen-si,  especially  the  famous  pass  of  Tung  kuan.  In  November,  1221, 
he  accordingly  crossed  the  Yellow  River,  probably  into  the  modem  Ortus 
country,*  then  subject  to  the  empire  of  Hia  or  Tangut.  He  demanded  a 
contingent  of  troops  from  the  Tangut  sovereign.  These  were  sent  to 
him,  to  the  number  of  j;o,ooo  men,  and  he  then  proceeded  to  overrun 
Shen-si,  most  of  whose  cities  he  captured  during  the  year  1222.  TTic 
following  year  Mukuli  died  in  the  midst  of  his  successes;  on  his  deathbed 
he  is  reported  to  have  said:  "For  forty  years  have  I  made  war  and  fought 
for  my  master  in  his  great  enterprises,  and  I  was  never  defeated.  My 
only  regret  is  that  I  have  not  yet  captured  Nanking.'^  A  few  months 
after  his  death  the  Kin  Emperor  Utubu  followed  him  to  the  grave. 

The  Chinese  annals,  translated  by  De  Mailla,  praise  very  highly  the 
military  qualities  of  Mukuli,  with  three  other  of  his  generals,  named 
Qugurdshin,  Berkul,  and  Tsilaku,  he  was  styled  Polipankuliu,  which  in 
their  language,  he  says,  means  the  four  sages.  The  descendants  of  these 
four  Mongols  had  comniand  of  the  Imperial  body  guard.  They  were 
called  the  four  Kie  sie  (/.<?.,  the  four  intrepid  ones).}  De  Guignes  suggests 
that  it  was  probably  the  death  of  Mukuli  that  made  Jingis  return  home, 
in  order  that  he  might  superintend  the  organization  of  his  eastern  army. 

Northern  China  had  been  ruined  by  fifteen  years  of  war,  and  the  Kins 
had  entirely  abandoned  it  and  concentrated  their  forces  on  the  south  of 
the  Yellow  River  to  defend  the  defile  and  fortress  of  Tung-kuan,  that 
commanded  the  road  from  Shen-si  to  Honan.  Here  were  collected 
200,000  men. 

Meanwhile  let  us  turn  once  more  to  the  doings  of  Jingis. 

He  had  been  seven  years  away  from  his  country,  and  when  he  returned 
he  appointed  his  son  Jagatai,  and  Batu  the  son  of  Juji  to  govern  his 

*  De  Guignes,  iv.  67.  t  Pien  king  or  Kai  foug  fu,  which  was  then  the  Nanking  or 

90Utbem  capital  of  the  Kin  emperors.         J  De  Mailla,  ix.  X05. 

JiNGIS  KHAi^.  9$ 

western  conquests.  His  other  sons  Ogotai  and  Tului  returned  with  hiijji 
as  did  also  Subutai  Behadur,  Chep6,  Kosmeli,  Kuba,  the  princes  Pitu 
and  Watchen,  Poyaoho,  son  of  Alakush  the  Ongut  chief,  and  the  Idikut 
of  the  Uighurs.    He  now  held  a  grand  reception.* 

What  a  wonderful  gathering  that  must  have  been.  We  are  much 
impressed  in  reading  the  history  of  the  middle  ages,  with  the  effect  of  the 
Crusades,  which  brought  the  parochial-minded  chivalry  of  Western 
Europe  into  contact  with  the  land  of  so  much  gorgeous  romance  as  the 
East,  and  gave  an  impetus  to  thought  and  action,  and  an  enlargement  of 
view  that  had  more  than  aught  else  to  do  perhaps  with  the  social  and 
mental  revolution  of  the  revival  of  learning.  But  what  were  the  Crusades 
as  an  experience  to  the  journey  of  Jingis  and  his  troops  ?  Bom  and 
accustomed  only  to  the  dreary  steppe-lands  of  the  Gobi  desert,  and  its 
girdle  of  pine-covered  mountains,  their  triumphant  march  led  them 
through  the  very  garden  of  Asia,  among  its  most  refined  and  cultured 
inhabitants,  and  through  its  most  prosperous  cities.  Every  step  must 
have  been  a  new  chapter  of  romance,  such  as  boys  in  England  find  in  the 
Arabian  Nights,  and  the  vast  caravans  of  treasure  that  they  carried  back 
with  them  must  have  been  objects  of  intense  wonder  to  the  wives  and 
daughters  of  the  returning  warriors,  as  the  tales  they  told  of  their 
adventures  must  have  seemed  like  the  romances  of  ballad  makers  rather 
than  the  truthful  experiences  of  ingenuous  soldiers.  Nor  were  the  crowds 
of  captives,  chiefly  artisans,  a  less  important,  if  a  somewhat  less 
picturesque,  clement  in  the  cavalcade.  With  them  there  went  to  the 
furthest  East  all  the  knowledge  and  craft  possessed  by  the  Muhammedans, 
and  if  we  find  the  period  of  Mongol  supremacy  in  China  to  be  a  period 
of  revival  in  art  and  manufacture,  a  period  of  great  literary  energy,  we 
must  not  forget  what  a  number  of  names  in  the  administration  of  that 
period  are  Persian  and  Turkish ;  and  how  the  rubbing  together  of  two 
widely  different  civilisations,  which  have  crystallised  apart,  such  as  those 
of  China  and  Persia,  necessarily  leads  to  a  vigorous  outburst  of  fresh 
ideas  and  discoveries.  Being  the  most  potent  example  of  the  law  con- 
densed for  us  in  the  venerable  proverb,  that  iron  sharpeneth  iron. 

The  King  of  Hia  had  latterly  been  coquetting  with  the  Kin  Emperor, 
his  neighbour  on  the  east,  and  had  refused  to  send  his  son  as  a  hostage. 
He  is  called  Li  te  by  the  Chinese  writers,t  and  is  probably  the  same 
person  as  the  Shidurgho  of  Ssanang  Setzen.  Shidurgho  is  a  Mongol  word, 
meaning  open,  straightforward,  and  answering  to  the  Thibetan  Srong.J 
He  had  succeeded  his  father  Li  tsun  hien  only  two  years  before,  i.e.^ 
in  1223. 

The  empire  of  Hia  was  then  very  populous  and  very  powerful.  It  is 
dear  from  the   elaborate  preparations  of  Jingis,  and    also  from   the 

*  De  Gujgntst  ivt  64.  t  De  Mailla,  ix.  108.    D'Ohsson,  i.  370. 

;  Ssanang  SeUen»  383 


traditions  preserved  by  Ssanang  Setzen,  that  he  looked  upon  this  his 
last  serious  campaign  as  a  very  important  one.  Hia,  with  Thibet,  were 
the  especial  homelands  of  Northern  Buddhism,  and  had  a  quasi-sacred 
and  mysterious  surrounding  to  the  Mongols,  which  is  curiously  reflected 
in  the  tales  that  Ssanang  Setzen  has  preserved.  Shidurgho's  wife  was  a 
great  beauty,  and  her  fame  had  reached  the  ears  of  the  Mongol  Khan, 
who  seems  to  have  coveted  her.  He  also  resented  the  fact  that  the  King 
of  Hia  had  failed  to  send  his  son  as  a  hostage,  and  he  now  prepared  to 
attack  him. 

Ssanang  Setzen  tells  us  Shidurgho  had  a  brown-coloured  dog  with  a 
black  muzzle  which  could  prophecy.  When  war  was  impending  it  used 
to  howl;  when,  on  the  contrary,  peace  was  in  store  then  it  barked.  Now 
that  Jingis  returned  home  the  dog  began  to  howl,  his  master  in  fancied 
security  concluded  that  the  beast  was  growing  old  and  had  lost  its  old 
power.*    I  have  said  that  the  King  of  Hia  was  very  powerful. 

He  could  muster,  according  to  the  western  writers,  500,000  men, 
splendidly  accoutred,  and  consisting  of  Chinese,  Turks,  Thibetans,  &c. 
Jingis  had  180,000  men,  which  he  divided  into  several  divisions.  40,000 
he  gave  to  his  son  Jagatai,  30,000  to  Chep^  and  Subutai,  20,000 
Khuarezmians  to  Ilenku,  20,000  Indians  to  the  Noyan  Bela,  30,000  Jetes 
and  Kipchaks  to  Bedr  ud  din,  and  30,000  Khuarezmians  to  Danishmend. 
Ogotai  remained  with  the  reserve,  and  Tului  went  off  to  see  his  family.t 
The  above  enumeration  gives  a  good  idea  of  the  heterogeneous 
character  of  the  later  Mongol  armies  and  the  great  mixture  of  races  that 
the  conquests  of  Jingis  produced. 

He  first  detached  Subutai  to  subdue  the  wild  Sifan  tribes  dependent 
upon  Tangut,  and  De  Mailla  tells  us  that  the  tribes  Kintcha-walo  and 
the  Sessali,  which  had  hitherto  been  independent,  were  conquered. J 
Jingis  set  out  from  his  Ordu  in  the  spring  of  1225.  Having  crossed  the 
Khang-hai-Khan  chain,  he  first  held  a  grand  hunt  about  the  sources  of 
the  rivers  Onghin  and  Tuigol,  which  lose  themselves  in  the  sands  and 
marshes  of  the  Gobi  desert.§ 

The  Saga-loving  Ssanang  Setzen  mentions  various  omens  that  attended 
the  Mongol  hero's  last  campaign.  During  this  hunt  Jingis  one  day 
observed  :  "  In  this  district  is  a  blue  wolf  (Burte  shino)  and  a  white 
hart,  catch  them  and  bring  them  alive  to  me.  Here  also  is  a  black  man 
on  a  blue-grey  horse,  do  the  same  with  him."  These  were  found  and 
brought  to  him.  He  then  addressed  the  man,  *'  Who  are  you,  and  why 
are  you  here  ?  "  "  I  am  a  friend  of  Shidurgho's,''  he  said,  "  and  he  has 
sent  me  for  information.  My  name  is  Katuraktchi  Kara  Budung,  and  in 
all  Tangut  there  is  none  superior  to  me.  I  was  captured  unawares  while 
I  laid  my  black  head  down  to  rest,  and  while  my  blue  horse  Guun  Bolod, 

*  Ssanang  Seuen,  97.  t  Erdmann,  439.  J  De  Kailla,  ix.  1x7. 

*  Wolff,  11a. 


a  racer  whom  no  creature  that  has  feet  can  catch,  was  tethered  to  the 
ground  by  his  four  feet/'  Jingis  saw  he  was  a  brave  man  and  spared  his 
life,  and  said,  "  People  say  your  master  is  a  Kubilghan  (/.^.,  a  regenerate 
Buddha).  Into  what  form  can  he  convert  himself?"  The  man 
answered,  "In  the  morning  he  changes  himself  into  a  black-striped  snake; 
at  noon  into  a  tawny-striped  tiger ;  and  at  night  into  a  httle  child,  so  that 
man  cannot  injure  him." 

While  Jingis  marched  with  his  army  through  the  Mona  Khan 
mountain,  which  Wolff  says  was  situated  on  the  road  from  the  desert  to 
Ninghia,  north-west  of  the  great  bend  in  the  Hoangho,  he  remarked  : 
**  This  would  be  a  capital  rallying  place  for  a  broken,  and  a  capital  camping 
ground  for  a  united  and  peaceable  people.  It  is  a  beautiful  grazing  ground 
for  roebucks,  and  a  charming  resting-place  for  an  old  man."*  While  there 
Jingis  noticed  an  owl  shrieking  on  a  bough,  and  he  told  his  brother 
Kassar  to  kill  it.  The  latter  shot,  but  the  owl  escaped ;  meanwhile  a 
magpie  came  in  the  line  of  fire,  and  the  arrow  which  was  aimed  at  the 
owl  brought  it  down.  This  was  accepted  as  a  bad  omen,  and  Jingis  was 
in  a  great  rage,  and  had  his  brother  chained  and  watched  by  four  men. 
Then  came  the  Orluk  princes  to  him  and  said,  "  Master,  the  stains  of  the 
vile  ought  not  to  foul  the  purity  of  the  good.  The  most  deserving  and 
distinguished  often  have  the  fate  of  the  worthless.  The  fate  of  the 
ill-omened  owl  has  overtaken  the  magpie:  let  thy  brother  go."t 
Jingis  would  have  done  so,  but  he  had  become  jealous  of  him ;  a  slave 
having  slandered  him  by  accusing  him  of  intriguing  with  his  wife 

He  then  attacked  the  empire  of  Hia,  first  assaulting  the  emporium 
of  Akatshin,  otherwise  called  Etsina.^  This  he' captured  in  February, 
1226.  He  then  fell  upon  Suhchau  and  Kan  chau,  the  latter  was  governed 
by  Kia-ye-kie-liu,  whose  son  Saha  had  been  brought  up  at  the  court  of 
Jingis.  He  had  persuaded  his  father  to  deliver  up  the  town,  when  the 
latter  was  suddenly  attacked  and  murdered  by  some  rebels  who  defended 
the  place  for  some  time.  When  it  at  length  fell  the  lives  of  the  inhabit- 
ants were  spared  on  the  intercession  of  Saha,  and  only  his  father's 
murderers  were  put  to  death.§  In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  1226, 
he  captured  Si  liang  fu,  Tsulu,  and  Holo,  districts  of  the  province  of 
Liang  chau  fu,  that  long  finger-like  western  prolongation  of  Shensi, 
which  projects  into  the  west  between  the  country  of  Kokonoor  and  the 
desert.  He  then  crossed  the  country  of  Shato  to  the  nine  fords  of  the 
Hoang  ho,  captured  Ing  li  sien,||  and  overran  the  country  to  the  Yellow 
River.  The  land  was  everywhere  covered  with  bones,  and  only  one  or 
two  individuals  in  every  hundred  escaped  massacre.^ 

De  Mailla  says  that  Li  te,  the  King  of  Hia,  now  died  with  grief  at 

*  Ssanang  Setxen,  99.    Wolff,  xxa.       t  Stanang  8etzen,  99,  lox.       I  De  Guignes,  iv.  68. 
i  Dc  MaiUa,  ix.  117.  De  Mailla,  ix.  2x7.  %  D'Ohsaoo,  i.  371. 


seeing  his  coantry  thus  desolated  by  the  Mongols,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  son,  whose  Chinese  title  was  Li  hien.  The  narrative  of  Ssanang 
Setzen  only  mentions  one  long,  and  calls  him  Shidurgho.  Jingis  Khan 
continued  his  advance.  He  captured  Ling  chau,  a  town  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Yellow  River,  not  far  from  Ning  hia,  the  capital  of  Tangut 
To  relieve  this  town  a  large  army  of  Tangutans  marched.  It  is  to  this 
occasion,  apparently,  that  we  must  assign  the  bloody  battle  described  by 
Raschid  as  having  been  fought  on  the  ice  where  the  Hoang  ho  had  over- 
flowed its  banks,  and  where  the  ntmiber  of  slaughtered  Tangutans  amounted 
to  300,000 ! ! !  Three  of  the  corpses  stood  on  their  heads,  says  Raschid,  and 
among  the  Mongols  it  is  well  established  that  among  every  100,000  dead 
men  on  the  field  of  battle  one  body  is  to  be  found  which  stands  on  its 
head.*  This  tremendous  exaggeration  of  numbers  is  a  proof  of  the  slight 
authority  of  the  Persian  historians  of  the  Mongols  in  the  accounts  they 
give  of  their  campaigns  on  the  Chinese  borderland. 

De  Mailla  merely  says  that  the  King  of  Hia  entrusted  all  the  forces  he 
could  muster  to  his  general  Seuming-ling-kong,  and  told  him  to  attack 
the  Mongols,  but  that  Jingis  crossed  the  Hoang  ho  and  beat  him.  Tlie 
story  of  Raschid  about  the  man  standing  on  his  head  is  explained  by 
D'Ohsson,  who  says  that  when  the  Mongols  slaughtered  a  large  number 
of  people,  in  order  to  mark  the  number  of  the  slain,  a  census  in  which 
they  gloried,  they  put  a  corpse  on  its  head  on  some  elevated  point  for 
every  thousand  killed,  and  that  on  the  capture  of  Tiflis  in  1221,  seven 
such  monuments  signified  the  death  of  7,000  individuals.  The  Tangutan 
army  on  this  occasion  did  not  probably  reach  50,000  men.t  De  Mailla 
says  that  after  this  battle  Jingis  went  and  encamped  at  Yen  chau  tchuen. 
Here  he  received  the  homage  of  Yao-lise,  the  widow  of  the  late  King  of 
Liau-tung,  who  now  acted  as  regent.  She  was  received  with  distinction 
by  Jingis,  who  himself  offered  her  the  cup  to  drink  out  of,  and  made  a 
grand  eulogium  on  the  bravery  of  her  eldest  son  Hiuessd,  who  had 
accompanied  him  in  his  western  campaigns.  On  her  entreaty  he 
appointed  him  King  of  Liau-tung,  and  dismissed  her  with  a  costly  present 
of  nine  Chinese  prisoners,  nine  horses,  nine  silver  bars,  nine  pieces  of 
silk,  and  other  rich  gifts  in  parcels  of  nine,  which  was  a  sacred  number 
among  the  Mongols. 

Leaving  some  troops  to  watch  the  capital  of  Tangut,  he  captured  Ki- 
shi-chau  and  Liu  tao  fu;  then  turning  to  the  north-west  he  ruined  Tchao 
ho  chau  and  Sining.  At  the  fifth  moon,  says  De  Mailla,  Li  hien,  the 
King  of  Hia,  unable  any  longer  to  resist  the  Mongols,  submitted  to 
Jingis,  who  carried  him  away  in  chains  to  Mongolia.  Gaubil  says,  on 
the  contrary,  that  he  was  put  to  death  by  his  own  people  before  he 
reached  the  camp  of  Jingis.  Thus  ended  another  empire  with  a  long 
history  closely  interwoven  with  that  ot  China,  now  desolated  and  covered 

*  RMchid,  in  D*Oh8ioo«  i.  373-  D'OhMon,  op.  cit.,  i.  373-4' 


with  ruins,  it  was  appropriated  by  the  very  cormorant  of  conquest  the 
Mongol  Khan. 

Jingis  retired  to  summer  his  cattle  in  the  mountains  of  Liupan, 
situated  twenty  li  west  of  Ku  yuen  chau,  a  town  of  Shan-si,  in  latitude  36 
north,  and  longitude  10  west  of  Peking.*  There  he  received  as  a  present 
from  the  Kin  emperor,  a  plateau  full  of  fine  pearls,  which  he  distributed 
among  those  of  his  grandees  who  wore  ear-rings,  others  had  their  ears 
pierced  in  order  to  share  the  prize,  while  many  remained  over  for  a 
general  scramble.  He  was  there  also  seized  with  a  fatal  disease.  Of  his 
different  sons  only  Tului  was  with  him.  He  died  on  the  i8th  of 
August,  1227,  at  the  age  of  sixty-six.  The  Chinese  and  Persian  historians 
are  apparently  agreed  in  making  Jingis  die  a  natural  death.  This  is  not 
the  universal  story,  however.  Marco  Polo  and  the  Syrian  Abulfarag^us 
say  he  was  shot  with  an  arrow  and  killed.  They  probably,  as  Colonel 
Yule  suggests,  confused  his  death  with  that  of  Mangu  Khan  some  years 
later.  Carpino  says  he  was  killed  by  lightning;  Haiton,  the  Armenian, 
that  he  was  drowned ;  but  the  Mongol  historian  Ssanang  Setzen  has  the 
queerest  story — a  story  which  illustrates  well  the  kind  of  Sagas  in  vogue 
among  the  Lamaists.    He  says  : — 

"  When  Shidurgo  Khakan  (the  King  of  Hia)  converted  himself  into  a 
snake,  Jingis  appeared  as  Garudi,  the  king  of  the  birds ;  and  when  the 
former  was  changed  into  a  tiger,  the  latter  became  the  king  of  the  four- 
footed  beasts,  the  lion ;  and,  lastly,  when  the  former  acquired  the  form  of 
a  boy,  the  latter  became  Khormusda,  the  king  of  the  Tegri  or  spirits,  so 
that  Shidurgo  fell  into  the  power  of  Jingis  without  any  effort.  Then  said 
the  former  to  the  latter : — *  If  you  kill  me,  it  will  bring  evil  upon  you.  If 
you  forbear,  it  will  prove  fatal  to  your  posterity.'  Jingis  now  tried  to 
strike,  but  he  found  he  could  not  hurt  him.  He  thereupon  said, '  With  a 
conmion  weapon  you  cannot  harm  me,  but  between  by  boot  soles  there  is 
a  triple  dagger,  made  of  magnet,  with  which  I  may  be  killed.'  With  these 
words  he  offered  him  the  weapon,  saying,  *  Now  you  may  kill  me.  If  milk 
flows  from  the  wound,  it  will  be  an  evil  token  for  you;  if  blood,  then  for 
your  posterity.  Let  me  also  counsel  you.  If  you  make  my  wife  Kiu:- 
beldshin  Goa  your  own,  probe  her  previous  life  diligently.*  When 
Shidurgo  was  pierced  in  the  neck  with  the  dagger  he  died,  and  Jingis 
^propriated  his  wife  and  people. 

"  Every  one  wondered  at  the  beauty  of  Kurbeldshin  Goa,  but  she  said: 
*  I  was  formerly  much  prettier,  but  am  now  grimy  with  dust  from  your 
troops,  when  I  have  bathed  in  the  river  I  shall  renew  my  good  looks.'  As 
she  went  down  to  the  Kara  Muren  to  bathe,  a  bird  from  her  father's  house 
hovered  over  her,  and  allowed  itself  to  be  caught.  She  spoke  aloud,  and 
said,  *  I  am  ashamed  of  bathing  before  all  this  company,  let  them  begone. 
I  will  bathe  alone.'    When  they  had  left  she  called  out,  *  I  intend  to  seek 

*  D'ObBion,  i.  375.    De  Mailla,  iz.  127. 


my  death  in  the  Kara  Muren.  Let  my  body  be  searched  for  up  the 
stream,  and  not  down.'  She  then  let  the  bird  escape,  and  it  flew  home  to 
tell  her  father. 

**  When  she  came  out  of  the  bath  she  had  become  much  more  beautiful. 
The  following  night,  when  Jingis  Khan  lay  asleep,  she  bewitched  him,  upon 
which  he  became  feeble  and  ill.  She  then  arose,  went  down  to  the  Kara 
Muren  and  drowned  herself,  whence  the  Kara  Muren  to  this  day  is  called 
Chatun  Eke. 

"  When  the  bird  related  to  her  father,  who  was  called  Schang-dsa-wang- 
Ja,  of  the  tribe  of  U,  he  went  and  looked  for  his  daughter's  body.  He 
found  it  not,  but  found  only  one  of  her  pearl  embroidered  socks.  Over 
this  he  raised  a  mound  of  earth,  still  called  Temur  Olcho.*  Schmidt 
remarks  in  a  note  that  the  upper  Kara  Muren  is  undoubtedly  still  called 
Chatun  Muren,  or  the  maiden's  river,  by  the  Mongols,  and  that  he  had 
found  the  name  in  several  writings." 

The  whole  story  shows  the  mysterious  atmosphere  in  which  the 
Lamaist  faith  surrounds  its  votaries,  and  what  a  peculiar  halo  attaches 
to  the  memory  of  Jingis,  who  stands  in  Mongol  legend  much  as  Theseus 
and  other  demigods  did  in  the  traditionary  poetry  of  Greece.  To 
continue  our  story  :— 

"  As  he  lay  dying  on  his  bed  the  old  hero  addressed  Kiluken  Behadur, 
who  was  beside  him :  *  Be  you  a  faithful  friend  to  my  widowed  Burte 
Judjin,  and  to  my  two  orphan  sons  Ogotai  and  Tului,  and  be  ever  true  to 
them  without  fear.  The  precious  jadestone  has  no  crust,  and  the  polished 
dagger  no  dirt  upon  it.  The  body  that  is  bom  is  not  immortal.  It  goes 
hence  without  home  or  resting-place.  This  keep  in  everlasting  memory, 
the  glory  of  an  action  is  that  it  should  be  complete  {i.e.,  whatsoever 
thine  hand  findeth  to  do,  dp  it  with  all  thy  might).  Firm  and  unbending 
is  the  heart  of  the  man  who  keeps  his  plighted  word.  Be  not  guided  by 
the  wishes  of  others,  so  will  you  gain  the  goodwill  of  many.  With  me  it 
is  clear  that  I  must  separate  from  you  and  go  away.  The  words  of  the 
boy  Khubilai  are  very  weighty.  You,  all  of  you,  note  his  words.  He 
will  some  time  occupy  my  throne,  and  he  will,  as  I  have  done,  secure  you 
prosperity.' " 

Such  is  the  story  as  told  by  Ssanang  Setzen.  The  western  chroniclers 
make  it  out  that  Jingis  collected  his  children  and  dependents  about  his 
bed  and  gave  them  serious  counsel.  He  bade  his  children  cling  together; 
we  are  told  he  repeated  to  them  the  old  parable  of  the  bundle  of  sticks. 
In  his  case,  however,  arrows  took  the  place  of  sticks.  He  added  another 
fable  not  so  well  known  in  the  west,  namely,  that  of  the  snake  with  several 
heads.  One  night  during  an  impending  frost  it  set  out  to  seek  shelter  in 
a  hole,  but  on  the  way  the  heads  began  to  quarrel  and  fight  with  one 
another,  and  the  result  was  that  it  was  frozen  to  death  ;  not  so  the  snake 

*  Ssanang  Setzen,  103. 


with  one  head  and  many  tails,  this  hid  everything  everyway  safely  in 
the  hole  and  was  saved/  The  moral  is  the  same  as  in  the  previous 

He  appointed  his  brother  Utshegin  with  a  large  force  to  prosecute  the 
war  in  China,  for  which  he  drew  out  an  elaborate  plan.  He  divided  his 
dominions  among  his  sons :  to  Juji  and  his  family  were  assigned  the 
country  from  Kayslik  and  Khuarezm  as  far  as  the  borders  of  Bulghar  and 
Saksin,  wherever  the  hoofs  of  Mongol  horses  had  tramped ;  Jagatai 
received  the  country  from  the  borders  of  the  Uighur  country  as  far  as 
Bokharia ;  Ogotai  had  a  special  uluss  north  of  this  in  the  country  of 
Imil  and  Soongaria;  to  Tului  was  assigned  the  home-country  of  the 
Mongols,  the  care  of  the  Imperial  hut  and  family,  and  the  archives  of  the 
State;  but  he  set  Ogotai  Khan  over  the  whole,  and  counselled 
his  brothers  to  obey  him.  If  we  are  to  credit  some  of  the  historians  of 
Timurlenk  he  made  his  sons  renew  the  pact  with  the  family  of  Kadshuli 
Behadur,  and  seal  it  with  their  tamghas  or  seals.t  He  bade  Jagatai,- 
who  was  known  to  be  of  a  severe  disposition,  see  that  his  will  was  carried 
out,  and  he  lastly  urged  his  people  to  exterminate  the  Tanguts  and  make 
no  terms  with  them.  J 

His  body  was  secretly  conveyed  to  Mongolia,  and  to  prevent  the  news 
of  his  death  spreading,  its  escort  killed  every  one  they  met.  They  only 
published  the  news  when  the  procession  had  reached  the  Great  Ordu  of 
the  Khan  at  the  sources  of  the  Kenilon.  The  body  was  successively 
carried  to  the  ordus  of  his  various  wives,  where  his  many  dependents 
were  summoned  from  all  parts  to  do  it  honour ;  some  had  to  come  a 
journey  of  three  months.  After  these  funeral  rites,  the  coffin  was  carried 
to  its  burial-place.  Raschid  tells  us  that  its  escort  killed  all  the  travellers 
met  with  on  the  way,  ordering  them  to  go  and  serve  their  lord  in  the 
other  world,  and  that  forty  noble  and  beautiful  girls  and  richly 
caparisoned  horses  were  also  sent  for  his  service  into  the  land  of  peace.§ 
Mandeville  thus  describes  a  funeral  of  one  of  the  Grand  Khans  : — '*  At 
the  spot  where  the  funeral  occurs  they  erect  a  tent,  in  which  they  place 
the  corpse  on  a  wooden  couch,  and  arrange  before  him  a  table  delicately 
served ;  into  this  they  drive  a  white  horse  richly  caparisoned  and  with  its 
saddle  on.  They  then  place  the  tent  with  its  contents  in  a  hollow  and 
cover  it  over,  so  that  no  one  can  distinguish  the  place.''  This  account 
reads  very  like  the  accounts  given  by  Arab  writers  of  the  Norse  funerals 
on  the  Volga  in  the  tenth  century.  || 

Ssanang  Setzen  describes  the  body  of  Jingis,  as  removed  to  its 
native  land,  the  whole  host  escorting  it,  and  wailing  as  they  went. 
Kiluken  Behadur,  of  the  Sunid  tribe,  one  of  the  Khan's  old  comrades, 
lifted  up  his  voice  and  sang  : — 

*Erdinaika,44;2.  t  £rdmana,443.   -  t  ErdmaoB.  443 

S  VaJe*s  Karco  Polo,  i.  319.    D'OhuoD,  i.  i92.  ||  D'Ohsion,  Les  peupi^  du  CanttUft  96, 



Whilom  thou  didst  ttoop  like  a  falcon ;  a  mmbling  wagon  now  tnindles  thee  off, 

O  my  King. 
Halt  tbon  in  troth  then  forsaken  thy  wife  and  thy  children,  and  the  diet  of  thy  people  ? 

O  my  King. 
Circling  in  pride  like  an  eagle  whilom  thou  didst  lead  us 

O  my  King. 
Bnt  now  thou  hast  stumbled  and  fallen  like  an  unbroken  colt, 

O  my  King. 
For  six-and-sizty  years  thou  hast  brought  thy  people  peace  and  joy,  and  now  dost  thou  leave 

O  my  King.* 

To  such  a  chaunt  did  the  procession  move  towards  the  mountain  Mona, 
already  named.  There  the  wheels  of  the  wagon  sank  in  the  blue  clay  so 
that  it  stuck  fast  and  refused  to  move  on  even  when  the  strongest  horses 
of  the  five  banners  were  fastened  to  it.  The  people  began  to  grow 
dejected,  when  the  voice  of  Kiluken  Behadur  once  more  arose  : — 

"  Thou  lion  of  the  celestial  Tegri.  Thou  son  of  the  Teg^.  My  own 
Lord  Bogda,  wilt  thou  leave  thy  whole  people  here  in  this  quagmire. 
Thy  wife  so  equally  matched  with  thy  noble  birth  ;  thy  solidly  gprounded 
state ;  the  authority  of  thy  laws  ;  thy  much  attached  people  ;  all  are  at 
stake.  Thy  once  beloved  wife ;  thy  golden  palace ;  thy  state  founded  on 
right ;  the  assembled  clans  of  thy  people ;  all  are  yonder  far  away. 
Thy  birthland  ;  the  water  in  which  thou  wert  wont  to  wash  ;  thy  subjects, 
the  fruitful  Mongol  people ;  thy  many  officers,  princes,  and  nobles. 
Deligun  bulak,  on  the  Onoji,  where  thou  wert  bom.  They  are  yonder. 
Thy  standard  made  from  the  black  horse's  tail ;  thy  drums,  cymbals, 
trumpets,  and  fifes  ;  thy  golden  house  and  all  its  rich  contents ;  the 
meadows  of  the  Kerulon,  the  very  place  where  thou  mountedst  the  throne 
as  Khakan  of  the  Arulad ;  all  are  yonder.  Burte  Judjin,  the  choice  wife 
of  thy  early  days  ;  Borchatu  Khan,  thy  fortunate  land,  and  all  thy  people ; 
Bogordshi  and  Mukuli,  thy  two  trusty  friends  ;  thy  consummate  adminis- 
tration ;  all  are  yonder.  Thy  heavenly-bom  partner,  Chulan  Khatun ; 
thy  lutes  and  flutes,  and  other  musical  instruments  ;  thy  two  charming 
wives,  Jissu  and  Jissuken  ;  thy  golden  palace  cynosure  of  wonders ;  all 
are  yonder.  Hast  thou,  because  the  district  of  Kargina  Khan  is  still 
warm,  because  so  many  of  the  Tanguts  are  vanquished,  and  because 
Kurbeldshin  Khatun  was  beautiful,  really  left  thy  people,  the  Mongols, 
in  this  fix.  If  we  may  not  serve  as  a  shield  to  thy  noble  life,  we  would  at 
least  bear  thy  remains,  which  are  fair  as  the  noble  jade  stone,  to  their 
last  home,  to  show  them  to  thy  wife  Burte  Judjin,  and  to  satisfy  the 
wishes  of  all  thy  people." 

At  the  close  of  this  monody,  which  has  such  a  peculiar  local  colour,  we 
are  told  that  the  wagon  once  more  began  to  move,  and  the  pro- 
cession, amidst  cries  and  words  of  mouming,  at  length  reached  its  goal. 
There  they  raised  a  mound  over  the  body,  and  built  eight  white  houses  as 
places  of  prayer  and  invocation.    The  resting-place  of  the  Great  Khan 

*  Colonel  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  i.  no. 


was  called  Yeke  Utek,  and  it  lay  between  the  shadow  side  of  the  Altai 
Khan  and  the  sunny  side  of  the  Kentei  Khan,* 

Raschid  names  the  place  of  his  burial  as  Burkan  Kaldun  (God's  Hill) 
or  Yekek  Kuruk  (the  great  sacred  or  Tabooed  place);  in  another  place  he 
calls  it  Nuda  Undur,  near  the  river  Selinga.  Burkan  Kaldun  is  often 
mentioned  by  Ssanang  Setzen,  and  Pallas  speaks  of  Burgin  Galdat  as  the 
place  where  the  Onon  springs. 

Marco  Polo  names  the  burial-place  of  Jingis  as  the  mountain  Altai, 
situated  north-east  of  Karakorum ;  Gaubil,  from  Mongol  sources,  places 
it  at  a  place  called  Han,  situated  47.54  north  latitude  and  93  longitude 
west  of  Peking;  according  to  D'Anville's  map  there  is  a  mountain 
Kenteyhan  on  this  spot,  where  the  Onon  takes  its  rise.  This  is  clearly 
the  same  mountain  as  the  Khan  oola  of  Pallas  and  Timkowsky,  a  lofty 
mountain  near  Urga,  covered  with  a  dense  forest.  It  is  still  held  sacred 
by  the  Mongols  and  guarded  from  access.t 

Erdmann  says  that  Jingis  was  buried  at  the  foot  of  a  tree  which  he 
had  noticed  once  while  hunting,  and  had  chosen  as  his  burial-place. 
This  tree  was  remarkable  at  the  time,  but  had  been  overtaken  in  size  by 
the  rest  of  the  wood,  and  become  undistinguishable.J 

Many  of  his  descendants  were  buried  on  the  same  mountain,  in  the 
midst  of  this  forest,  which  was  guarded  by  1,000  men  of  the  tribe  Urian, 
exempted  from  military  service.  Rich  perfumes  were  burnt  without 
ceasing  before  the  tablets  of  the  princes.  The  place  was  only  accessible 
to  the  four  great  ordus  of  Jingis.  § 

Jingis  had  nearly  500  wives  and  concubines,  among  the  latter  were  the 
most  beautiful  captives  and  the  most  beautiful  girls  in  the  different 
tribes,  who  were  always  set  apart  for  the  Khan  and  the  princes  ;  each 
captain  presented  the  fairest  in  his  company  to  his  colonel,  the  colonel 
to  his  superior  officer,  &c.,  and  thus  the  cream  of  the  whole  nation  was 
sifted  for  the  choice  of  the  Khan. 

Of  the  wives  of  Jingis,  five  held  a  supenor  rank,  the  first  of  all  was 
Burta,  who  bore  the  Chinese  title  of  Judjin,  she  was  the  daughter  of  Dai 
Noyan,  chief  of  the  tribe  Kunkurat,  and  was  the  mother  of  Juji,  Jagatai, 
Ogotai,  Tului,  and  five  daughters ;  of  these  daughters,  Kudshin  Bigi,  the 
eldest,  was  betrothed  to  Sengun,  son  of  Wang  Khan,  and  afterwards 
married  Huladei  Gurgan,  son  of  Butu  Gurgan,  of  the  Kurulats.  Jidjegan, 
the  second,  married  Turaldshi  Gurgan,  of  the  Urauts.  The  third, 
Alakai  Bigi,  married  Jingui,  of  the  Onguts.  The  fourth,  Tumalun, 
Shengu  Gurgan,  of  the  Kunkurats.  The  fifth,  Atalukan  Jawer  Sadshan, 
of  the  01konods.||  By  his  second  wife,  Chulan  Khatun,  he  had  a  fifth 
son  named  Gulgan.lT 

I  have  now  described  the  career  of  the  great  conqueror,  whose  renown 

*  Ssanang  8«tzen,  107, 109.  t  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  i.  218.  J  Erdmann,  444. 

i  D*Ohsson,  i.  381.  |  Erdmann,  445.  f  Erdmann,  445. 


were  bound  by  no  oath,  and  however  solemn  their  promise  to  the  inhabit- 
ants who  would  surrender,  it  was  broken,  and  a  general  massacre 
ensued.  It  was  their  policy  to  leave  behind  them  no  body  of  people, 
however  submissive,  who  might  inconvenience  their  communications. 
"  They  gloried,"  says  the  chronicler  Vincent,  "  in  the  slaughter  of  men ; 
blood  to  them  was  spilt  as  freely  as  water.  They  employed  lies  and 
deception  to  delude  their  victims,  and  then  destroyed  them."*  They  had 
no  honour  and  no  chivalry,  a  ruse  to  them  was  more  creditable  than  an 
open  fight.  If  a  desperate  enemy  resisted  bravely  they  would  open  their 
ranks  to  let  him  escape,  until  the  disorder  of  retreat  made  the  work  of 
destruction  easy.  They  generally  attempted  to  surround  their  enemies, 
and  as  each  man  had  several  horses,  could  often  weary  them  into  defeat 
They  commenced  the  attack  with  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  only  used 
their  side  arms  to  complete  the  victory.  Their  cavalry  manoeuvred  by 
signals,  and  was  very  skilfully  handled  :  the  coward  and  the  plunderer 
were  equally  put  to  death. 

In  their  expeditions  the  Mongols  encamped  to  rest  and  recruit  their 
horses  for  a  few  months  every  year.  Having  laid  waste  a  wide  circle  of 
country  round  their  camp,  they  then  gave  themselves  up  to  exCess  and 
debauchery,  waited  upon  by  their  young  and  beautiful  captives,  one  of 
whom,  according  to  Vincent,  was  chosen  before  his  death  by  each  warrior 
to  be  buried  alive  with  him.  As  the  hard  and  dangerous  work  was  done 
by  the  prisoners  and  captives,  the  lordly  Mongols  easily  kept  up  their 
strength  in  the  most  distant  expeditions. 

In  time  of  peace  Jingis  counselled  his  soldiers  to  be  quiet  and  gentle  as 
calves,  but  in  war  to  rush  on  their  enemies  like  hung^  falcons  fall  on 
their  prey. 

The  following  reads  almost  Uke  the  military  counsel  of  Napoleon ;  in 
speaking  of  his  generals  he  said :  "  There  does  not  live  a  braver  man 
than  Yissutai,  no  march  can  fatigue  him,  he  feels  neither  thirst  nor 
hunger,  and  he  thinks  his  soldiers  ought  to  be  like  himself ;  this  is  why 
he  is  not  fit  to  command.  It  is  necessary  that  a  general  should  not  be 
insensible  to  either  hunger  or  thirst,  for  he  ought  to  be  able  to  feel  the 
sufferings  of  his  army.  His  marches  should  be  moderate,  and  he  ought 
to  feed  well  both  his  men  and  horses.*'  "  What  is  the  greatest  happiness 
in  life?"  he  one  day  asked  his  generals.  One  answered  for  the  rest  :  "  To 
go  a  hunting  on  a  spring  morning  mounted  on  a  beautiful  horse,  carrying 
on  your  hand  a  good  falcon  and  watching  it  seize  its  prey."  "  No,"  said 
Jingis,  **  the  greatest  pleasure  is  to  vanquish  your  enemies,  to  chase  them 
before  you,  to  rob  them  of  their  wealth,  to  see  those  dear  to  them  bathed 
in  tears,  to  ride  their  horses,  to  clasp  to  your  tosom  their  wives  and 
daughters."  t 

The  chase  Jingis  held  to  be  the  school  of  war,  and  he  advised  his  sons  to 

*  D'Ohsson,  i.  398.  t  D'Ohsson,  i.  404. 


spend  the  time  of  peace  in  hunting.  The  great  Mongol  winter  hunt  was 
more  like  a  military  expedition  than  anything  else.  Orders  were  given 
to  the  different  tribes  a  month's  journey  off  to  extend  themselves  and 
join  on  to  one  another,  and  thus  enclose  a  huge  ring  ;  the  whole  under, 
the  orders  of  skilled  generals,  and  divided  into  a  left  and  right  wing  and 
centre  ;  the  game  was  driven  into  an  enclosure  of  two  or  three  leagues  in 
circuit,  made  of  felt  hung  on  cords.  The  Khan  first  entered  the  ring  with 
his  wives  and  suite,  and  when  he  was  tired  of  killing,  retired  to  an  emi- 
nence inside  the  cordon  and  watched  the  great  chieftains  hunt ;  the  whole 
concluded  by  a  general  scramble  of  the  commonalty.  When  only  a  few 
victims  were  left,  the  old  men  came  before  the  Khan  and  begged  that 
their  lives  might  be  spared  to  furnish  more  sport  the  next  year ;  eight 
days  were  thus  consumed  in  the  general  holiday. 

Jingis  organised  a  postal  service  on  the  grand  routes,  to  facilitate  tra- 
vellers, couriers,  and  public  officers  in  their  travels  ;  the  horses,  carriages, 
and  food  were  supplied  by  the  inhabitants,  and  the  safety  of  the  road  was 
protected  by  severe  police  regulations.  For  the  first  time  probably  in  the 
history  of  Asia  it  was  possible  to  travel  with  perfect  safety  across  the 
steppes  of  Turkestan. 

By  his  code  of  laws  death  was  awarded  to  the  homicide,  the  cattle- 
thief,  the  adulterer,  and  those  who  dealt  in  unnatural  crimes.  The  same 
punishment  fell  upon  those  who  for  the  third  time  lost  the  captives 
entrusted  to  their  keeping,  those  who  concealed  and  harboured  fugitive 
slaves  or  lost  goods,  those  who  did  not  return,  if  they  found  them,  the 
arms  of  any  who  had  lost  them  in  combat,  those  who  employed  witch- 
craft to  harm  others,  those  who  intervened  in  a  struggle  between  two 
champions.  Small  thefts  were  punished  with  the  bastinado,  and  torture 
was  freely  used  to  force  confession.  In  his  code  he  preserved  many  curious 
superstitious  notions  that  the  popular  creed  had  sanctified.  Thus  it  was 
forbidden  to  make  water  in  a  stream  or  on  ashes,  to  have  props  or  legs  to 
a  house,  a  table,  or  a  chair,  to  wash  the  hands  in  running  water.  It  was 
forbidden  to  wash  clothes,  which  were  to  be  used  till  worn  out ;  cooking 
and  domestic  vessels  were  not  to  be  washed,  and  this  custom  still  pre- 
vails, according  to  Pallas,  among  the  Kalmuks,*  who  always  clean  these 
articles  with  dried  grass  or  a  piece  of  felt  Carpino  tells  us  they  would 
not  touch  fire  with  a  knife,  or  take  their  food  with  the  same  implement 
out  of  a  kettle,  or  strike  with  a  hatchet  near  a  fire.  To  break  these 
rules  was  to  bring  misfortune,  or  to  cause  it  to  thunder,  in  the  popular 
eyes,  and  no  doubt,  as  D'Ohsson  remarks,t  the  origin  of  the  prohibition 
was  originally  a  fear  of  offending  the  elements.  In  killing  an  animal  it 
must  be  laid  on  its  back,  an  incision  made  in  its  belly,  and  the  heart  torn 
out  or  squeezed  with  the  hand;  this  practice  is  still  that  of  the  Kalmuks, 
who  attribute  its  introduction  to  Jingis  Khan.J  Those  who  killed  animals 

*  Samm.  Hiit.  Nach,  i.  X31.        t  D'Ohaton,  i.  410.   Note.       I  Pallas,  op.  cit,  i.  128. 


in  the  Mussalmdn  way  must  themselves  be  killed.  The  Mongols  were 
avaricious  to  the  last  degree,  they  only  killed  animals  which  were  sick  or 
wounded ;  their  hands,  the  chroniclers  Vincent  and  Carpino  say,  were 
always  open  to  take  and  closed  to  give.  They  ate  almost  anything ;  rats 
or  dogs,  &c,,  were  readily  consumed.  Jingis  enjoined  upon  them  all 
hospitality,  and  at  their  feasts  it  was  not  permitted  to  refuse  anyone  to 
join;  the  host  must  always  taste  the  food  before  the  guest  (surely  a 
chivalrous  notion  to  have  been  bom  in  the  desert).  He  set  his  face 
strongly  against  the  Mongol  weakness  of  drunkenness:  "  If  you  cannot 
refrain,  get  drunk  only  three  times  a  month,"  he  said.  "It  would  be 
better  never  to  get  drunk  at  all,  but, "  says  the  philosophic  and  ingenuous 
preacher  of  temperance,  **  who  can  abstain  altogether  ?"^ 

Jingis  counselled  his  sons  to  tolerate  all  creeds,  telling  them  that  it 
mattered  little  to  the  Divinity  how  they  honoured  Him.  He  himself 
believed  in  a  Supreme  Being,  but  he  worshipped  the  sun,  and  was  like  his 
compatriots,  a  Shamanist.  He  exempted  from  taxes  the  ministers  of  all 
religions,  the  poor,  doctors,  and  other  wise  men.  The  princes  of  the 
blood  addressed  the  Khan  by  his  name,  and  in  his  orders,  diplomas,  &c., 
this  name  was  unaccompanied  by  any  honorary  titles.  His  style  was 
simple  and  free  from  the  nauseous  rotundity  and  imagery  of  the  Persians. 
One  of  the  secretaries  of  the  Sultan  Muhammed  having  entered  his 
service,  he  ordered  him  one  day  to  write  to  the  refractory  Prince  of 
Mosul  in  these  terms:  "God  has  given  me  the  empire  of  the  wcrld; 
those  who  submit  and  let  my  troops  pass  will  save  their  lands,  their 
families,  and  goods ;  the  others,  God  knows  what  will  happen,  &c."  The 
secretary  translated  this  into  the  fulsome  phrases  used  by  the  Persians; 
when  this  was  literally  translated  to  Jingis  he  turned  round  in  a  rage  and 
said:  "  You  are  a  traitor,  you  have  written  this  letter  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  Prince  of  Mosul  will  only  be  more  stubborn  and  audacious,'' 
and  he  put  him  to  death .t 

The  laws  of  Jingis  were  written  down  by  his  orders  in  the  Mongol 
language  and  in  the  Uighur  character,  which  he  had  caused  the  young 
Mongols  to  be  taught.  This  code  was  called  Ulang-Yassa.  It,  doubt- 
less, like  many  other  celebrated  codes  which  gained  for  their  compilers 
the  character  of  originators,  embodied  the  gathered  and  matured  wisdom 
and  rules  of  life  that  prevailed  among  his  people;  and  what  he  did  was 
probably  little  more  than  to  stamp  with  express  authority  the  traditional 
and  very  ancient  common-law  code  of  the  desert.  Copies  of  it  were 
preserved  in  the  archives  of  his  descendants,  who  consulted  them  in  all 
difficult  matters  (no  copy  of  it  is  apparently  extant,  but  many  of  its 
clauses  have  been  preserved  by  Raschid-ud-din,  Alai-ud-din,  in  Macrizi's 
"  Description  of  Egypt,''  and  by  the  chronicler  Vincent).  Jingis  charged 
his  son  Jagatai,  who  had  the  character  of  severity,  to  carry  out  his  laws; 

*  D*OhMon  i.  413.  t  D'Ohtsoo,  i.  414. 

JINGIS   KHAN.  113 

foresaw,  and  it  needed  no  very  great  instinct  to  see,  what  would  happen 
in  one  or  two  generations.  "My  descendants,"  he  said,  "  will  deck 
themselves  in  brocaded  robes,  will  feed  on  rich  meats,  ride  splendid 
horses,  have  beautiful  wives,  and  they  will  not  think  of  those  to  whom 
they  owe  these  good  things." 

If  it  be  no  small  thing  for  any  man  to  leave  his  footprint  in  the  page 
of  history,  his  must  surely  have  had  an  uncommon  power  who  stamped 
his  mark  so  deeply  and  so  lastingly  on  such  a  shifting,  treacherous  quag- 
mire as  the  history  of  Asia,  whose  descendants  ruled  a  very  large  portion 
of  it  for  so  long,  whose  memory  is  still  the  theme  of  so  many  Sagas  in 
the  lonely  yurts  of  the  scattered  robbers  of  Central  Asia ;  and  whose 
institutions,  if  they  were  really  his,  are  still  the  best  models  for  a 
nomadic  people  to  be  ruled  by.  It  may  be  that  he  and  his  followers 
tramped  over  the  fairest  portions  of  the  earth  with  the  faggot  and  the 
sword  in  their  hands,  forestalling  most  terribly  the  day  of  doom,  and 
crumbling  into  ruin  many  old  civilisations.  His  creed  was  to  sweep 
away  all  cities,  as  the  haunts  of  slaves  and  of  luxury,  that  his  herds 
might  freely  feed  upon  grass  whose  green  was  free  from  dusty  feet.  It 
does  make  one  hide  one's  face  in  terror  to  read  that  from  12 11  to  1223 
18470,000  human  beings  perished  in  China  and  Tangut  alone*  at  the 
hands  of  Jingis  and  his  followers :  a  fearful  hecatomb,  which  haunts  the 
memory  until  one  forgets  the  other  features  of  the  story.  Yet  although 
a  talmla  rasa  was  created,  a  fresh  story  was  also  writ  upon  the  page. 
Nor  must  we  forget,  whatever  creed  we  hold  to,  that  whether  it  be  by 
pestilence  or  famine,  or  by  the  hands  of  such  as  Sesostris,  Sennacherib, 
Darius,  Alexander,  Caesar,  Attila,  Timur,  Bonaparte,  and  their  ilk,  the 
scourges  of  God  seem  inevitably  to  recur  at  intervals  to  purge  the  world 
of  the  diseased  and  the  decaying,  the  weak  and  the  false,  the  worn  out 
and  the  blas^,  the  fool  and  the  knave. 

That  as  surely  as  the  winter  scatters  the  leaves,  so  surely  does  a  time 
come  in  human  history  when  the  fruits  of  human  toil,  the  fairest  it  may 
be  that  can  be  compassed  by  man,  must  be  trodden  under.  The  pelicans 
and  the  storks  that  watch  over  the  ruins  of  Mesopotamia,  and  a  hundred 
other  such  sites,  are  witnesses  of  our  conclusion ;  grim  witnesses,  too,  of 
the  truth  that  "blood  and  iron**  is  neither  a  new  creed  nor  one  invented  by 
Jingis  Khan.  It  may  be  that  in  his  hands  we  see  the  steel  more  bright 
and  keen  ;  that  he  did  not  hide  his  work  under  the  fantastic  guise  that 
he  was  a  champion  of  freedom,  or  of  some  other  fine  sounding  pretence. 
It  is  natural  we  should  revolt  against  being  worshippers  of  the  wolfish 
natures  that  are  sent  at  times  to  fill  the  charnel-house  of  history  with 
bones  ;  but  if  we  mete  equal  justice  to  the  breed,  and  measure  them  not 
so  much  by  the  ruin  they  created  as  by  what  they  placed  in  the  void. 
If  we  measure  them  by  their  opportunities^  their  antecedents,  and  their 

•  Wolff,  in; 


aims,  and  not  by  the  feeble  aesthetic  standard  some  poets  have  created  by 
which  to  discriminate  between  the  destroyers  of  mankind,  we  shall  find 
Jingis  Khan  towering  head  and  shoulders  above  most  of  the  rest.  While 
as  to  his  thirst  for  blood,  and  the  greedy  draughts  he  took  of  it,  we  must 
wait  for  an  excuse  till  the  g^eat  day  comes  when  men  shall  know  why 
suffering  and  misery  are  permitted  at  all,  and  why  it  has  been  allowed 
to  so  many  men,  who  have  been  styled  great  by  their  followers,  to  put 
their  heels  upon  the  aqconmiodating  neck  of  humanity,  as  if  it  had  been 
created  to  become  their  victim. 

Note  1.— The  Nine  Orloks.— These  celebrated  chieftains  who 
accompanied  the  fortunes  of  Jingis  from  his  early  days  to  his  days  of 
prosperity,  and  whose  military  talent  is  as  remarkable  as  that  of  the  bevy 
of  marshals  who  were  the  proteges  of  Napoleon  I.,  are  thus  enumerated  : 
I.  Kuluk  Bughurdshi,  of  the  tribe  Arulad  ;  he  was  the  captain  over  the 
rest.  At  first  he  was  a  serving  man,  then  rose  to  be  Gesiktu,  i.e.,  captain 
of  the  advanced  guard  of  the  archers  ;  then  Emir  Gesik,  i.e.,  commander 
of  that  body;  then  Emir  Tuman,  i.e.,  chief  of  10,000  men  ;  and  lastly, 
Kiwang,  or  Grand  Prince.  He  styled  himself  the  unerring,  and  said  of 
himself;  "When  the  cry  of  the  raven  is  false  and  misleading,  then  am  I 
not  taken  in  and  led  astray ;  when  the  grave-bird  croaks  unmeaningly, 
my  head  and  brain  remains  clear;  when  the  dust  rises  from  the  earth,  or 
the  mist  comes  down  from  heaven,  I  don't  lose  my  way.  Thence  men 
call  me  the  unerring."*  2.  Bughurul,  of  the  tribe  of  Uguskin.  3. 
Shurkan  Shireh,  the  Torghon  Shaara  of  Schmidt,  of  the  tribe  Suldus;  he 
saved  his  master's  life  when  the  latter  escaped  from  the  Taidshuts  {vide 
ante),  4.  Mukuli  Behadur,  the  conqueror  of  Northern  China.  He  is 
called  Go  Mukuli  by  Schmidt,  and  was  of  the  Jelair  tribe.  5.  Chepe,  the 
pursuer  of  Muhanmied,  the  Dschebe  or  Sebe  of  Schmidt.  He  belonged 
to  the  Yissud  tribe.  6.  Subutai  Behadur,  the  companion  of  Chepe.  He  is 
the  Tso  Mergcn  of  Schmidt,  who  says  he  belonged  to  the  Jurjid  tribe. 
7.  Chelme  Oho,  i.e.,  the  bold  robber,  the  companion  of  Jingis's  first 
expedition,  whose  two  sons  were  the  leaders  of  the  right  and  left 
wings  of  the  body  guard.  He  belonged  to  the  Uriangkuts.  8.  Shiki 
Kuttu,  of  the  Tartar  tribe.  And  lastly,  Kara  Kiragho,  of  the  Uirat 

Note  2. — The  army  of  the  Mongols  consisted  of  very  heterogeneous 
elements ;  each  conquered  nation  supplied  its  contingent,  and  the  Mongol 
element  proper  in  the  army  was  probably  largely  exceeded  in  numbers  by 
the  Ttu-kish  one.  The  former,  however,  was  treated  as  the  mainstay  of 
the  nation,  and  in  the  distribution  of  his  forces  among  his  relatives,  by 

'*  Von  Hammfcr'l  Ilkhtns,  i.  30. 
t  Schmidt*!  Stanang  SeUen,  381.    Vofa  Hammer'i  tlkhlinB,  i.  3b 


Jingisy  this  alone  is  named.  The  great  bulk  of  it,  with  the  Mongol  nation 
and  the  Mongol  country,  was  left  to  Tului,  the  hearth-child.  The  fol- 
lowing tabular  statement  contains  an  enumeration  and  account  of  the 
distribution  of  the  Mongol  army  :— * 

1.  The  Imperial  life  guards,  called  the  great  Ordu ;  this  was 

1,000  men  strong,  and  was  commanded  by  Utsheghan,  a 
Tangut  by  nation,  and  an  adopted  son  of  Jingis.  The 
various  couriers,  runners,  messengers  &c.,  belonged  to 

this  body 1,000 

2.  The  Centre,  under  Tului    101,000 

3.  The  Right  Wing,  imder  Bughurdshi  Noyan  47,ooo 

4.  The  Left  Wing,  under  Mukuli  Guyaneg.. 52,000 

5.  The  Contingent  of  Juji  Khan 4,000 

6.  The  Contingent  of  Jagatai  Khan 4,000 

7.  The  Contingent  of  Ogotai  Khan  4iOoo 

8.  The  Contingent  of  Gulgan 4,000 

9.  The  Contingent  of  Utsuken  Noyan SyOOO 

10.  The  Contingent  of  the  sons  of  Juji  Kassar 1,000 

11.  The  Contingent  of  Ildshidai  Noyan 3>ooo 

12.  The  Contingent  of  the  Empress  Ulun  Egeh 3,000 

13.  Supernumeraries 1,000 


Note  3. — I  have  followed  Ssanang  Setzen  in  calling  the  first  wife  of 
Jingis,  Burte  Judshin.  I  am  reminded  by  Colonel  Yule  that  other 
authorities  call  her  Burte  Fudshin,  and  I  may  add  that  D'Ohsson 
expressly  says  that  Fudshin  (or  Fou  gin,  as  he  writes  it)  was  the  title 
given  by  the  Chinese  Emperors  to  those  of  their  wives  who  ranked  imme- 
diately after  the  Empress.t 

*  Erdmann,  446.  t  D'Ohuon,  i.  417. 




AFTER  the  burial  of  Jingis  Khan  his  sons  and  descendants 
dispersed  to  their  several  governments,  and  during  a  space  of 
two  years  there  was  no  supreme  ruler  among  them.  Tului,  the 
youngest,  who,  according  to  Mongol  custom  retained  his  father's  portion 
and  ruled  specially  over  the  Mongols  proper  and  the  Keraits,  acted  as 
regent.  But  in  the  spring  of  1229  a  Kuriltai,  or  general  assembly  of  the 
chiefS)  was  sunmioned  by  Tului  to  elect  a  chief  Khan.  After  three  days 
spent  in  festivity  they  proceeded  to  the  business  of  the  meeting.  Tului 
was  pointed  out  for  the  post  by  the  suffrages  of  many,  while  Jagatai,  as 
the  oldest  surviving  son  of  Jingis,  was  the  heir  according  to  Mongol  rules 
of  inheritance ;  but  the  will  of  Jingis  was  paramount,  and  Ogotai  had  been 
named  for  the  post  by  his  father.  After  forty  days'  hesitation  his  reluctance 
was  overcome.  We  are  told  he  was  conducted  to  the  throne  by  his 
brother  Jagatai  and  his  uncle  Utjuken,  and  that  while  Tului  presented 
him  with  the  cup,  the  rest,  both  inside  and  outside  the  tent,  with  heads 
uncovered,  prostrated  themselves  nine  times,  according  to  the  ancient 
Chinese  ceremonial,  and  saluted  him  with  the  title  of  Kaan.  (Kaan  is  a 
contraction  for  Khakan,  a  title  which  Ogotai  and  his  successors  bore  to 
distinguish  them  from  the  rulers  of  the  three  other  branches  of  the  house  of 
Jingis.*)  Ogotai  then  came  out  of  his  tent  and  made  three  solemn  genu- 
flexions to  the  sun,  in  which  he  was  followed  by  his  people  ;  and  the  day 
concluded  with  festivities.  The  oath  of  allegiance  sworn  by  the  other 
princes  is  thus  given  by  the  chroniclers,  "  We  swear  that  so  long  as  there 
remains  of  thy  posterity  a  morsel  of  flesh  which  thrown  upon  the  grass 
wiU  prevent  the  cows  from  eating,  or  which  put  in  the  fat  will  prevent  the 
dogs  from  taking  it,  we  will  not  place  on  the  throne  a  prince  of  any  other 

Ogotai  now  distributed  the  treasures  collected  by  his  father  among  the 
grandees  ;  he  ordered  that  during  three  days  rich  meats  should  be  offered 

*  D'Ohaton  op.  cit.,  ii.  iz.         t  D'Ohtion,  ii.  la.    Von  Hammer*!  Golden  Horde,  98. 


to  his  manes,  and  having  chosen  forty  of  the  fairest  daughters  of  his 
subjects,  he,  in  the  words  of  Raschid,  sent  them  to  wait  upon  Jingis  Khan 
in  the  other  world  ;  with  them  perished  many  richly  caparisoned  horses. 
He  then  proceeded  to  organise  his  vast  empire,  a  task  in  which  he  was 
greatly  assisted  by  Yeliu  Chutsai,  the  faithful  friend  of  Jingis  Khan, 
whose  influence  in  civilising  the  Mongols  was  so  great  that  he  deserves  a 
short  notice.  He  was  bom  in  11 90  in  the  country  of  Yan,  and  belonged 
to  the  royal  stock  of  the  Khitans,  who  founded  the  Liau  dynasty.  He 
was  an  able  astronomer  and  composed  some  tables  named  Mathapa,  in 
which  he  followed  the  Mussulman  and  not  the  Chinese  system.  He  was 
also  a  proficient  in  geography  and  arithmetic.  When  the  Mongols  cap- 
tured Peking,  Yeliu  Chutsai  was  its  governor,  and  in  the  great  conqueror's 
life  I  have  described  his  honest  answer  when  Jingis  attacked  his  old 
sovereign,  and  how  the  Mongol  chief  took  him  into  his  service  as  an 
astrologer.  He  predicted  the  overthrow  of  the  empire  of  Khuarezm  and 
of  the  Kins,  and  was  consulted  by  Jingis  on  many  occasions  :  one 
instance  will  suffice  to  show  the  kind  of  stories  told  of  him.  During 
Jingis's  Indian  campaign,  he  one  day  saw  an  animal  like  a  deer,  with  a  • 
horse's  tail,  a  green  body,  and  a  single  horn.  This  animal  could  speak, 
and  cried  out  to  the  Emperor's  guards  that  their  master  ought  to  retire  in 
all  haste.  Jingis  consulted  Chutsai,  who  told  him  the  animal  was  called 
Kiotuan ;  that  it  understood  all  languages ;  that  it  abhorred  carnage ; 
and  its  coming  was  to  warn  him  that  if  he  was  the  son  of  heaven,  the 
peoples  were  also  his  children,  and  heaven  was  loth  that  he  should 
slaughter  them.  During  a  great  epidemic  he  is  said  to  have  saved 
10,000  lives  by  his  knowledge  of  drugs,  the  chief  one  being  the  rhubarb  so 
much  used  in  Chinese  medicine  ;  and  it  was  by  his  influence  that  a  more 
temperate  policy  began  to  be  inaugurated  among  the  Mongols,  and,  in 
Eastern  phrase,  the  "  wind  of  carnage  began  to  abate."  He  now  urged 
upon  Ogotai  that,  although  his  empire  had  been  conquered  on  horseback, 
it  could  not  be  governed  so.  He  arranged  the  etiquette  of  the  court  and 
the  order  of  precedence  of  the  several  princes  ;  he  restrained  the  absolute 
and  arbitrary  power  of  the  Mongol  governors,  and  established  forms  of 
procedure  which  they  were  bound  to  follow.  The  annual  taxes  were 
fixed;  the  Chinese  were  to  pay  silver,  silk,  and  grain,  &c.  De  Mailla  says 
the  tax  was  fixed  at  a  tithe  of  wine,  being  a  luxury,  and  a  thirtieth  of  other 
articles,  and  custom-houses  were  appointed  for  collecting  it ;  Ogotai  also 
forbade  the  receipt  of  presents  by  superior  officials  from  inferiors,  that 
constant  source  of  corruption  in  the  East.*  The  Chinese  paid  so  much  for 
each  house,  while  the  nomades  paid  yearly  a  hundredth  part  of  their  horses 
and  cattle.  In  their  case  the  levy  was  not  made  per  house,  but  so  much 
for  each  adult  male.  Public  granaries  were  established,  and  also  a  system 
of  posting.    At  the  beginning  of  1232  the  conquests  from  the  Kin  («>., 

*  De  Maillt,  ix.  135. 


China  north  of  the  Yellow  River),  were  divided  into  ten  departments, 
each  with  its  own  administration  ;  and  this  after  the  plan  of  the  Chinese 
philosopher  Kungts^. 

The  Mongols  now  proceeded  to  complete  the  rdU  of  conquest  marked 
out  by  Jingis  Khan.  The  Kin  Emperor  had,  in  1229,  sent  offerings  for 
the  manes  of  that  conqueror,  but  they  were  refused.  Notwithstanding 
the  death  of  Jingis,  a  desultory'  war  had  been  continued  with  the  Kins. 
In  1228  the  Chinese  won  their  first  victory  for  eighteen  years  over  the 

The  latter  had  entered  the  district  of  Ta-tchang-yuen  with  8,000  men. 
A  Chinese  commander  named  Wanien-tchin-ho-chang  opposed  them, 
with  an  advance  guard  of  400  cuirassiers  composed  of  deserters  and 
vagabond  Chinese,  Uighurs,  Maneis  (/>.,  the  mountaineers  of  Suchuan), 
Thibetans,  Thu-ku-hoan,  &c.  Desperate  characters,  they  fought  des- 
perately, and  although  so  greatly  outnumbered,  they  completely 
defeated  the  enemy.*  In  1230  the  Kin  troops  again  defeated  the  Mongols 
in  two  small  engagements,  and  a  Mongol  envoy  who  had  been  imprisoned 
was  sent  back  with  an  insulting  message.  Ogotai  and  his  brother  Tului 
now  determined  to  press  the  war  against  the  Kins  in  person.  Having  taken 
several  strongholds  in  Shansi  they  crossed  the  Yellow  River  into  Shen-si, 
where  they  captured  sixty  places  in  which  the  Kins  had  garrisons,  and 
conquered  the  country  between  Tong  tcheu  and  Hoa  tche.  They 
then  proceeded  to  attack  Fong-tsiang-fu,  which  offered  a  brave  resistance. 
The  Kin  Emperor  sent  two  officers  to  relieve  it,  and  ordered  them  to  take 
a  portion  of  the  garrison  of  the  celebrated  fortress  of  Tung  kuan  with 
them.  With  this  they  attacked  the  Mongols,  the  result  was  not  decisive, 
but  the  Kin  generals  retired.  The  garrison  held  out  bravely  and  repulsed 
an  assault,  and  the  Mongol  general  Antchar  at  length  converted  the  siege 
into  a  blockade.  He  then  proceeded  to  capture  Ping  leang.  Si  ho  tcheu, 
King  yang.  Pin  yuen,  &c.,  towns  of  Shen-si,  and  eventually  compelled  Fong 
tsiang  to  surrender.t  Ogotai,  who  had  remained  in  Pehchehli,  now  retired 
northwards  to  pass  the  summer  heats  at  the  Lake  Ilun  Ussun,  fifty  leagues 
north  of  the  Great  Wall,  where  he  held  a  Kuriltai,  to  decide  upon  the  plan 
of  campaign  to  be  adopted  against  the  Kin.J 

Shensi  was  now  in  the  power  of  the  Mongols,  and  the  dominion  of 
the  Kin  emperors  was  restricted  to  the  province  of  Honan — a  province 
bounded  and  protected  en  the  north  by  the  Yellow  River  and  on  the  west 
by  high  mountains  and  the  fortress  of  Tung  kuan.  On  the  south  it 
was  bounded  by  the  Sung  empire,  and  on  this  side  it  was  accessible. 
Jingis,  in  the  plan  that  he  had  sketched  before  his  death,  had  advised  his 
sons  to  make  a  wide  detour,  turning  the  northern  and  western  barriers  of 
Honan,  and  to  invade  that  province  from  the  south. 

*  De  Mailla,  iz.  130.    D'Ohison,  ii.  17.        t  De  Mailla,  140, 141.    D*ObMon,  iL  29, 30. 
I  D'OhMon,ii.20. 


This  plan  necessitated  marching  through  a  part  of  the  territory  subject 
to  the  Sung  dynasty,  and  the  Mongols  sent  an  envoy  to  ask  permission, 
but  his  mission  was  suspected  and  he  was  put  to  death.  This  treacherous 
act  greatly  surprised  the  Mongols,  whose  alliance  had  been  courted 
by  the  Sung  authorities,  and  it  was  made  the  pretext  eventually  for  the 
destruction  of  that  empire.* 

Tului  set  out  from  Pao-ki,  a  town  of  Shensi,  nine  leagues  S.W.  of  Fong 
siang,  with  30,000  horsemen,  to  turn  the  western  defences  of  Ho-nan.  He 
had  learnt  from  his  father  the  policy  of  ruthless  destruction,  and  he  now 
put  it  in  force  mercilessly.  De  Mailla  describes  how  he  slaughtered 
people  by  the  hundred  thousand.t  He  advanced  across  the  Hua 
mountains,  which  form  the  watershed  between  the  rivers  Han  and  Hoei, 
and  were  the  boundary  between  the  Kin  and  the  Sung  empires.  He  then 
entered  upon  the  lands  of  the  latter  empire,  captured  many  cities  both  in 
southern  Shensi  and  northern  Su-chuan.  In  January,  1239,  he  appeared 
on  the  river  Han,  and  after  a  surprising  march  through  mountain  defiles 
and  dangers  in  the  province  of  Su-chuan,  his  troops  at  length  passed 
the  gorge  of  U  sin  koan,  and  appeared  in  Southern  Honan.t  Meanwhile 
Ogotai  advanced  against  the  Kin  empire  from  the  north.  He  laid  siege 
to  Ho  chung  (Pou  chau  fii),  a  town  situated  in  the  extreme  south  of 
Shansi,  and  close  to  the  Yellow  River.  Dc  Mailia  says  the  Mongols 
employed  towers  200  feet  high,  made  of  pine  wood,  whence  they  could  see 
the  doings  of  the  garrison,  and  on  which  they  planted  their  artillery, 
while  their  sappers  broke  into  the  walls.  The  town  was  captured  in 
a  fortnight,  and  soon  after  Ogotai  crossed  the  Yellow  River  at  Baipo,  near 
Ho  tsing  hien.§  Tului  continued  his  march.  He  crossed  the  river  Han. 
The  Kin  generals,  with  an  army  which  is  put  by  some  as  high  as  1 30,000, 
marched  against  him.  A  fierce  fight  ensued  at  the  mountain  Yu,  near 
Teng  chau,  nine  leagues  S.W.  of  Nan  yang  fu,  in  the  province  of  Honan. 
Not  only  had  the  Kin  army  the  advantage  of  numbers  and  position,  but 
the  Mongols  would  seem  to  have  been  much  harassed  and  reduced  by 
their  long  march.  The  result  was  not  favourable  to  them,  and  they 
retired.  They  would  probably  have  been  annihilated  but  for  the.  over- 
confidence  of  the  Kin  generals,  who  thought  they  had  them  in  a  trap,  the 
Yellow  River  not  being  frozen  over.  Their  spies  meanwhile  reported  that 
the  Mongols  had  retired  behind  a  wood  of  junipers,  that  they  ate  and 
rested  during  the  day,  but  were  on  horseback  and  vigilant  during  the  night. 
They  avoided  a  general  engagement,  but  managed  to  capture  a  portion  of 
the  enemy's  baggage.  Meanwhile  the  struggle  at  the  Yu  mountain  seems 
to  have  been  exaggerated  at  the  court  of  the  Kin  Emperor  into  a 
substantial  victory.  iTie  Emperor  received  congratulations  from  the 
various  mandarins,  and  gave  a  grand  feast.  II 

*  D*OhstOB,  ii.  SI.  t  Op.  dt.,  ix.  143.  :  De  Mailla,  iz.  143-4. 

S  D'Ohtaon,  ii.  26.  De  Mailla,  ix.  149.    D'Ohsson,  ii.  25. 


The  various  armies  of  the  Mongols  were  now  convergfing  upon  the 
doomed  capital  of  the  Kin.  The  army  of  Tului  separated  into  several 
bodies,  which  overran  a  large  portion  of  Honan,  and  rendezvoused  at 
Teng  chau,  whence  it  proceeded  to  rejoin  Ogotai.  The  Kin  generals  now 
gave  orders  that  the  sluices  of  the  Yellow  River  should  be  cut  and  the 
country  round  the  capital  be  laid  under  water;  but  it  was  too  late,  Ogotai 
had  already  crossed  the  river  and  cut  in  pieces  the  10,000  workmen  who 
were  sent  to  sever  the  dykes.*  Tului  having  rejoined  his  brother  at  the 
mountain  Sang  fong,  near  Yu-chau,t  the  Mongols  surrounded  the  Kin 
army,  which,  seeing  itself  lost,  gave  vent  to  cries  like  a  mountain  in 
labour.  They  in  despair  made  a  desperate  effort  to  cut  their  way  out, 
and  many  of  them  succeeded  in  escaping  to  Kiun  chau,  but  their  respite 
was  short ;  the  town  was  besieged,  a  deep  ditch  was  dug  about  it  so  that 
none  might  escape,  and  it  soon  after  fell.  The  glory  of  its  capture  and 
of  the  defeat  of  the  Kin  troops  was  chiefly  due  to  Tului.  Most  of  the 
distinguished  generals  of  the  empire  were  either  captured  or  killed ;  they 
showed  the  usual  dignity  and  intrepidity  which  distinguished  their 

The  death  of  three  of  them  had  an  heroic  character.  "  Conduct  me," 
said  Khada,  "  to  Subutai "  (the  great  Mongol  commander).  "  Thou,  who 
hast  not  a  moment  to  live,"  said  the  latter ;  "  what  dost  thou  want  with 
me  ? "  "  It  is  heaven  and  not  chance,"  was  the  reply,  "  that  creates 
heroes.  Having  seen  thee,  I  die  without  regret ;"  and  he  was  killed. 
Wanien  Shengho-shang,  on  being  brought  before  Tului  himself,  thus 
addressed  him :  "  I  am  the  victor  of  Ta-chang-yuan,  of  Wei-chau,  and  of 
Tao-hoi-goa ;  if  I  had  perished  in  the  confusion  of  retreat  they  would 
have  called  me  traitor:  they  will  now  see  how  I  dare  die."  No  pressure 
could  humble  his  phrases :  he  had  his  feet  hacked  off  and  his  mouth 
gagged,  but  he  died  like  a  hero ;  and  the  astonished  Mongols  drank  to 
him  in  kumiss,  saying,  "  Illustrious  warrior,  if  ever  thou  retumest  to  life 
again,  range  thyself  with  us."  The  third  general,  Ira  Buka,  died  equally 
constant.  When  pressed  to  join  the  Mongols,  he  said,  "  I  am  a  noble  of 
the  Kin  empire.  I  ought  to  be  faithful  to  my  sovereign."!  Noblesse 
oblif^e  assuredly  is  a  fine  sentiment  at  such  a  crisis.  He  was  also 
executed.  The  Mongols  now  proceeded  to  capture  various  towns  of 
Honan,  among  which  may  be  named  those  of  Hiu  chau  and  Sui  chau. 
The  Kin  Emperor  summoned  the  various  garrisons  of  the  eastern 
fortresses  to  come  to  his  assistance.  These  now  assembled  under  Tochan 
Utien,  the  commander  of  Ven  siang,  on  the  Yellow  River,  to  the  number 
of  1 10,000  infantry  and  5,000  cavalry,  and  marched  along  the  banks  of 
the  Hoang  ho,  escorting  200  barges  with  several  hundred  thousand 
measures  of  grain  from  the  eastern  dep6ts ;  but  on  the  news  that  the 
Mongols  were  advancing  against  them  they  were  seized  with  panic,  and 

*  De  Mailltt  tx.  151.  t  De  Mallla,  ix.  153.  I  D^Ohtson,  H.  29. 

OGOTAI   KHAN.  121 

retired,  with  a  vast  number  of  fugitives,  towards  the  high  mountains  of 
Thie-ling.  The  old  men  and  children  who  lagged  behind  were 
slaughtered  by  the  Mongols,  while  the  soldiery,  driven  to  bay  by  the  frost 
and  famine,  were  forced  to  surrender,  and  one  of  their  generals,  Wanien 
Chunsi,  was  killed. 

To  add  to  the  misfortunes  of  the  Kin  empire,  the  celebrated  fortress  of 
Tung  kuan,  the  buttress  and  key  to  Honan  on  the  west,  was  treacherously 
surrendered  by  its  commander  Li  ping  ;*  but  the  Mongols  were  not 
uniformly  successful.  They  strove  in  vain  to  capture  Ku6t6  fu,  whose 
feeble  garrison  was  not  to  be  intimidated  into  surrender  either  by  threats 
or  cajolery ;  while  another  town  of  Honan,  namely,  Lo  yang,  made  even 
a  more  heroic  defence.  Its  garrison  consisted  of  only  3,000  or  4,000  men. 
After  several  days'  bombardment  the  Mongols  made  a  breach  in  the 
eastern  angle  of  the  wall,  when  the  governor,  fancying  the  place  was  lost 
and  unwilling  to  survive,  threw  himself  into  the  ditch  and  was  drowned, 
upon  which  the  garrison  elected  a  new  commander,  a  most  intrepid  man, 
named  Kiang  chin.  The  garrison  was  reduced  to  2,500  men.  He  had  a 
number  of  standards  made  and  hung  over  the  walls,  so  as  to  deceive  the 
enemy  and  make-believe  he  was  stronger  than  he  really  was.  He 
adopted  a  system  of  mutual  supports  inside  the  walls,  and  marched  himself 
at  the  head  of  several  hundred  picked  men  to  repulse  the  various  assaults. 
The  war  cry  of  the  garrison  was  Han  ts^  kiun,  i.e.,  **  Cowards,  retire ! " 
When  iron  failed  them  for  arrow  heads  they  made  them  out  of  copper 
money ;  they  collected  those  shot  by  the  Mongols,  and  made  four  heads 
out  of  each  one  they  collected.  These  they  shot  out  of  tubes.  He  also 
invented  new  kinds  of  pao,  1.^.,  artillery,  which  could  be  served  by  a  few 
men,  and  fired  huge  stones  for  a  hundred  paces  with  great  precision.  The 
Mongols  were  at  length  wearied  out,  and  after  an  attack  of  three  months, 
during  which  they  delivered  more  than  150  assaults,  they  raised  the  siege, 
although  their  army  was  30,000  strong. t 

Ogotai  assigned  to  his  great  general  Subutai,  the  hero  of  so 
many  campaigns,  the  task  of  capturing  Pian-king  (now  Kai-fong-fu), 
then  the  Nanking  or  southern  capital  of  the  Kins.  This  city  was 
a  vast  square, '  twelve  leagues  in  circumference.  Ogotai,  who  wished 
to  pass  the  heats  in  the  desert,  sent  an  envoy  to  ask  the  Kin 
Emperor  to  surrender.  The  favours  he  demanded  showed  the  increasing 
culture  of  the  Mongols.  He  asked  for  the  Academician  Chaoping-wen,  a 
descendant  of  Confucius  called  Kung-yuan-tsu,  and  several  other  learned 
men  :  he  bade  him  send  him  as  hostages  girls  skilled  in  embroidery  and 
men  in  hawkmg.  These  terms  were  accepted  by  the  Kin  Emperor ;  but 
mieanwhile  Subutai  ignored  the  negotiations:  he  constructed  his  catapults, 
and  thousands  of  captives— women,  children,  and  old  people— were 
employed  in  filling  the  ditch  with  fascines  and  straw.     The  Emperor 

•  De  MaUU,  iz.  J58.  t  Oaubil,  68-9. 


would  not  for  a  long  time  allow  his  people  to  reply,  but  his  patience  at 
length  gave  way.  We  are  told  the  cannonade  from  the  bamboo  catapults 
was  kept  up  night  and  day,  and  the  towers  on  the  walls  were  reduced  to 
ruins.  The  besieged  cased  these  in  with  hides  and  straw,  upon  which  the 
Mongols  made  use  of  inflammable  material,  thrown  by  balistas ;  but  the 
wall  itself  was  Arm  as  iron. 

The  stone  bullets  used  by  the  garrison  were  made  of  stone  from  the 
mountain  Ken  yo  and  the  lakes  Tai  hou  and  Ling-pi,  all  in  the  Sung 
territory;  they  were  niade  of  the  shape  of  a  round  lantern.  Those  of  the 
Mongols  were  more  irregular  and  made  of  millstones,  cut  in  half  or  in  three 
pieces.  One  of  their  catapults  (Tsuan  tchu)  was  built  up  of  thirteen  pieces 
of  bamboo.*  Their  siege  works  were  on  a  gigantic  scale.  They  built  a 
huge  rampart  or  wall  about  the  city,  150  li  in  circuit,  with  guard-houses 
containing  100  soldiers  at  every  forty  paces.  On  this  they  planted  towers, 
&c.,  of  wood,  corresponding  to  those  of  the  besieged.  The  besieged 
used  a  kind  of  bombshells  called  Tchin  tien  lei,  which  they  fired  from 
Mangonels  or  balistas,  and  also  let  them  down  with  chains  upon  the 
Mongol  ss^pers.  They  also  employed  a  kind  of  burning  rockets  called 
Fei  ho  tsiang,  which  caused  terrible  wounds,  t 

After  sixteen  days'  siege,  in  which  a  million  of  men  are  said  to  have 
perished,  Subutai,  despairing  of  capturing  the  place,  offered  to  retire  if  the 
Kins  would  come  to  terms  with  the  Khakan.  He  did  retire  as  far  as  the 
Yellow  River.  In  the  succeeding  month  an  epidemic  broke  out  in  the  Kin 
capital:  900,000  coffins  were  counted,  without  enumerating  those  of  the  very 
poor  who  had  none4  While  negotiations  were  going  on  for  peace,  a 
Mongol  chief  was  killed  in  a  riot  in  the  city,  and  the  Kin  Emperor 
foolishly  took  into  his  service  a  Mongol  general  who  had  deserted.  He 
was  received  with  great  honour,  and  created  Prince  of  Yen,  but  his 
treachery  was  speedily  rewarded,  for  the  Mongols  seized  and  slaughtered 
all  his  family  without  regard  to  age  or  sex.§  Disgusted  by  these  acts, 
Ogotai  ordered  the  negotiations  for  peace  to  be  broken  off  and  the  siege 
to  be  once  more  pressed.  The  Mongols  invested  the  chief  approaches  to 
the  capital,  while  the  armies  that  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  Kin  Emperor 
dispersed  at  the  sight  of  the  besiegers.  Famine  began  to  appear  in  the 
city,  and  Ninkiassu,  the  Emperor,  determined  to  abandon  it.  He  left 
behind  him  his  wives  and  children,  and  escaped  with  some  troops  beyond 
the  Yellow  River,  where  he  tried  to  raise  the  provinces,  but  his  troops 
Were  everywhere  beaten  or  scattered,  and  the  city,  whose  hopes  were 
kept  up  by  the  expectation  that  the  Emperor  would  speedily  inflict  a 
telling  defeat  on  the  besieging  army,  began  to  despair. 

Its  inhabitants  suffered  terribly  from  want ;  houses  were  destroyed  to 
obtain  firewood,  while  men  ate  the  corpses  of  their  wives  and  children. 

*  Do  lUilla,  104.  t  De  MailU,  Op.  dt.,  ix.  x66^.  I  Ganbil,  7a. 

^  De  MaiUa,  ix.  173. 


During  this  terrible  period,  a  rebel  commander,  Tsuili,  seized  upon  the 
chief  authority:  he  killed  several  of  the  other  generals,  and  then  entered 
into  negotiations  with  Subutai.  He  sent  him  the  Imperial  jewels,  and  the 
state  robes  of  the  Emperor  and  Empress:  he  also  burnt  the  defensive 
structures  on  the  city  walls,  to  show  his  submission.  He  then  ordered 
that  everybody  should  surrender  his  jewels  and  valuables,  and  a  terrible 
scene  of  pillage  and  slaughter  ensued,  during  which,  according  to  De 
Mailla,  in  less  than  seven  or  eight  days  more  than  a  miUion  coffins  were 
seen  to  leave  the  city  by  its  different  gates.  Tsuili  ordered  the  Empress 
to  write  to  her  husband  that  all  was  lost  and  that  he  must  submit,  and  sent 
the  message  by  the  Emperor's  nurse.  He  then  placed  the  two  empresses 
and  all  the  princes  and  princesses  of  the  Kin  Imperial  family,  to  the 
number  of  500,  in  thirty-two  carriages,  and  sent  them  to  Subutai,  who  was 
encamped  at  Tsing-cheng.  The  princes  were  killed,  while  the  princesses 
were  sent  on  to  Karakorum:  he  also  sent  to  the  Mongols  a  descendant  of 
Confucius,  and  many  jurists,  priests,  doctors,  artists,  embroiderers, 
comedians,  &c.  He  then  opened  the  gates,  and  the  Mongols  marched  in. 
Subutai  demanded  from  the  Khakan  that,  as  the  town  had  not  sur- 
rendered when  simunoned,  but  had  cost  the  Mongols  much  blood,  after 
the  practice  of  Jingis  it  should  be  given  up  to  pillage ;  but  the  better 
counsels  of  YeUu  Chutsai  prevailed,  and  Ogotai  ordered  it  to  be  spared, 
and  only  those  members  of  the  royal  family  who  bore  the  soubriquet 
Wanien  to  be  killed.  Besides  the  garrison,  the  number  of  people 
saved  by  the  entreaties  of  Yeliu  Chutsai  on  this  occasion  (in  which  he 
urged  upon  the  Emperor  the  value  to  him  of  the  artisans,  &c.,  &c.,  who 
lived  in  Kai  fong  fu)  was  1,400,000  families.*   ' 

Soon  after  this,  Temutai,  a  Mongol  general,  who  was  laying  siege  to 
the  town  of  Po-chau,  was  treacherously  attacked  by  Kuannu,  a  general  of 
the  Kin  Emperor's,  when  he  was  having  negotiations  with  the  latter. 
The  Mongols  were  beaten,  and  suffered  severely;  and  Kuannu  was 
appointed  generaUssimo.  He  seized  the  reigns  of  government,  and  left 
the  Emperor  merely  the  shadow  of  authority  ;  the  latter  soon  grew  weary 
of  the  surveillance,  and  had  him  assassinated. 

Wushan,  another  of  the  Kin  generals,  had  assembled  an  army  of 
70,000  men  in  the  south  of  Honan,  where  the  Emperor  Ninkiassu  set 
out  to  join  him ;  but  meanwhile  Wushan  was  attacked  by  the  army  of 
the  Chinese  Emperor  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  who  had  entered  into  an 
alliance  with  Ogotai  against  the  Kins. 

This  attack  was  made  with  great  vigour;  Wushan,  or  Usien  as  De 
Mailla  calls  him,  was  forced  to  take  refuge  in  the  mounuins  of  Ma  teng, 
where  he  took  possession  of  nine  forts.  The  Chinese  troops  pressed  their 
advantage,  and  with  such  vigour  that  seven  of  these  forts  were  captured 
in  six  days.    They  pursued  Usien  among  the  defiles  and  recesses  of  the 

9  Pe  MailU,  ix.  z88. 


mountains,  and  having  again  fought  with  him,  compelled  him  to  become 
a  fugitive,  and  then  retired  towards  Siang  yang.* 

Meanwhile  the  Mongols  continued  their  successes  ;  they  captured  Lo 
yang,  which  made  a  brave  resistance,  but  one  of  its  gates  was, treacherously 
surrendered  by  the  officer  in  charge.  The  commander  of  the  town, 
Kiang  chan,  who  had  so  distinguished  himself  the  year  before,  refused 
to  surrender,  and,  covered  with  wounds,  was  taken  before  Tachar, 
the  Mongol  commander,  who  would  have  gladly  enlisted  such  a 
hero  in  the  Mongol  ranks,  but  he  refused,  and  turned  towards 
the  south  to  salute  the  Kin  Emperor;  he  was  put  to  death.  Mean* 
while  Ninkiassu,  the  Emperor,  had  been  pressed  by  one  of  his  generals 
in  the  south  to  march  towards  him,  and  to  take  shelter  at  Tsai-chau,  a 
town  of  Southern  Honan.  He  now  set  out  escorted  by  only  300  men, 
of  whom  only  fifty  were  mounted.  He  was  well  received  by  the  people, 
and  named  Wanian  Huchahu,  a  prince  of  the  Royal  family,  and  of  great 
repute  for  his  wisdom,  commander-in-chief,  and  first  minister.  The  Emperor 
was  a  weak  person,  and  as  the  Mongols  did  not  pursue  him  very  closely 
he  began  to  grow  lethargic  in  his  new  refuge,  collected  a  harem  of  young 
girls,  and  made  himself  a  pleasure  garden,  &c.t  His  faithful  general 
pressed  upon  him  the  indecency  of  the  proceeding,  and  he  altered  his 
behaviour.  Huchahu  collected  a  force  of  10,000  cavalry.  The  presence 
of  the  court  and  of  this  force  made  Tsai-chau  the  resort  of  a  vast  crowd 
of  fugitives,  and  it  began  to  be  feared  that  there  would  be  a  famine.  The 
Emperor  thereupon  wrote  to  the  Sung  Emperor  Li  tsong,  to  ask  him  to 
send  some  provisions.  He  drew  his  attention  to  the  favours  he  had 
during  his  reign  done  the  Sung,  and  bade  them  beware  of  the  Mongols, 
that  after  destroying  forty  kingdoms,  and  the  empire  of  Hia,  they  were 
now  uprooting  that  of  the  Kins,  and  that  their  turn  would  follow,  and  he 
urged  upon  them  the  Chinese  proverb  that  when  the  lips  are  gone  the 
teeth  are  no  longer  protected  from  the  cold  ;  but  the  message  was  all  in 
vain.}  Meanwhile  the  Mongols  were  close  at  hand.  They  invested 
Tsai-chau  under  the  command  of  Tachar,  a  son  of  the  Noyan  Burgul,  a 
favourite  general  of  Jingis.  With  them  were  20,000  Chinese  sent  by  the 
Sung  Emperor,  who  also  sent  300,000  sacks  of  rice  to  provision  the 
besieging  army.  In  two  months  the  famine  inside  was  so  excessive  that 
they  began  to  eat  human  flesh ;  everybody,  including  women,  were  armed 
and  did  duty,  and  the  defence  was  continued  with  great  energy. 

Near  the  town  there  was  a  deep  lake,  raised  fifty  or  sixty  feet  above  the 
river  Jou  ;  in  its  midst  was  a  tower  called  Chaitan,  in  which  the  Kins  had 
placed  a  garrison.  It  was  deemed  impregnable,  not  only  because  of  the 
depth  of  the  lake,  but  because  it  was  guarded  by  a  dragon,  while  its 
lower  storey  was  protected  by  cross-bows.  Mong-kong,  the  conmiander 
of  the  Sung  contingent,  caused  the  lake  to  be  drained  into  the  river  Jou> 

*  De  Mailla,  ix.  194.  t  De  MtilU,  ix.  297.  :  De  Mailla,  ix.  199. 

OGOTAI   KHAN.  125 

then  making  a  road  with  fascines  across  its  bottom,  and  amidst  a  storm  of 
arrows,  the  fort  was  attacked  and  stormed  :  537  prisoners  were  captured. 
This  outwork  having  fallen,  the  main  siege  was  pressed.  The  town  was 
surrounded  by  two  lines  of  fortifications  ;  after  a  vigorous  assault  the 
confederated  Mongols  and  Chinese  captured  the  exterior  one.  Ninkiassu 
saw  that  his  time  was  drawing  near.  He  deplored,  we  are  told,  the  fate 
which  made  him,  who  had  neither  great  vices  nor  faults,  have  to  suffer 
the  fate  awarded  to  the  most  wicked  princes.  Death  had  only  one  terror 
for  him,  namely,  that  as  he  was  the  last  of  a  dynasty  which  had  flourished 
for  100  years,  he  might  be  confounded  with  those  princes  whose  ill  deeds 
had  put  an  end  to  their  empires.  Most  of  them  had  mourned  in  captivity 
or  suffered  from  the  public  scorn ;  heaven  knew  he  had  a  resolution  which 
would  prevent  him  reaching  that  depth.  The  besieged,  according  to 
D'*Ohsson,  were  reduced  to  the  pass  of  boiling  all  their  leather  articles, 
saddles,  bottles,  old  drums,  &c. ;  they  made  soup  with  human  bones 
mixed  with  those  of  animals  and  with  greens ;  they  ate  the  old,  the 
infirm,  the  wounded,  and  the  prisoners.  The  Mongols  made  an  ineffectual 
assault,  which  however  caused  the  besieged  a  heavy  loss.  The  night 
afier,  the  Emperor  abdicated  in  favour  of  Wanien  Chinglin,  brother  of 
Wanien  Baksan,  a  prince  of  the  blood,  who  descended  directly  from 
Horipu.  He  gave  him  the  Imperial  seal,  telling  him  that  his  own  stout- 
ness prevented  him  riding  on  horseback  and  escaping,  but  that  he  was 
more  nimble  and  might  be  fated  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  the  house. 
But  it  was  too  late,  the  Mongols  and  Chinese  were  already  on  the  walls 
while  the  ceremony  of  inauguration  was  going  on.  Ninkiassu  now  entered 
a  house  .which  was  surrounded  by  bundles  of  straw,  and  having  given 
orders  that  it  should  be  fired,  hanged  himself.  The  intrepid  Huchahu 
said  he  would  not  die  by  a  plebeian  hand,  and  now  that  it  was  useless  to 
continue  the  struggle  he  would  drown  himself  in  the  ditch.  His  example 
was  followed  by  four  other  general  officers  and  500  soldiers;  another 
example  of  that  heroic  devotion  which  was  so  characteristic  of  the  sup- 
porters of  the  Kin  dynasty.  The  attendants  of  Ninkiassu  had  barely 
time  to  pour  the  libations  on  the  corpse  when  the  Mongols  rushed  into 
the  city  ;  the  body  was  burnt,  and  the  bones,  with  such  of  the  Imperial 
ornaments  as  were  to  be  found,  were  divided  between  the  conquerors. 
Chinglin  was  soon  after  assassinated  by  his  soldiers.  Thus  ended  the 
dynasty  of  the  Kins,  which  had  lasted  for  118  years,  and  during  the  reign 
of  nine  princes. 

The  various  towns  in  Honan,  &c.,  all  now  surrendered  to  the  Mongols, 
except  Kungchangfu  in  Shensi.  The  Sung  Emperor  celebrated  the  victory 
with  great  rejoicings,  and  offered  up  some  of  the  ashes  and  the  spoils  of 
Ninkiassu  to  the  manes  of  his  own  ancestors.*  The  fall  of  the  Kin 
dynasty  took  place    in  May,   1234.     The   Khakan    and    his  brother 

*  D'Ohtion,  op.  cit.,  ii.  36. 


Tului  had  eighteen  months  before  retired  from  China  and  gone  to 
Mongolia.  There  Ogotai  fell  ill,  and  we  are  told  by  Raschid  that 
his  brother  Tului  approached  the  bed,  and  raising  aloft  the  wooden 
vessel  in  which  the  Shamans  had  placed  their  consecrated  liquor,  he 
thus  addressed  his  God,  *^  Great  God,  eternal  being,  if  thou  punishest 
according  to  man's  guilt,  thou  knowest  that  I  am  more  culpable 
than  he ;  I  have  killed  more  people  in  war,  I  have  harried  more 
women  and  children,  I  have  made  more  tears  to  flow  from  fathers  and 
mothers  ;  if  thou  summonest  one  of  thy  servants  because  of  his  beauty 
or  merit,  I  still  claim  to  be  more  worthy ;  take  me  in  the  place  of  Ogotai 
and  make  his  disease  pass  into  me."  Ogotai  recovered,  and  Tului  soon 
after  died,  Juveni  says,  chiefly  from  excessive  drinking ;  he  had  been 
the  favourite  son  of  Jingis,  and  was  only  forty  years  old  when  he  expired  in 
October,  1232.  According  to  custom,  his  name  was  no  longer  pronounced 
after  his  death.  Tului  in  Mongol  means  "mirror,"  and  the  Turkish 
synonym  for  the  word,  viz.,  guezu^,  was  eradicated  from  the  language. 
He  was  referred  to  as  the  Great  Novan.* 

While  the  Kin  empire  was  being  conquered,  the  Mongols  were  extending 
their  empire  in  the  West.  The  retreat  of  Jingis  E^n  had  left  Persia 
almost  a  desert.  Of  the  three  sons  of  the  Khuarezm  Shah  Muhanmied, 
Jelal-ud-din  was  a  fugitive  in  India ;  and  Roku-ud-din  had  been  killed  by 
the  Mongols.  The  third,  Ghiath-ud-din,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Mazau* 
deran,  marched  on  the  retreat  of  the  Mongols  upon  Ispahan,  and  was 
speedily  master  of  Irac  Adjem,  Khorassan,  and  Mazenderan.  Jelal-ud- 
din  having  won  considerable  fame  in  India,  and  married  the  daughter  of 
the  Sultan  of  Delhi,  determined  to  cross  the  Indus  and  recover  his 
hereditary  dominions.  On  his  long  march  from  the  Indus  many  of  his 
men  died  from  fatigue,  &c.,  and  he  arrived  in  Kerman  with  only  4,000 
men.  Here  he  was  well  received  by  Borak,  an  illustrious  man,  a  Kara 
Kitayen  by  birth,  who  founded  the  dynasty  of  the  Karakitayens  of 
Kerman.  Having  married  a  daughter  of  Borak  and  received  his  sub- 
mission, Jelal  passed  into  Fars,  where  an  independent  dynasty  had  long 
reigned  under  the  name  of  Salgarids.  It  was  now  represented  by  the 
Atabeg  Saad,  whose  friendship  Jelal  secured  by  marrying  his  daughter. 
He  then  advanced  into  Irak,  where  his  brother  reigned,  or  rather  made  a 
pretence  of  reigning.  A  weak  and  voluptuous  prince,  he  was  barely 
acknowledged  by  his  dependents,  and  was  at  the  mercy  of  his  mercenary 
troops.  He  was,  however,  surrounded  by  a  considerable  army,  and  Jelal 
seeing  no  chance  of  defeating  it,  had  recourse  to  deception ;  he  feigned  to 
be  only  marching  to  be  near  his  brother,  and  without  any  other  ambitious 
motive.  Ghiath  was  deceived,  upon  which  Jelal  proceeded  to  corrupt  his 
troops,  and  succeeded  so  well  that  his  brother  fled.  The  authority  of 
Jelal-ud-din  was  speedily  acknowledged.    The  generals  presented  them- 

*  D'Obsion,  ii.  60.     Gtubil,  75. 

OGOTAI   KHAN.  1 27 

selves  with  sheets  about  their  necks  and  asked  his  pardon,  and  various 
independent  princes  who  had  sprung  up  during  the  Mongol  troubles  in 
Khorassan,  Mazenderan,  and  Irak,  all  came  and  did  homage.* 

Jelal's  first  exploit  when  he  was  firmly  settled  on  the  throne  was  an 
attack  on  the  Khaliph  of  Baghdad,  the  enemy  of  his  father  and  grand- 
father, whom  he  accused  of  having  called  in  the  Mongols.  He  invaded 
Khuzistan,  which  with  Irac  Areb  formed  the  appanage  of  the  Khaliphs, 
and  laid  siege  to  its  chief  town,  Tusster.  The  Khaliph  gave  the  com- 
mand of  his  troops  to  Kushtimur,  and  sent  a  pigeon  express  to  the  Prince 
of  Arbil  to  come  to  his  support.  Jelal,  although  very  inferior  in  strength, 
won  a  victory;  Kushtimur  was  killed,  and  his  troops  pursued  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Baghdad.  Having  taken  the  town  of  Dakuka,  he 
turned  aside  from  his  intentions  against  the  Khaliph  while  he  subdued 
Azerbaidjan,  then  governed  by  the  Atabeg  Uzbeg,  a  drunken  boor.  Jelal 
took  its  capital,  Tebriz,  and  having  made  the  province  into  an  appanage, 
he  advanced  into  Georgia,  whose  Christian  inhabitants  have  always  been 
the  special  objects  of  hatred  to  their  Mussalman  neighbours.  Having 
taken  the  town  of  Tovin,  he  defeated  an  army  of  70,000  Georgians,  of 
whom  20,000  were  disabled,  and  his  army  then  spread  over  Georgia  and 
ravaged  it  The  Georgians  collected  a  second  army,  which  consisted  of 
Alans,  Lesghs,  Kipchaks,  and  other  Caucasians,  as  well  as  their  own 
people.    This  was  also  defeated. 

The  Sultan  now,  March,  1226,  advanced  upon  Tiflis,  which  he  capttu-ed, 
and  killed  all  the  Georgians  who  would  not  accept  this  religion  of  the 
Prophet  He  then  returned  to  Ispahan,  where  he  received  the  renewed 
submission  of  Borak,  the  chief  of  Kerman,  who  had  shown  signs  of 
turbulence.  In  October,  1226,  he  made  an  incursion  into  Abkhazia,  or 
Southern  Circassia;  he  only  remained  there  ten  days,  when  he  returned 
and  laid  siege  to  the  town  of  Khelat,  which  was  bravely  defended.  The 
Sultan  was  called  away  from  here  to  put  down  a  horde  of  Turkomans 
who  had  invaded  Azerbaidjan.  The  next  year,  1./.,  in  1227,  he  ravaged 
the  country  of  the  Assarians,  and  defeated  a  body  of  Mongols  who  had 
advanced  as  £ar  as  Oamegan.  The  following  year  the  Mongols  appeared 
in  greater  force,  and  marched  in  five  divisions,  conunanded  by  their 
generals  Tadji,  Baku,  Assatogan,  Taimaz,  and  Ta,  to  within  a  day^s 
journey  of  Ispahan,  the  head-quarters  of  Jelal.t  He  was  ever  a 
courageous,  bold  man,  and  seemed  little  affected  by  this  advance.  His 
genends,  who  timidly  came  to  consult  with  him  in  the  palace,  were  enter- 
tained with  irrelevant  matter  for  some  time,  to  show  how  httle  the  Sultan 
was  affected;  they  eventually  swore  not  to  tium  their  backs  on  the  enemy 
or  to  prefer  life  to  a  glorious  end,  and  the  Cadhi  and  Reis,  the  two  chief 
ofiBcials  of  Ispahan,  were  ordered  to  hold  a  review  of  the  armed  citizens.) 

Meanwhile  a  body  of  2,000  Mongols  was  detached  to  Luristan  to 

*  D*ObMOO.  iii.  9.  t  D*ObMOO,  ui.  «9«  I  D'ObMOB,  iu.  14. 


collect  provisions.  These  were  surprised  by  some  of  the  Sultan's  troops, 
and  400  were  made  prisoners.  It  is  said  that  Jelal  abandoned  these  to  the 
fury  of  the  populace,  who  massacred  them  in  the  streets  of  Ispahan ;  he  set 
them  the  example  by  cutting  off  some  of  their  heads  in  the  palace  yard,  their 
bodies  being  given  to  the  dogs.*  The  day  of  battle  was  fixed  according 
to  the  predictions  of  the  court  astrologer.  No  sooner  had  Jelal  ranged 
his  army  in  battle  array  than  his  brother  Ghiath  deserted  with  a  body  of 
troops.  Notwithstanding  this,  Jelal  engaged  the  enemy,  and  was  at  first 
victorious,  but  as  usual,  the  Mongols  prepared  an  ambuscade,  and  ended 
by  dispersing  the  Khuarezmian  forces,  some  of  which  fled  to  Fars,  others 
to  Kerman,  and  others  to  Azerbaidjan.  The  loss  of  the  Mongols  was 
so  great,  however,  that  they  merely  showed  themselves  at  the  gates  of 
Ispahan,  and  then  retreated  in  all  haste  by  Rayi  and  Nischapoor,  and 
recrossed  the  Oxus,  after  losing  a  great  many  of  their  men.  Wolff  makes 
Chin  Timur,  who  had  been  left  as  Mongol  governor  in  Khorassan,  to 
control  these  operations,  and  says  he  retired  on  hearing  the  news  of  the 
death  of  Jingis.t  Jelal-ud-din  had  disappeared  in  the  recent  battle,  and 
arrangements  were  already  being  made  for  the  election  of  another 
ruler,  but  the  Cadhi  persuaded  the  people  to  wait  till  the  feast  of  Bairam, 
when,  if  the  Sultan  did  not  return,  they  should  elect  the  Atabeg  Togan 
Taissi  in  his  place.  But  on  the  day  of  the  feast  he  appeared.  His 
return  was  the  signal  for  great  rejoicings.  He  promoted  those  who  had 
distinguished  themselves,  and  made  those  who  had  disgraced  themselves 
promenade  the  town  with  women's  veils  over  their  heads.  J  Meanwhile  his 
brother  Ghiath  had  gone  to  Khuzistan  to  ask  assistance  from  the  Khaliph 
in  recovering  his  dominions.  He  had  been  insulted  by  one  Muhammcd, 
a  favourite  of  Jelal-ud-din,  and  in  revenge  had  assassinated  him.  This 
incensed  Jelal,  who  ordered  the  funeral  procession  of  the  murdered  man 
to  pass  twice  before  the  door  of  his  murderer.  This  public  affront  was 
the  cause  of  the  desertion  of  his  brother  by  Ghiath  on  the  day  of  the 
recent  battle. 

Jelal  having  despatched  a  body  of  troops  in  pursuit  of  the  Mongols  was 
enjoying  his  ease  at  Tabriz  when  he  heard  that  his  brother  was  marching 
on  Ispahan.  He  marched  to  meet  him,  upon  which  he  fled,  and  took 
refuge,  first  among  the  Assassins  and  then  in  Eerman,  where  he  was  at 
length  strangled  by  order  of  Borak. 

Jelal  now  had  to  meet  a  great  army  of  the  confederated  Caucasian 
tribes,  Georgians,  Armenians,  Alans,  Serirs  («>.,  Sirhghers  or  Kubechi), 
Lesghs,  Eipchaks,  Soussans  (?  Souans),  Abkhazes,  and  Djanites.§  He 
first  detached  the  Kipchaks  by  recounting  to  them  how  many  of  their 
people's  lives  had  been  saved  by  fais  intercession  with  his  father. 

The  Kipchaks  having  retired,  he  next  suggested  to  the  Georgians  a 

*  0*Ohstoo,  iii.  39.  t  Wolff,  xaz.  I  D'Ohnon,  op.  dt,  iii.  ag^ 

i  D^Ohtton,  iii.33« 


truce,  during  which  champions  on  each  side  should  fight  in  view  of  the 
two  armies.  A  gallant  Georgian  having  entered  the  arena  he  was  met  by 
the  Sultan  himself  and  transfixed  with  a  stroke  of  his  lance ;  three  of  his 
sons  who  came  forward  to  revenge  their  father  were  successively  killed. 
A  gigantic  Georgian  then  came  forward,  who  was  also  killed  by  the 
descterous  Sultan.  After  which,  notwithstanding  the  truce,  he  gave  orders 
for  a  general  attack,  in  which  the  Georgians  were  put  to  flight.  Jelal 
now  once  more  laid  siege  to  Khelat ;  while  before  the  town  he  received  die 
submission  of  Roku-ud-din  Jehanshah,  a  relative  of  the  Seljuk  ruler  of 
Rum.  He  also  received  an  embassy  from  the  new  Khaliph  of  Baghdad, 
who  demanded  first  that  Jelal  should  not  exercise  any  act  of  sovereignty 
over  the  princes  of  Mosul,  Erbil,  Abouy^  and  Jebal,  who  were  his 
feudatories;  secondly,  that  he  would  restore  the  name  of  the  Khaliph 
in  the  public  prayers  of  Persia,  from  which  it  had  been  defaced  by  his 
fether  Muhaiimied.  Both  requests  were  granted,  and  in  return  the 
Khaliph  sent  him  the  robe  of  investiture  of  the  government  of  Persia,  with 
presents  for  himself  and  his  grandees. 

Jdal  ordered  a  splendid  tomb  to  be  built  at  Ispahan  to  hold  his 
CsUher's  remains ;  until  this  was  finished  he  them  placed  in  safe 
custody  in  the  strong  fort  of  Erdehan,  on  the  mountain  Oemavend, 
three  days'  journey  from  Rayi.  When  a  few  years  after,  the  Mongols 
captured  this  place  they  also  captured  the  corpse  of  Muhanuned  and  sent 
it  to  the  Khakan,  who  ordered  it  to  be  biunt.  We  are  told  they  did  the 
same  to  all  the  royal  remains  they  came  across,  fancying  they  belonged 
to  Khuarezmian  princes,  and  thus  even  the  bones  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni 
were  exhumed  and  burnt  The  same  year,  /^,  in  1229,  Jelal  proposed  an 
alliance  with  Alai-ud>din  Kei  Kubad,  the  Seljuk  Sultan  of  Rum,  or  Asia 
Minor,  suggesting  to  him  that  they  two  were  the  bulwarks,  one  in  the 
east,  the  other  in  the  west,  of  the  true  faith  against  the  infidels,  but  thit 
envoys  of  Alai-ud-din  were  so  badly  and  cavalierly  treated  by  the 
Khuareanians,  chiefly,  as  Muhammed  of  Nessa  tells  us,  because  the  vizier 
deemed  their  presents  of  too  little  value,  that  they  returned  disgusted. 

Khelat  at  length  fell,  after  a  siege  of  six  months.    Jelal  would  have 
spared  it  the  horrors  of  a  sack,  but  his  officers  insisted  that  the  troths 
had  sufiered  so  terribly  in  the  siege  that  they  would  desert  unless  per*  > 
mitted  to  loot    The  town  was  consequently  given  up  to  pillage  for  three 
days,  and  many  of  its  inhabitants  perished  from  torture  inflicted  to  make- ' 
them  disclose  where  their  riches  were  hid.*  *    " 

Khelat  belonged  to  Ashraf,  Prince  of  Damascus.    That  prince  nofif  ^ 
formed  a  confederacy  to  oppose  Jelal.    He  was  supported  by  Kei-Kubad^^ 
Sultan  of  Rum,  and  princes  of  Aleppo,  Mosul,  and  Mesopotamia.    Thqoir 
joint  army  assembled  at  Sivas,  and  thence  marched  on  Kh^t    Jdbij 
marched  them  with  a  very  inferior  force,  and  meanwhile-aent 

*  D'Ohsioo,  aii.  4t. 


round  the  Chaushes  and  Pehluvans,  i,e.,  the  heralds  with  red  arrows,  the 
Khuarezmian  signal  for  a  rendezvous.  He  hoped  to  attack  the  enemy 
before  they  had  united  their  forces,  but  was  seized  with  sickness,  and  before 
he  recovered  they  had  amalgamated  their  troops.  In  the  battle  which 
followed  Jelal  was  badly  beaten,  and  fled  towards  Manazguerd,  and  then 
to  Khelat,  whence  Jie  removed  all  the  rich  things  he  could  transport,  and 
burnt  the  rest,  leaving  his  vizier  to  watch  the  enemy.  He  retreated  through 
Azcrbaidjan,  and  was  deserted  by  his  generals.  At  this  critical  point  he 
received  offers  of  peace  from  the  confederate  princes,  who  were  perhaps 
afiaid  to  leave  the  wide  empire  of  Persia  at  the  mercy  of  the  Mongols. 
The  peace  was  hurried  on  by  the  arrival  of  a  large  Mongol  army  under 
the  orders  of  the  generals  Churmagun  and  Baidshu,  who  had  been  sent 
into  Kherassan  at  the  head  of  30,00a  men  by  the  Grand  Kuriltai  held  at 
the  accession  of  Ogotai.*  This  army  speedily  traversed  Khorassan  by 
way  of  Esferan  and  Rayl  Jelal  thought  the  Mongols  would  winter  in 
Irak,  so  he  leisurely  retreated  to  Tebriz;  he  was,  however,  mistaken,  for 
they  followed  closely  on  his  heels,  and  he  was  obliged  to  retire  hastily  to 
Mukan,  a  district  of  Arran,  where  he  expected  to  rendezvous  his  troops. 
He  fled  so  hastily  that  he  left  his  harem  behind  him.  While  waiting  for 
his  troops  to  concentrate,  and  engaged  in  hunting,  he  was  nearly  sur- 
prised by  the  Mongols,  and  only  just  escaped  into  Azerbaidjan,  whence  he 
sent  to  ask  assistance  of  Ashraf,  Prince  of  Damascus.  The  messenger 
was  intercepted  by  Shercf-ul  Mulk,  his  own  vizier,  who  had  begun  to 
intrigue  against  his  master.  He  had  conducted  the  Sultan's  treasures 
and  his  harem  into  the  safe  fiastnesses  of  Arran,  and  had  then  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt ;  his  motive  for  revolt  being  the  extravagance  and  pro- 
fuseness  of  the  Sultan,  which  left  him  bare  when  he  had  to  pay  his 
soldiers.  He  wrote  numerous  letters  to  the  neighbouring  princes,  in 
which  he  described  his  master  as  the  fallen  tyrant.  These  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Jelal,  who  deprived  him  of  his  viziership,  and  sent  messengers 
throughout  the  province  with  orders  to  no  longer  obey  his  authority.  He 
shortly  after,  by  feigning  to  forgive  him,  got  him  into  his  power,  but 
dissatisfaction  was  very  ¥nde  spread  in  the  newly  conquered  provinces  of 
Azerbaidjan  and  Arran. 

A  messenger  of  the  Mongols  who  was  sent  to  summon  Bailecan  was 
brought  to  Jelal,  who  promised  him  his  life  if  he  would  tell  him  the 
strength  of  the  'Mongol  forces;  he  told  him  that  when  Churmagun 
reviewed  the  army  near  Bokhara  the  muster  rolls  showed  it  to  be  20,000 
strong.  Jelal  basely  killed  him  for  fear  this  news  might  discourage  his 
own  troops.  He  then,  doubting  the  sincerity  of  his  late  vizier  Sheref-ul 
Mulk,  had  him  strangled ;  this  was  an  aristocratic  privilege,  the  com- 
ifabnalty  were  decapitated.  He  next  put  down  a  rebellion  in  Ganja,  and 
l^ttXrished  the  inhabitants  for  murdering  some  of  his  people.    He  then  tried 

•  Wolff,  zai. 


inefiectually  to  get  assistance  from  the  Prince  of  Damascus  or  Syria  and 
his  brother  the  Prince  of  Khelat.  The  historian  Mohammed  of  Nessa 
was  his  envoy  and  trusty  councillor  on  these  occasions.  Meanwhile 
the  Mongols  continued  their  advance.  The  hesitating  Sultan  was 
led  astray  by  the  advice  of  Messaud,  Prince  of  Amid,  who  persuaded 
him  to  try  and  capture  the  kingdom  of  Rum,  or  Asia  Minor,  an 
easy  task,  and  that  he  would  then  be  in  a  much  better  position  to  resist 
the  Mongols.  While  on  this  fool's  errand  and  near  Amid  he  was  sur- 
prised by  the  Mongols,  and  only  escaped  with  a  few  followers.  He  was 
hotly  pursued  and  his  followers  killed;  he  at  length  reached  the  Kurdish 
moimtains.  The  Kurds,  as  was  their  custom,  proceeded  to  strip  him  and 
his  companions.  Having  made  himself  known  to  their  chief,  he  took  him 
home  and  left  him  with  his  wife  while  he  went  to  search  for  his  horses. 
While  absent  a  Kurd  came  into  the  tent  and  asked  who  this  Khuarezmian 
was,  and  how  it  came  that  they  did  hot  kill  him;  the  hostess  rephed  that 
he  was  the  Sultan,  upon  which  he  said,  "  How  do  you  know  ?  and  if  it  be 
true,  he  killed  at  Khelat  one  of  my  brothers,  a  better  man  than  himself,^ 
upon  which  he  killed  him.  Thus  perished  the  last  of  the  Khuarezm 

Jelal,  according  to  his  biographer  Nessaui,  was  of  a  middle  stature,  had 
a  Turkish  physiognomy,  and  a  dark  complexion,  his  mother  having  been 
an  Indian.  He  was  brave  to  excess,  calm,  grave,  and  silent.  He  spoke 
both  Turk!  and  Persian. 

lyOhsson  has  made  some  judicious  remarks  about  his  character ;  he 
says  he  was  a  true  Turkoman,  had  all  the  good  qualities  of  a  soldier  rather 
than  of  a  general  or  a  ruler,  without  prudence  or  foresight,  hving  by 
pillage,  profiting  by  the  respite  allowed  him  by  the  Mongols  to  attack  his 
neighbours,  given  to  luxury,  drinking,  and  music ;  always  gomg  to  bed 
dnmk,  even  when  the  Mongols  were  after  him.  His  troops,  without  pay, 
subsisted  on  plimder.  After  his  death  many  impostors  appeared,  who 
claimed  to  be  Jelal-ud-din.t 

After  the  Sultan's  death  the  scattered  Khuarezmian  troops  were  set 
upon  by  the  peasants  and  the  nomades  (Bedouins,  Kurds,  &c.),  and  de- 
stroyed. The  Mongols  proceeded  to  ravage  the  country  in  their  usual 
manner.  Two  months  after  the  disappearance  of  Jelal,  says  D'Ohsson, 
they  had  pillaged  the  districts  of  Diarbekr,  Mesopotamia,  Erbil,  and 
Khelat,  without  encoimtering  any  resistance,  the  people  seemed  stupefied. 
The  historian  Ibn-al-athir  gives  some  examples  of  the  decrepitude  to 
which  they  were  reduced:  a  Mongol  entered  a  populous  village,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  kill  the  inhabitants  one  after  another  without  any  one  raising  a 
hand.  Another  wishing  to  kill  a  man,  and  having  no  weapon  by  him, 
told  him  to  lie  down  while  he  went  for  a  sword,  with  this  he  returned 
and  killed  the  man,  who  in  the  meantime  had  not  moved.    An  ofificer 

•  D'OhNoo,  iii.  62.  t  D'Ohnon,  iU.  QSi  64. 


and  Behai  ud  din  Muhammed,  of  Juveni,  father  of  the  author  of  the 
History  of  Jingis  Khan,  to  be  Sahib  Divan,  or  Finance  Minister; 
each  of  the  representatives  of  the  three  other  branches  of  the  Imperial 
family  had  an  agent  in  the  treasury  to  watch  his  master's  interest. 
Chin  Timur  died  in  1235,*  and  was  succeeded  by  an  old  man  named 
Nussal,  who  directly  after  gave  way  to  Kurguz,  a  proteg6  of  Chin  Timur. 
Like  him  and  so  many  other  able  servants  of  the  Mongols,  Kurguz  was 
a  Uighur  Turk  who  had  risen  successively  from  being  tutor  and  writing 
master  to  the  children  of  Juji  to  be  secretary  of  Chin  Timur,  when  the 
latter  was  made  governor  of  Khuarezm.  We  are  told  that  he  organised 
the  administration  of  Khorassan  and  repressed  the  exactions  of  a  crowd 
of  small  tyrants.t  This  made  him  many  enemies,  the  chief  of  whom 
were  Sheref-ud-din  and  Kelilat,  the  vizier  and  general  of  Chin  Timur; 
they  intrigued  at  court  to  get  him  removed.  At  length  Ogotai  despatched 
one  Argun  to  make  inquiries  on  the  spot,  Kurguz  went  to  meet  him,  and 
came  to  high  words,  in  which  blood  was  shed.  In  the  night  he  despatched 
a  messenger  to  Ogotai  with  his  coat  marked  with  blood.  This  dramatic 
stroke  had  the  desired  effect,  and  the  different  parties  were  sunmioned  to 
the  presence  of  Ogotai  to  give  account  of  themselves.  The  malcontents 
had  supported  Ungu  Timur,  the  son  of  Chin  Timur,  as  a  candidate  for 
the  governorship  of  Khorassan.  One  day  the  Khakan  was  entertained 
by  Ungu  Timur,  but  directly  after  he  left  the  tent  it  blew  down  ;  Ogotai 
had  the  tent  destroyed.  A  few  days  after  he  supped  with  Kurguz,  who 
furnished  his  tent  sumptuously  and  provided  the  Khakan  inter  alia  with 
a  coronet  adorned  with  the  stones  called  yarcan  (?  Jade  from  Yarkand). 

After  a  few  months'  deliberation  Ogotai  decided  in  favour  of  Kurguz, 
and  condenmed  Ungu  Timur  and  his  followers  to  be  punished  as  calum- 
niators, but  he  added,  "  As  you  belong  to  Batu  I  will  remit  the  matter  to 
him,  and  he  will  punish  you."  Ungu  Timur,  by  the  advice  of  Chinkai,  a 
trusty  councillor  of  the  Khakan,  replied,  *'  The  Khakan  is  the  overlord  of 
Batu ;  is  a  dog  hke  myself  to  be  the  cause  of  two  sovereigns  deliberating  ? 
The  Khakan  shall  decide."  "You  speak  well,"  said  Ogotai,  "  for  Batu 
would  not  have  mercy  on  his  own  son  if  he  were  to  do  what  you  have  donc^'J 
Kurguz  was  made  governor  of  all  the  country  south  of  the  Oxus,  including 
the  conquests  of  Churmagun  ;  he  fixed  his  court  at  Thus,  where  he  sum- 
moned the  grandees  of  Khorassan  and  Irak  and  the  Mongol  general,  and 
held  a  fete,  at  which  the  new  Imperial  ordinances  were  promulgated. 
The  Mongol  governors  appointed  by  Churmagun  had  been  most  oppres- 
sive, and  had  appropriated  much  of  the  revenue,  many  of  them  were  now 
displaced ;  he  protected  the  Persians  and  civilians  against  the  Mongol 
soldiery,  and  was  generally  feared  and  respected ;  he  rebuilt  the  city  of 
Thus,  of  which  only  fifty  houses  remained.  Herat,  too,  by  orders  of 
Ogotai  began  to  rise  from  its  ruins.    It  had  been  almost  deserted  for 

*  D'Obsioo,  iii.  208.  t  D'Obnoo,  iii.  xzo.  I  D'Ohuon,  iii.  2x4. 

OGOTAI  KHAN.  1 35 

fifteen  years,  but  now  an  Emir  named  Yzz  ud  din,  who  had  been  trans- 
ported to  Bbhbalig  in  Uighuria  by  Tului,  received  orders  to  rcium  to 
Herat  with  100  families.  They  found  the  canals  choked,  and  had  to 
go  to  Afghanistan  for  ploughs  and  long  tails  {t\e.,  sheep).  In  a  short  time 
people  assembled  there  once  more,  and  a  census  made  in  1240  showed 
there  were  then  6,900  inhabitants.* 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Persia  during  Ogotai's  reign.  We 
will  now  turn  to  another  comer  of  his  empire,  the  mysterious  peninsula 
of  Corea.  In  12 18  Vangtung,  the  King  of  Corea,  had  acknowledged 
himself  as  the  vassal  of  Jingis  Khan.  In  1231  an  ambassador  of  Ogotai's 
was  killed  there,  and  the  murderers  were  not  punished.  Salitai,  a  Mongol 
general,  was  sent  against  the  rebels,  captured  forty  of  their  towns,  received 
the  submission  of  the  King,  and  before  retiring  appointed  seventy-two 
Darugas,  or  prefects,  in  the  different  districts.  These  were  treacherously 
murdered  during  the  following  year.  The  Corean  King  with  many  of  his 
subjects  grew  frightened,  and  leaving  his  general  Hong-fu-yuen  in  com- 
mand of  his  troops,  fled  to  the  island  of  Tsiang-hua,  off  the  west  coast  of 
Corea.  Salitai,  who  re-entered  Corea  with  an  army,  was  killed  by  an 
archer.  It  was  about  this  time,  namely,  in  1235,  that  Ogotai  held  the 
grand  Kuriltai,  when  three  armies  for  the  conquest  of  Corea,  the  Sung 
empire,  and  the  coimtry  west  of  the  Volga  were  organised.  A  fourth  body 
of  troops  under  the  general  Hukatu  was  sent  to  the  borders  of  Cashmir. 

Before  attacking  Corea,  Ogotai  wrote  to  its  King  a  list  of  his  com- 
plaints :  first,  that  he  had  failed  to  send  any  one  to  his  court  to  do 
homage ;  secondly,  that  he  had  maltreated  his  envoy  who  had  gone  to 
remind  him  of  his  fault ;  thirdly,  he  accused  him  of  the  murder  of  his 
ambassador  by  the  Coreans ;  fourthly,  of  having  evaded  sending  a  con- 
tingent of  troops  to  assist  the  Mongols,  and  of  having  failed  to  send  an 
enumeration  of  his  people ;  fifthly,  of  having  killed  his  prefects.  Ogotai 
summoned  him  to  his  court  to  give  account  of  these  crimes.  He 
refused:  but  Hong-fii-yuen  feeling  himself  too  weak  to  resist  the  Mongols, 
sent  in  his  submission,  and  was  appointed  governor  of  Tungking.  Soon 
after  this  a  Mongol  army  overran  Corea,  defeated  the  King  in  several 
engagements,  and  forced  him  once  more  to  become  tributary,  and  to  send 
a  hostage  to  Ogotai.    This  was  in  1241. 

When  the  empire  of  the  Kins  was  destroyed,  it  had  been  agreed 
between  the  confederated  Sung  and  Mongol  Emperors  that  Honan  should 
be  abandoned  to  the  former ;  the  Mongols  now  refused  to  evacuate  their 
conquest,  except  that  portion  of  Honan  situated  to  the  south-east  of  the 
towns  of  Chingchau  and  Tsaichau  ( Yu-ning-fu). 

The  Sung  Emperor  was  easily  persuaded  by  some  of  his  courtiers  to 
resent  this,  and  to  try  and  forcibly  occupy  the  three  ancient  Imperial 
residences  of  Changan  (Si-ngan-fu)  in  Shensi,  Loyang  (Ho-nan-fii)  in 

*  D'Obnon,  iiL  zz^. 


Honan,  and  Planking,  i.e,,  the  Nanking,  and  sent  an  army  of  1 5, 000  against 
Pianking  (Kai  fong  fu).  Here  the  rebel  Tsuili,  wfiom  we  have  ahready 
named,  kept  up  a  nominal  authority  in  the  palace  of  the  Kin  Emperors  ; 
he  speedily  disgusted  the  Mongol  prefects  who  assisted  him,  and  was  by 
them  assassinated  His  body  was  dragged  at  a  horse's  tail  to  the  city 
court  amidst  a  crowd  of  pfeople.  Li  pe  yuen,  one  of  his  officers,  denounced 
the  crimes  he  had  committed,  and  when  some  one  interrupted  him,  a 
general  cry  arose  approving  his  remarks  and  affirming  that  he  deserved 
even  a  worse  fate.  His  head  was  fastened  to  a  stake,  his  body  was 
cut  in  pieces,  while  his  heart  was  torn  out  and  eaten  by  some  of  the 
barbarous  crowd.* 

The  Sung  general  now  occupied  Pianking  and  Lo-yang.  These  towns 
had  not  recovered  the  effects  of  the  former  sieges,  and  when  reinvested 
by  the  Mongols  the  Sung  garrisons  soon  felt  the  effects  of  want ;  they 
abandoned  them,  and  the  Mongols  retook  them.  The  Sung  authorities 
would  now  have  made  peace,  but  the  invasion  of  their  country  had 
already  been  decided  upon  at  the  great  Kuriltai  of  1235,  at  which  three 
armies  were  appointed  for  the  task,  one  under  Kutan,  the  second  son  of 
Ogotai,  and  the  general  Tagai,  was  to  invade  Suchuan ;  the  second,  under 
the  generals  Temutai  and  Changju,  marched  upon  Hukuang ;  the  third, 
with  the  Prince  Kutchu,  the  third  son  of  Ogotai,  Prince  Khunbuca,  and 
the  general  Chagan,  was  to  act  in  Kiangnan.  Kutan  marched  through 
Shensii  and  received  on  the  way  the  submission  of  Kungchangfu,  the  only 
town  that  still  remained  faithful  to  the  Kins.t  It  then,  after  some  checks, 
forced  the  mountains  that  separate  Shensi  and  Suchuan ;  in  a  month  it 
captured  many  of  the  chief  towns  of  Suchuan,  including  Mian  chau 
(Mian  hien),  whose  commander,  Kaokia,  was  killed  after  a  brave  struggle. 
Tsing  ye  yuen,  considered  the  bulwark  and  key  of  Suchuan,  was  then 
attacked  by  the  vanguard  of  Kutan.  A  Chinese  commander  boldly 
advanced  against  the  Mongol  camp  and  defeated  the  Mongols.  He  then 
raised  the  siege  of  Veng  shi  hien,  and,  after  defeating  a  large  body  of 
them,  found  refuge  at  Sian  jin,  south-west  of  Fong  hien;  but  these 
were  only  evanescent  victories,  the  Mongols  consolidated  their  troops, 
forced  the  mountains  between  Shensi  and  Suchuan,  and  in  a  month  made 
themselves  masters  of  two-thirds  of  that  province,  and  massacred  many  of 
its  inhabitants.  The  governor  of  Ventchau  poisoned  all  his  family,  burnt 
their  bodies,  fired  the  chief  valuables  in  his  custody,  including  his 
diploma  as  governor,  and  then  stabbed  himself:  this  species  of  heroism 
is  common  in  Chinese  history.}  Having  ruined  Western  Suchuan, 
Kutan  retired  into  Shensi,  and  the  Chinese  reoccupied  some  of  the 
conquered  towns.  Meanwhile  his  brother  Kutchu  had,  in  March,  1236, 
sldvanced  from  Tang  chau  in  Honan  into  Hu  kuang,  and  captured  Siang 
yang,  the  foremost  city  of  the  Sung.    It  was  given  up  to  the  Mongols  by 

•DeMaUU,iz.ao9»azo.  t  D'Ohnoa,  U.  79.  I  lyOlisaoo,  U.  81. 

OGOTAI  KhAN.  ^  137 

treachery.  It  then  contained  ^7 poo  inhabitants,  300,000  taels  of  treasure, 
twenty-four  arsenals  stocked  with  arms,  and  a  large  store  of  provisions, 
which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mongols.  They  also  captured  Tsao  yang 
and  Tc  ngan  fu.*  About  this  time  Kutchu  died.  He  was  the  favourite 
son  of  Ogotai,  and  had  been  named  by  him  as  his  successor.  During  the 
next  two  years  the  Mongols  fought  with  varying  success,  and  captured 
several  towns  north  of  the  river  Kiang,  but  no  further  important  conquest 
was  made  in  this  direction  during  the  reign  of  Ogotai,  and  the  Sung 
empire  survived,  as  is  well  known,  till  the  reign  of  the  Great  Khan 

Let  us  now  turn  once  more  to  the  western  frontiers  of  the  Mongol 

When  Jingis  returned  home  again  after  his  great  expedition  in  the  West 
he  left  a  contingent  of  troops  in  Persia ;  another  was  apparently  left  in  the 
steppes  beyond  the  Jaik;  and  so  early  as  1226  this  contingent  seems  to 
have  attacked  the  city  of  Bulgar,  for  on  a  gravestone  found  among  its 
ruins  this  year  is  named  as  the  year  of  oppression.!  Two  or  three  years 
later,  Von  Hanmier  says  in  1228  and  Wolff  in  1230,  Ogotai  sent  Suntai^ 
the  ninth  son  of  Juji,  with  30,000  men  into  the  West.  They  attacked  the 
Saksins  and  Comans,  who  took  refuge  in  the  country  of  Bulgar,  and  in 
1232  they  approached  that  city,  which  was  apparently  saved  from  capture 
by  the  timely  arrival  of  a  Russian  army  commanded  by  the  princes  of 
Smolensko  and  Kief.{  I  have  mentioned  that  at  the  Kuriltai  held  in 
1235  it  was  determined  to  send  an  army  westward.  Ogotai  was  wishful 
to  take  command  of  this  army  destined  to  cross  the  Volga,  and  to  bring 
the  greater  portion  of  Eastern  Europe  under  the  dominion  of  the  Mongols, 
but  he  was  easily  persuaded  that  he  ought  now  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  so 
much  victory,  and  to  leave  the  arduous  task  of  conquest  for  his  generals; 
and  he  accordingly  gave  the  command  of  the  forces  to  Batu,  the  son  of 
his  eldest  brother  Juji,  who  had  shown  skill  in  war.  This  choice  was 
r^ulated  also  probably  by  the  fact  that  the  special  appanage  of  the 
house  of  Juji  lay  in  the  deserts  of  Kipchak,  adjoining  the  Volga,  and  that 
such  conquests  as  might  be  made  would  be  an  addition  to  it ;  with  Batu 
went  his  brothers  Orda,  Sheiban,  and  Tangut.  Baidar  and  Kaidu,  sons 
of  Jagatai;  Kuyuk  and  Kadan  Ogul,  sons  of  Ogotai;  Mangu,  Buri,  and 
Budjek,  sons  of  Tului.  Batu,  as  I  have  said,  had  the  first  command, 
and  his  chief  adviser  was  the  great  general  Subutai  Behadur,  who  had 
won  renown  in  so  many  campaigns.  The  general  rendezvous  was  fixed 
for  the  spring  of  1237,  on  the  borders  of  Great  Bulgaria.  One  division  of 
the  Mongol  army,  commanded  by  Subutai,  penetrated  into  that  country; 
two  of  its  chiefs  came  to  do  homage,  but  were  afterwards  rebellious.  It 
then  returned  and  attacked  the  capital,  Bulgar.    Its  inhabitants  seem  to 

"»  DeMailla,ix.2x6. 
t  Von  Hammer,  Golden  Horde,  99.      I  Wolff,  124.   Von  Hammer,  op.  dt,  100. 


have  been  exterminated,  and  the  city,  which  in  the  early  middle  ages  wa^ 
the  greatest  mart  perhaps  in  Eastern  Europe  for  leather,  furs,  salt  fish, 
&c.,  was  so  destroyed  that  it  never  again  looked  up.* 

The  following  spring,  Mangu  and  his  brother  Budjek,  who  conmianded 
the  left  wing  of  the  army,  marched  against  the  Kipchaks,  or  Comans, 
along  the  northern  shores  of  the  Caspian.  Patchiman,  or  Patchimak,  one 
of  their  bravest  chiefs,  escaped  the  general  subjection  of  his  countrymen, 
and  with  a  body  of  followers  hid  in  the  woods  on  the  banks  of  the  Volga, 
and  made  raids  upon  the  Mongols.  Mangu  prepared  200  boats  or  barges, 
armed  with  100  men  each,  and  dividing  them  into  two  sections,  com- 
manded by  himself  and  his  brother,  scoured  the  woods  on  each  bank 
of  the  river.  Having  come  to  a  deserted  encampment,  they  found  an  old 
woman,  who  told  them  Patchiman  had  taken  refuge  on  an  island  in  the 
river,  where  the  gathered  spoil  of  his  forays  were  stored.  There  were  no 
boats  about,  but  a  strong  wind  blew  and  uncovered  the  causeway  that  led 
to  the  island.  The  Mongols  rushed  in,  captured  Patchiman,  killed  or 
drowned  his  followers,  and  captured  their  wives  and  a  considerable 
booty.  De  Mailla  says  that  Patchiman  kindly  warned  the  Mongols  that 
they  had  better  retire  again  hastily  or  the  way  would  be  once  more  imder 
water,  and  that  this  in  fact  happened  with  some  inconvenience  to  the 
conquerors.t  When  brought  before  Mangu  and  ordered  to  kneel,  he 
replied  with  some  dignity,  "  Do  you  think  I  am  so  weak  as  to  ask  for  my 
life  ?  Do  you  mistake  me  for  a  camel  ?  "J  The  Tarikh  Djihankuschai 
says  that  he  asked  that  he  might  die  by  Mangu's  own  hand,  but  that  the 
latter  handed  him  over  to  his  brother  Budjek.  With  him  also  perished 
Catchar  Ogola,  a  prince  of  the  Ases  or  Ossetae.  The  Mongols  wintered 
in  this  country.§ 

Meanwhile  another  division  of  the  army,  under  Batu,  Orda,  Berek^i 
Eadan,  Buri,  and  Kulkan,  crossed  the  Volga  and  subdued  the  Bokshas 
and  Burtasses,  t.e.^  the  Mokshas  and  Ertsas,  the  two  divisions  of  the 
Mordvins  who  had  lately  been  beaten  by  the  Grand  Prince  George  the 
Second ;  they  also  defeated  the  Circassians  (?  the  Cheremisse^,  and  the 
Vezofinnaks,  /.^.,  the  Vesses  or  Vod.||  Carpino  mentions ,  that  the 
Mongols  captured  three  towns  before  they  attacked  the  Russians  ;  these 
he  calls  Barthra  (var  Barchin),  Jakint  (var  Sarguit),  and  Oma,  a  rich 
town,  inhabited  by  Christians,  Khazars,  Russians,  Alans,  and  others,  and 
a  place  of  considerable  trade,  situated  near  the  mouth  of  the  Don. 
Seeing  that  they  could  not  capture  it  otherwise,  they  diverted  the 
course  of  the  river,  and  thus  overwhelmed  it  and  its  contents.^ 
Wolff  says  that  the  Mongols  were  guided  through  the  dense 
forests  of  Pensa  and  Tambof  by  the  Mordvins,  and  appeared  unex- 
pectedly   on   the    frontiers    of    Riazan.       The    small    principality   of 

*  Raschid,  quoted  by  D'Ohsson,  ii.  623.    Wolff,  136. 

t  De  M«ill»,  ix.  235.        I  De  Mailla,  u.  224.        §  Raochid,  &c.,  in  D'OhMon,  ii.  624. 

B  D'Ohsson,  ii.  223  and  625.  f  D'Ohason,  ii.  123.     Note. 


Riazan,  dependent  on  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Vladimir,  was  then 
divided  between  the  brothers  George  and  Roman  Igorovitch  and  their 
cousins  Oleg  Wladomirovitch  and  Jaroslaf  Davidovitch,  who  held  court 
at  Riazan,  Isteslawetz,  Pronsk,  and  Murom  respectively;  they  had 
carried  on  a  severe  civil  strife,  and  when  they  now  appealed  to  the  Grand 
Duke  for  help,  he  told  them  that  they  were  strong  enough  to  resist  the 
enemy  if  they  were  united.  Batu  is  said,  in  the  Russian  chronicles,  to 
have  sent  a  sorceress,  or  female  augur,  with  two  officers,  to  demand  their 
submission  and  a  tenth  of  their  goods,  to  which  they  replied,  that  when 
they  no  longer  lived,  then  the  Mongols  might  take  what  they  would. 
They  saw,  however,  that  they  could  make  no  head  against  the  invaders  in 
the  open  country  so  they  retired  to  their  cities.  The  MoEgols  meanwhile 
proceeded  to  devastate  the  land.  Bielogorod,  Isteslawetz,  Pronsk,  and  other 
towns  were  reduced  to  ashes.  The  beautiful  city  of  Riazan  was  invested, 
a  breastwork  of  palisades  and  earth  was  raised  round  it,  on  which  the 
balistas  were  fixed,  and  after  five  days*  bombardment  it  fell  on  the  21st 
of  December,  1237.  The  Prince,  with  his  mother,  wife,  sons,  the  Boyars, 
and  the  inhabitants,  without  regard  to  age  or  sex,  were  slaughtered  with 
the  savage  cruelty  of  Mongol  revenge  ;  some  were  impaled,  some  shot  at 
with  arrows  for  sport,  others  were  flayed  or  had  nails  or  splinters  of  wood 
driven  under  their  nails.  Priests  were  roasted  alive,  and  nuns  and 
maidens  ravished  in  the  churches  before  their  relatives.*  "No  eye 
remained  open  to  weep  for  the  dead,"  says  the  chronicler  of  Kostroma.t 
This  slaughter,  which  was  doubtless  meant  to  strike  terror  into  the 
rest  of  the  Russian  princes  and  to  be  an  example  to  them,  was  followed 
by  an  advance,  upon  Kolomna.  This  was  also  taken,  and  to  revenge 
Kulkan,  who  was  severely  wounded  there,  and  shortly  after  died,  a 
frightful  hecatomb  was  slaughtered  amidst  its  ruins.t 

The  Prince  Roman  Igorovitch,  who  had  gone  with  an  army  to  relieve 
Kolonma,  was  defeated  and  killed.  The  Mongols  now  invaded  the 
district  of  Suzdal  and  attacked  Moscow,  which  ,was  as  yet  an  unim- 
portant town,  the  inhabitants  were  either  destroyed  or  made  prisoners, 
and  Vladimir,  the  son  of  the  Grand  Duke  George,  who  conmianded 
there,  was  captured.  The  Grand  Duke  now  became  alarmed,  he  left 
Vladimir  and  posted  his  army  on  the  banks  of  the  Sitti,  which  flows  into 
the  Mologda,  where  he  expected  to  be  joined  by  his  brothers.  The  Mongols 
now  invested  Vladimir  and  captured  and  burnt  Suzdal,  whose  inhabitants 
suffered  the  conmion  fate  of  those  who  opposed  the  Mongols,  only  that 
the  monks,  nuns,  and  other  religions  were  here  spared.  §  The  inhabitants 
of  Vladimir  were,  as  usual  with  the  Russians  at  this  date,  panic  stricken. 
Many  of  the  chief  men  sought  refuge  in  the  churches,  where  they  adopted 
the  tonsure,  so  that  they  might  die  in  monastic  orders.  The  Mongols  ap- 

*  Von  Hafflmcr,  loa.  t  Wolff.  149.         I  Wolff,  ecL.  143.    D'ObMon,  u.  6s5- 

f  VoD  H«mmer,  Qoldea  Horde,  Z03. 


proached  the  Golden  Gate,  showed  their  captive  Vladimir  and  threatened 
to  kill  him  if  the  city  was  not  surrendered,  and  as  this  threat  was  treated 
with  scorn,  they  accordingly  killed  him.  After  several  days  of  incessant 
attack  the  Mongols  at  length  broke  into  the  city  at  each  of  its  four 
entrances,  the  so-called  Golden,  Brazen,  the  Lybedian,  and  Kolpaian 
Gates.  This  was  on  Sunday,  the  14th  of  February,  during  a  season 
of  fasting.*  The  Imperial  family  had  taken  refuge  in  the  choir  of 
the  cathedral,  while  the  nave  was  crowded  with  other  fugitives;  the 
latter  were  slaughtered,  and  the  former,  to  escape  the  same  fate,  set  fire  to 
the  building,  and  all  perished  together  :  the  city  was  sacked  and  burnt. 
The  Mongol  army  was  now  divided  into  several  bodies,  which  proceeded 
to  ravage  the  towns  of  Rostof,  Yaroslaf,  Gorodetz,  Yurief,  Pereslaf, 
Dmitref,  Tuer,  Caschin,  Volok,  Cosniatin,  and  others.  The  Grand  Duke 
George  was  still  on  the  river  Sitti  awaiting  succour  from  his  brother 
Yaroslaf,  Prince  of  Kief.  He  was  there  attacked  by  the  Mongols  and 
killed,  with  most  of  his  troops. 

The  Mongols  now  marched  towards  Novgorod,  the  northern  emporiimi 
of  conwnerce,  and  a  famous  member  of  the  Hanseatic  league.  They  had 
already  reached  the  Waldai  mountains,  when,  according  to  Wolffi  a  thaw 
came  on,  converting  the  country  into  a  huge  morass.  This  deterred 
them  from  advancing  further,  especially  as  the  country  behind  them 
was  much  wasted  by  their  passage.  On  their  return  towards  the  south, 
one  of  their  detachments  received  a  notable  check  before  the  town  of 
Koselsk,  on  the  Shisdra,  eight  German  miles  S.S.W.  from  Kaluga  ;  4,000 
of  their  men  and  three  young  princes  seem  to  have  perished  in  the  attack. 
Their  death  was  revenged  by  Batu,  Kadan,  and  Buri,  who  brought 
another  army  against  it.  Its  capture  was  followed  by  a  general  mas- 
sacre, one  of  those  atrocious  acts  well  styled  a  "  carnival  of  death "  by 
Von  Hammer.  Like  Bamian,  the  town  was  renamed  Mobalig,  j>.,  City 
of  Woe,  by  its  captors.t 

Having  returned  to  the  borders  of  the  Don,  the  Mongols  seem  once  more 
to  have  divided  into  several  sections.  One  of  these  marched  against  the 
Circassians,  and  during  the  winter  of  1238  killed  their  chief,  Tukan.  They 
then  laid  siege  to  Mangass  which  they  captured  after  an  attack  of  six 
weeks,  and  then  sent  a  division  to  conquer  Derbend  and  the  surrounding 
Country.  Meanwhile  Sheiban,  Budjek,  and  Buri  marched  against  the 
Marimes,t  hy  which  the  Mari,  or  Cheremisses,  who  live  north  of  the  Volga, 
are  probably  meant.  Their  neighbours,  the  red-haired  Votiaks,  were 
probably  also  subdued,  for  the  Chinese  accounts  mention  that  the  Mongols 
marched  so  far  north  that  there  was  hardly  any  night,  and  subdued  a 
people  with  red  hair  and  blue  eyes.§ 

Another  division  of  the  invaders,  under  Bereke,  attacked  the  Kipchaks, 

♦  Wolff,  144.  t  Wolff,  146. 

I  RMchid«  translated  by  D'Ohsson,  Hist,  des  Mong,,  ii.  126 

,  ^  Wolff,  14&    D«  Mailla,  ix.  ztz. 


they  were  still  governed  by  Kotiak,  who  had  fought  against  them  some 
years  before  on  the  Kalka.  He  was  now  defeated.  Raschid  says  Bereke 
captured  the  chiefs  of  the  Mekrutis.  Kotiak,  with  40,000  families,  escaped 
westwards  into  Moldavia,  and  in  1240  sought  refuge  in  Hungary.  Many 
of  the  Eipchaks  were  sold  as  slaves  by  the  conquerers.  Some  of  these 
were  bought  by  the  Egyptian  Sultan  Malek  es  Saleb,  and  about  1254 
became  the  founders  of  the  Boharit  dynasty  of  Mameluk  Sultans.* 

Once  more  did  the  Mongols  advance  upon  Russia.  One  division 
marched  towards  the  Volga,  and  captured  and  burnt  Gorodetz  on  tbe 
Kliasmai  and  Murom  on  the  Oka.  Another  army  marched  towards  the 
Dnieper.  Pereslavl,  with  the  church  of  St.  Michael,  was  laid  in  ashes,  and 
its  bishop,  Simon,  and  a  large  part  of  the  population  destroyed.  Chemigof 
shared  the  same  £ate  after  a  brave  resistance,  in  which  the  defenders  are 
said  to  have  performed  the  Homeric  feat  of  hurling  stones  that  it  took 
four  men  to  raise.  Glokhof  also  was  destroyed.t  It  was  now  the  turn  of 
Kief,  the  mother  of  cities,  magnificently  placed  on  the  high  banks  of  the 
Dnieper,  with  its  white  walls,  its  beautiful  gardens,  and  its  thirty  churches, 
with  their  gilded  cupolas,  which  gave  it  its  pretty  Tartar  name,  Altundash 
Khan  (i.e.,  the  court  of  the  Golden  Heads)  ;  it  was  the  metropolitan  city 
of  the  old  Russian  princes,  the  seat  of  the  chief  patriarch  of  all  Russia.  It 
had  latterly,  namely,  in  1204,  suffered  from  the  internal  broils  of  the  Russian 
princes,  and  had  been  much  plundered  and  burnt  It  was  now  to  be 
for  a  while  erased  altogether.  Batu  sent  his  cousin  Mangu,  who  was 
afterwards  Grand  Khan,  to  explore.  He  summoned  the  city  to  surrender; 
his  envoys  were  slaughtered,  but  its  prince,  like  several  other  Russian 
princes,  lost  heart  and  escaped  towards  Hungary.  Meanwhile  the  terrible 
host  of  the  enemy  came  on,  and  the  noise  of  their  carts,  the  murmurs  of 
their  herds  of  camels,  oxen,  and  horses,  and  their  own  ferocious  cries, 
drowned  the  voices  of  the  inhabitants  inside ;  the  attack  began  and  contin- 
ued night  and  day,  the  walls  were  at  length  breached,  the  defenders  retired 
to  the  churches.  The  great  metropolitan  church  was  the  chief  place  of 
refuge.  Here  were  collected  fugitives  of  all  classes,  with  their  various 
wealth,  who  gathered  on  its  fiat  roof,  this  gave  way  imder  the  weight, 
and  overwhelmed  a  vast  hecatomb  in  its  ruins.  The  Mongols  rushed  in 
and  slaughtered  without  mercy;  the  very  bones  were  torn  from  the  tombs 
and  trampled  under  the  horses'  hoofs.{  This  was  in  December,  1240. 
The  magnificent  city,  with  the  ancient  Byzantine  treasures  which  it  con- 
tained, was  destroyed,  as  were  the  bones  of  St.  Vladimir,  the  tomb  of  Olga, 
and  the  grand  church  of  the  Tithe,  a  chef  d'oeuvre  of  the  Greek  archi- 
tects ;  this  was  so  ruined  that  its  remains  were  used  for  the  building  of  a 
fresh  church,  which  still  has  in  its  walls  some  of  its  stones.  The 
monastery  of  Petchersky  suffered  the  same  fate,  and  its  riches,  including 
the  golden  cross  upon  its  cupola,  were  carried  off.   The  only  place  spared, 

•  Wolfi,  247.       t  Voa  H«min«r'i  Golden  Honl«.  X07.    Wolff,  149.  |  Wolff,  152. 


apparently,  was  the  tomb  of  Yaroslaf,  "  to  teach  men,"  says  the  quaint 
Karamzin,  "  that  the  glory  of  legislators  is  the  most  solid  and  durable." 
The  city  remained  in  ruins  apparently  during  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
centuries,  and  modem  Kief  is  but  a  shadow,  says  the  same  historian,  of  its 
former  self.*  It  was  one  of  the  war  maxims  of  Jingis  that  those  who 
offered  aid  or  asylum  to  the  opponents  of  the  Mongols  should  themselves 
be  treated  as  enemies,  and  as  Hungary  had  been  very  useful  to  the 
Russian  and  Coman  princes,  the  Mongols  advanced  against  it.  Their 
way  led  through  Volhynia  and  Gallicia.  They  apparently  annihilated  the 
towns  of  Kolowgashniu  or  Koladashun,  Gadalitsh,  and  Cadyshin,  for  they 
are  no  longer  to  be  found.  Kremenetz,  Galitch,  and  Chemovitz,  which 
were  also  cruelly  visited,  still  exist  in  the  district  of  Bukovina.t 

They  had  now  reached  the  magnificent  barriers  which  protect  Hungary 
on  the  east  and  north,  the  Carpathians.  While  Batu  forced  their  passes 
and  entered  Hungary,  he  sent  another  division  of  his  army,  under  Baidar 
and  Kaidu,  the  sons  of  Jagatai,  to  make  a  diversion  in  Poland.  Poland 
was  then  bounded  on  the  north  by  Prussia,  which  was  still  pagan,  and 
Pomerania;  on  the  east  by  Lithuania  and  the  principality  of  Gallicia; 
on  the  south  by  the  Carpathians;  and  on  the  west  by  the  March  of  Bran- 
denburgh  and  by  Silesia,  which  was  dependent  on  Prussia  without 
forming  an  integral  part  of  it.  Boleslaf  the  Third  had  in  1139  divided 
his  dominions  into  four  parts,  and  this  division,  like  that  in  Russia,  had 
produced  a  terrible  civil  strife  in  the  country.  At  the  period  of  the 
Mongol  invasion  there  were  nine  independent  princes  in  Poland. 
Boleslaf,  sumamed  the  Chaste,  ruled  over  Cracow  and  Sandomir, 
and  had  a  barely  titular  authority  over  the  rest,  the  chief  of  whom 
were  Henry  the  Second,  the  pious,  who  ruled  in  Lower  Silesia  and 
Great  Poland,  and  Conrad,  uncle  of  Boleslaf,  who  had  authority  in 
Mazovia  and  Cujavia,  with  his  capital  at  Plotsk.  These  princes  were 
allied  with  the  Hungarians  or  had  given  refuge  to  the  fugitive  Russian 
princes,  both  high  crimes  in  Mongol  eyes.  They  seem  first  to  have 
made  a  reconnaissance.  Leaving  Vladimir  in  Volhynia  in  January,  1241, 
they  entered  the  district  of  Lublin,  and  ravaged  the  land  as  far  as  the 
river  Vistula,  burning  the  towns  of  Lublin  and  Zawichost.  Then  crossing 
that  river  on  the  ice  they  burnt  and  sacked  Sandomir,  pillaged  the 
Cistercian  monastery  of  Koprienick,  and  advanced  to  within  a  short  dis* 
tance  of  Cracow.  They  returned  loaded  with  booty  and  driving  before  them 
the  flower  of  the  population,  tied  together  in  groups.  On  their  retreat 
they  were  attacked  by  Vladimir,  the  Palatine  of  Cracow,  and  considerably 
checked.  A  number  of  the  captives  managed  to  escape  during  the 
combat,  and  hid  away  in  the  woods.  They  now  rejoined  the  main 
army  under  Baidar,  which  was  encamped  near  Sendomir.} 

*  Karamxin,  iv.  14.  t  Wolff,  154. 

I  Wolff,  162, 163.    Voo  HumBtr*!  Goldtn  Horde,  109.    D'OhstOB,  ii<  uv 


Baidar  detached  another  division,  some  authorities  say  one-tenth  of 
his  forces,  others  a  tuman  (/>.,  10,000  men),  under  his  brother  Kaidu, 
which  marched  against  and  devastated  Sieradia,  Lancitia,  and  Cujavia, 
the  patrimony  of  Conrad  and  his  sons.  Meanwhile  with  the  main  army 
he  advanced  towards  Cracow.  At  a  place  called  Chmielik  or  Chmielnik, 
eleven  German  miles  from  that  town,  he  encountered  the  Polish  army 
under  the  command  of  the  Palatine  of  Sandomir  and  Cracow.  This  was 
defeated,  and  its  chief  killed.  Boleslaf,  the  Prince  of  Cracow,  fled  with 
his  wife,  family,  and  treasures  to  his  father-in-law,  Bela  of  Hungary;  but 
hearing  that  the  Mongols  were  already  in  Hungary,  he  took  refuge  in  a 
monastery  in  Moravia,  and  eventually  sheltered  himself  until  their  with- 
drawal in  the  fortress  of  Pievnikza,  in  Poland.*  Many  of  the  chief 
fiamilies  also  fled  to  Hungary  and  Germany,  while  the  common  folk  hid 
themselves  in  the  forests  and  marshes,  so  that  the  Mongols  found  the 
city  of  Cracow  deserted.  They  entered  it  on  Palm  Sunday,  the  24th  of 
March,  1241,  and  having  biunt  it,  continued  their  march  towards  Silesia. 
Crossing  the  Oder  near  Ratibor,  some  on  rafts  and  some  swimming,  they 
appeared  before  Breslau.  The  inhabitants  had  already  removed  their 
wealth,  and  had  fired  the  town  themselves  to  prevent  its  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  Mongols,  while  they  retired  into  the  citadel  with  their  goods. 
This  the  enemy  failed  to  take,  after  a  siege  of  some  days.  The  story 
goes  that  it  was  saved  by  the  prayers  of  the  Prior  of  the  Dominican 
convent  of  Saint  Adelbert  at  Czeslaf,  through  which  a  light  from  heaven 
fell  on  the  head  of  the  Prior,  and  radiated  such  a  glorious  light  that  the 
Mongols  were  frightened  and  passed  on.  This  miracle  is  represented  in 
a  painting  in  the  little  church  of  St.  Martin,  formerly  the  citadel  chapel. 
It  is  not  mentioned  by  Matthias  of  Miechof,  a  canon  of  Cracow 
and  author  of  a  work  de  Sarmatia  in  Grinaei  orbis  novus  Basil,  1555, 
&c.,t  who  has  g^ven  us  a  capital  account  of  the  proceedings  at  this 
time.  Baidar  was  now  joined  by  the  contingent  which  he  had  detached 
under  his  brother  Kaidu,  and  advanced  plundering  and  ravaging  the 
coimtry  towards  Lignitz,  where  the  army  of  Silesia,  numbering  some 
20,000  men,  was  assembled  under  its  Duke  Henry  the  Second.  Among 
the  other  chiefs  the  principal  were  Mitislaf  of  Oppeln ;  Boleslaf,  son  of 
Diepold  the  Third,  Margrave  of  Moravia ;  and  Poppo  of  Ostema,  Grand 
Master  of  the  Teutonic  Knights  of  Prussia  with  his  order.  It  was  con- 
sidered an  ill  omen  that  as  Henry  marched  out  with  his  forces  a  stone 
fell  from  the  roof  of  the  church  of  St.  Mary  and  nearly  hit  him.  He 
divided  his  small  army  into  four  divisions  :  the  first,  the  contingent  of  the 
gold  digging  peasants,  &c.,  from  Goldberg  and  its  neighbourhood  in 
Silesia,  under  Boleslaf  Syepiolka ;  the  second,  the  contingent  from  Cracow 
and  Great  Poland,  under  Sulislaf,  the  brother  of  the  lately  slain  Palatine 
Vladimir ;    the  third,  the  contingent  from  Oppeln  and  also  the  Teutonic 

•Wolff,  265.  t  Wolff,  170. 


in  their  flight.  Having  turned  the  northern  flank  of  Hungary,  the  con- 
tingent under  Baidar  and  Kaidu  crossed  the  mountains  to  join  the 
main  army  under  Batu,  which  was  laying  waste  that  country.  It  crossed 
by  the  so-called  Hungarian  Gates,  which  Wolff  identifies  with  the 
Hrasinka  Pass,  on  the  road  from  the  valley  of  Olschawa,  to  the  river 

While  this  division  was  turning  the  northern  defences  of  Hungary,  Batu 
detached  another  southward  to  turn  the  opposite  flank.  This  marched 
through  Moldavia,  crossed  the  river  Sireth  into  the  land  of  the  "  Bishop 
of  Rumania "  (Z.^.,  Wallachia).t  Here  it  seems  to  have  again  divided. 
One  section,  under  Subutai  Behadur,  continued  its  march  through  Walla- 
chia  ;  another,  under  Kuyuk,  the  son  and  successor  of  Ogotai,  and  Buri, 
grandson  of  'Jagatai,  crossed  by  the  Oitosch  Pass,  over  the  mountain 
Magyaras  into  the  south-eastern  corner  of  that  land  of  forests  Tran- 
$ylvania,J  called  Sieben  Burgen  by  the  Germans,  from  the  seven  Saxon 
towns  of  Bistritz,  Hermannstadt,  Klausenberg,  Kronstadt,  Medevitch. 
Muplenbach,  and  Schatzburgh.§  This  district  suffered  the  usual  fate  of 
the  lands  through  which  the  Mongols  marched,  and  Wolff  has  collected 
much  evidence  from  deeds,  &c.,  to  show  what  places  chiefly  felt  the 
scourge.  Among  these  may  be  mentioned  the  Castle  of  Zeuth  Leleuth, 
now  Zent  Leley,  near  the  Ojtosa  Pass,  and  the  districts  about  Weissen- 
burgh  (Alba  Julia),  Dolok,  Klausenburgh,  and  Szolnok,  the  districts  of 
Zeiplen  and  Zeh  on  the  Alt,  &c.||  He  traversed  the  mountains  and  forests 
of  Transylvania,  captured  Roudan,  or  Rodna,  a  rich  town  near  the  Royal 
pilver  mines,  and  then  advanced  on  Varadin,  where  a  great  body  of 
refugees  was  assembled.  The  Mongols  took  it ;  killed  all  the  inhabitants 
without  regard  to  age  or  sex.  They  committed  dreadful  sacrilege  in  the 
churches,  ravished  there  the  women  they  captured,  tore  down  the  tombs, 
destroyed  the  relics,  desecrated  the  holy  vessels,  and  tortured  the  priests. 
The  place  was  converted  into  a  desert,  which  they  were  forced  to 
abandon  on  account  of  the  dreadful  effluvia  from  the  corpses. 

They  then  captured  and  destroyed  a  German  bulwark  on  the  Black 
Koros,  called  Thomas'  Bridge  (Pontem  Thomas).  While  the  army  com- 
manded by  Kuyuk  was  ravaging  Transylvania,  that  of  Subutai  had  made 
the  circuit  of  Wallachia  as  far  as  Orsova,  and  had  crossed  the  mountains 
by  the  Mahadia  Pass,  on  the  road  which  leads  from  the  Danube  into  the 
Banat  of  Temesvar,  and  advanced  to  the  river  Maros,  where  it  captured 
the  town  of  Czanad.  It  was  probably  this  division  which  stormed  the 
Island  on  the  Maros  where  a  large  number  of  refugees  from  Agra, 
Waydam,  Geroth,  and  other  towns  had  taken  refuge.  A  general  massacre 
took  place  here.  Those  who  fled  to  the  woods  thought  it  safe  to  return 
on  the  third  day  to  search  for  food  among  the  ruins,  but  were  set  upon 

•  Wolff,  «49.  t  Wolff,  155 .  I  Wolff,  156.  i  Wolff,  op.  cit,  323. 

I  Wolff.  314. 


by  some  of  the  prowling  invaders  and  killed.  Having  spent  the  winter 
in  this  neighbourhood,  the  Mongols  in  the  early  spring  laid  siege  to 
Perg  (/^.,  Pecksa*),  where  the  inhabitants  of  sixty-nine  villages  had 
taken  refuge,  and  also  to  the  Cistercian  monastery  of  Egres,  which  was 
fortified  like  a  castle.  Their  army  was  largely  increased  by  Hungarian, 
Russian,  and  Comanian  prisoners,  whom  they  forced  to  do  the  harder 
work  for  them.  When  the  Hungarians  were  exhausted  they  put  the 
Russians  to  the  work,  and  when  these  were  done  the  Comans.  The  town 
was  at  length  captured  and  everybody  destroyed  except  two  young  girls. 
The  devastation  is  sickening  to  describe  ;  many  of  the  inhabitants  had 
taken  refuge  in  the  forests,  these  were  induced  to  return  to  their  homes 
by  the  promise  of  the  Mongols  to  spare  their  lives  if  they  came  back  by  a 
certain  day.  They  were  allowed  to  sow  and  reap  the  year's  harvest, 
when  they  were  all  collected  together  and  destroyed. 

The  various  contingents  which  had  marched  through  Moravia,  Tran- 
sylvania, and  Wallachia,  seem  to  have  concentrated  at  Pesth. 

Let  us  now  follow  the  main  army  under  Batu.  This  marched  directly 
upon  Hungary.  Hungary  then  stretched  from  the  Adriatic  to  the  Black 
Sea,  and  from  the  Carpathians  to  the  Balkan  range.  Bela  the  Fourth  ruled 
over  it,  while  his  brother  Kalmany,  or  Koloman,  was  dependent 
upon  him,  and  had  authority  in  Slavonia,  Servia,  Croatia,  and  Dalmatia. 
Moldavia  and  Wallachia,  then  called  Comania;  and  Besserabia  (/.^.,  the 
land  of  the  Bessi  or  Petchenegs),  were  also  subject  to  the  Hungarian 
crown.t  Bela  was  a  pious  and  weak  prince,  and  had  to  control  a  strong- 
handed  and  turbulent  aristocracy.  At  this  juncture  there  was  a  bitter 
feeling  against  him,  caused  by  his  attempt  to  restrict  their  feudal  rights 
and  otherwise.  Some  of  them  had  secretly  intrigued  to  supersede  him 
by  offering  the  Hungarian  crown  to  the  Duke  of  Austria  and  the  Emperor 
Frederick  II.,  and  having  been  punished,  their  families  swelled  the  number 
of  the  discontented.  Another  cause  of  discontent  was  that  the  Comans 
under  Kutan,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned  as  having  sought  refuge 
in  Hungary,  were  allowed  by  Bela  to  settle  there  on  condition  of 
their  becoming  Christians.  They  had  traversed  the  country,  and 
being  robbers  by  profession,  had  laid  their  hands  violently  on  many 
things  not  their  due.  And  although  at  a  Diet  convened  in  1240  it  was 
decided  that  they  should  be  scattered  about  the  country  to  pasture  the 
more  desolate  portions  of  it,  and  their  chief  had  consented  to  be  baptised, 
the  people  were  very  much  irritated  against  them. 

Thus  in  the  face  of  this  terrible  scourge,  the  Hungarian  nation  was 
disintegrated  and  dissatisfied.  Bela  sent  the  Palatine  of  the  kingdom, 
Dionysius  Mederwary,  Count  of  Zalnuk,  with  a  body  of  troops  to  guard 
the  passes  of  the  Carpathians,  and  then  convened  a  Council  at  Gran, 
which  was  attended  by  his  brother  Koloman  and  the  great  civil  magnates 

•WolflF,33x.    Note.  f  Wolff,  277- 


of  the  kingdom,  and  by  the  greater  prelates  of  the  Church  ;  Matthias, 
Archbishop  of  Gran  and  Ugolin  of  Calocza,  with  a  vast  following  of  the 
lower  clergy,  which  in  Hungary  seems  to  have  been  a  very  warlike 

Meanwhile  Batu  was  advancing.  He  had,  even  while  in  Russia,  sent 
a  letter  of  warning  to  the  King  of  Hungary.  It  was  written,  says  the  Monk 
Julian,  "in  heathen  characters  "  (probably  Uighur),  in  the  Tartar  speech, 
so  that  many  in  Hungary  could  read  it,  but  none  understood  it.  Julian 
had  met  a  heathen  in  Moldavia  who  read  it.  It  was  to  this  effect :  — "  I,  am 
Chaym  (Sain),  the  messenger  of  the  Heavenly  King  (/>.,  of  the  Khakan), 
who  has  given  me  authority  over  the  earth,  to  raise  up  those  who  submit 
and  to  crush  those  who  oppose  me.  I  am  surprised  that  you,  King  of 
Hungary,  should  have  taken  no  notice  of  the  three  envoys  I  have  sent 
you,  and  that  you  should  have  sent  me  neither  envoy  nor  letter.  I  know 
you  are  a  rich  and  powerful  King,  who  have  many  warriors  and  a  great 
kingdom  j  this  makes  it  seem  irksome  that  you  should  submit  willingly  to 
me,  yet  it  will  prove  your  best  course.  I  have  heard  that  you  have  taken 
the  Comans,  our  dependents,  under  your  protection.  I  charge  you  to 
cease  harbouring  them,  and  to  avoid  in  favouring  them  making  an  enemy 
of  me.  It  will  be  much  easier  for  them,  who  have  no  houses  and  live  in 
tents,  to  escape,  than  for  you  who  live  in  houses  and  are  settled  in  towns. 
How  can  you  fly  from  me  ?"  t  This  is  probably  the  letter  mentioned  by 
Matthew  Paris,  which  he  says  was  delivered  by  an  outlawed  Englishman, 
who  had  joined  the  Mongols.}  Batu  now  advanced  with  40,000  warriors 
and  forced  the  so-called  Ruthenian  Gates,  />.,  the  passes  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Bereckze,  Munkacz,  and  Unghwar.§  They  defeated  and 
almost  annihilated  the  force  which  had  been  entrusted  to  the  Palatine. 
This  was  on  the  12th  of  March,  1241.  As  usual,  they  pressed  quickly  on, 
and  in  three  days  had  advanced,  plundering  and  burning,  within  half  a  day's 
journey  of  Pesth.||  Bela,  having  sent  his  Queen  and  children  into  Austria, 
ordered  a  general  rendezvous  of  his  troops  at  Pesth,  a  German  town 
on  the  Danube.  By  a  show  of  bravado  the  Mongols  attempted  to  draw 
the  garrison  into  a  sortie.  This  irritated  Ugolin,  the  Archbishop  of 
Calocza,  who  ventured  out,  and  allowed  himself  to  be  drawn  into  a  marsh, 
where  his  followers  were  destroyed,  he  returned  much  chagrined,  and 
annoyed  also  with  the  King,  who  had  not  supported  him.^^ 

We  are  told  that  the  Hungarians  were  persuaded  that  Kutan  and  his 
Comans  had  invited  the  Mongols  into  Hungary,  and  that  they  were  per- 
suaded that  Comans  and  Mongols  were  the  same  race  :  a  fresh  proof  of 
how  thoroughly  Turkish  the  army  of  Batu  was.  The  people  at  length 
attacked  the  house  where  Kutan  and  his  chief  men  were  living ;  killed 
them,  and  threw  their  heads  into  the  street.    Their  innocence  was  aftei^ 

•  Wolfif,  27a.  t  Wolff,  274.  I  D'Ohsson,  ii .  133.  §  Wolff,  289. 

I  Wolff,  290.  f  Wolff,  29X. 


wards  fully  proved.  The  peasants  in  the  country  made  a  fierce  attack 
on  the  other  Comans.  The  latter,  driven  to  bay,  retorted,  and  began  a 
general  ravaging  of  the  country.  Bulzo,  Basilius,  or  Blasius,  Bishop  of 
Czanad,  was,  with  a  number  of  his  people,  going  to  the  assistance  of  the 
King  when  he  was  attacked  by  them  at  Reiskemet.  Most  of  his 
people  were  killed,  and  he  barely  escaped.  They  then  devastated  Steier- 
mark,  and  having  plundered  the  best  towns  in  the  land,  Friburg,  Stein-on- 
the- Anger  (the  Hungarian  Szombately),  &c.,  they  passed  with  a  large  booty 
of  gold,  horses,  and  cattle  through  Hungary  and  Sirmium  into  Bulgaria.* 
Another  bishop  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Mongols.  This  was  Benedict 
of  Varadin.  While  he  was  on  the  march  with  a  body  of  troops  he  heard 
that  a  body  of  Mongols  had  pillaged  the  town  of  Erlau,  and  carried  off 
the  episcopal  treasure.  He  pursued  them.  Being  inferior  in  numbers 
they  dressed  a  number  of  puppets  and  put  them  on  horseback,  as  they 
had  done  at  Peruan,  in  the  western  campaign  of  Jingis.  Feigning  to  be 
beaten  they  retired  in  the  direction  of  these  dolls,  who  were  mistaken  for 
supports  by  the  Hungarians.  The  latter  turned  tail,  and  lost  many  of 
their  number,  t 

Meanwhile  the  tr^edy  was  thickening  elsewhere.  Bela  had  assembled 
his  forces  on  the  wide  heath  of  Mohi,  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  vine- 
dad  hills  of  Tokay,  on  the  west  by  the  dark  woods  of  Diosgyor,  and  on 
the  north  by  the  great  hills  of  Lomnitz.  The  plain  was  watered  by  the 
Sayo,  a  tributary  of  the  Theiss.  J  The  Mongols  had  fixed  their  camp  on 
the  other  side  of  this  river,  in  the  corner  formed  by  it,  the  Theiss,  and  the 
Hemard,  where  their  position  was  so  hidden  by  brushwood,  &c.,  that  it 
could  not  be  reconnoitered  from  the  river  side.  The  Hungarian  3trmy 
was  very  discontented,  and  many  of  the  grandees  apparently  looked 
forward  with  complacency  to  the  King  being  defeated.  Several  of  the 
bishops  acted  as  generals,  the  Archbishop  Ugolin  being  especially  pro- 
minent. Batu  is  said  to  have  pointed  out  to  his  generals  the  ill-chosen 
position  of  the  enem/s  troops.  Like  a  herd  of  cattle  pent  up  in  a  narrow 
stable,  there  was  not  room  to  escape.§  The  Mongols  made  their  attack 
in  the  night ;  sent  a  division  to  turn  one  flank  of  the  Hungarian  army 
while  another  advanced  against  the  bridge  over  the  Sayo,  and  as  their 
passage  across  the  river  was  somewhat  opposed,  they  cleared  the  opposite 
bank  by  a  battery  of  seven  catapults.  They  then  advanced  and  overlapped 
the  Hungarian  army  in  the  form  of  a  half  moon.  The  Hungarians  seem 
to  have  been  taken  by  surprise,  and  were  panic-stricken.  The  Archbishop 
Ugolin,  Koloman,  and  a  few  brave  men,  including  the  Templars,  fought 
desperately,  but  the  rest  refused  to  leave  the  camp,  and  at  length  broke 
away.  As  they  fled,  the  Mongols,  as  usual,  assisted  the  retreat  by  opening 
their  ranks ;  they  then  pursued  them,  and  overtaking  them  when  overcome 
with  fatigue,  destroyed  a  large  portion  of  them.    A  space  of  two  days' 

WoUr  294, 295.  t  Wolff,  395.        X  Von  Hammer,  op.  cit.,  227.        i  Wolff,  298. 


journey  was  strewn  with  corpses.  Among  the  dead  were  the  Archbishops 
of  Strigonia  or  Gran,  and  Calocza,  three  bishops,  and  a  vast  crowd  of 
lords.  Bela  escaped  by  the  virtues  of  his  horse  to  the  countr>'  of 
Thurocz  in  the  Carpathians,  where  he  met  his  relative  Boleslaf,  the  Duke 
of  Cracow.  The  King's  brother,  Coloman,  who  had  fought  splendidly, 
escaped  to  his  appanage  of  Dalmatia  and  Croatia,  where  he  shortly  after 
died  of  his  wounds.  Among  the  captured  booty  was  the  seal  of  the 
Hungarian  Chancellor.  This  was  used  by  Batu  to  prevent  a  muster  of 
the  inhabitants.  A  proclamation  in  the  King's  name,  and  signed  with 
his  seal,  was  issued:  "  Do  not  fear  the  rage  and  ferocity  of  these  dogs; 
do  not  quit  your  houses  ;  we  have  only  been  surprised ;  we  shall  soon, 
with  God's  help,  recapture  our  camp.  Continue  to  pray  to  God  to  assist 
us  in  destroying  our  enemies."  This  had  the  desired  effect  of  preventing 
a  general  muster,  while  the  Mongols  overran  the  country.  In  the  recent 
battle,  the  slaughter  had  been  the  most  terrible  that  had  occurred  in 
Hungarian  history.  One  authority  says  65,000  men  perished.  Thurocz 
and  the  chronicle  of  Klostenburgh  put  the  loss  at  100,000.  Riderless 
horses,  with  gorgeous  trappings,  rushed  to  and  fro,  and  the  Mongols 
divided  a  magnificent  booty.*  They  now  marched  upon  Pesth,  which 
they  captured.t 

Pesth  was  not  then  what  it  has  since  become,  the  most  important  city 
in  Hungary.  That  position  was  then  filled  by  Gran  or  Strigonia,  situated 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Danube,  and  occupying  in  the  commercial 
history  of  the  middle  ages  a  correlative  position  with  Kief,  Novgorod, 
Constantinople,  &c.,  a  great  emporium  of  traffic  where  merchants  from 
distant  climes  congregated,  we  are  told  that  Frenchmen,  Lombards, 
Greeks,  and  Armenians  were  gathered  there  ;  and  a  document  in  which 
Bela  the  Fourth  renewed  certain  privileges  to  the  Armenians  after  the 
retreat  of  the  Mongols,  is  one  of  the  first  evidences  we  have  of  the 
enterprise  of  that  indomitable  race  of  pedlars  in  Central  Europe.  It  was 
on  the  25th  of  December,  1241,  when  the  Danube  was  frozen  over  that  the 
Mongols  crossed  the  ice  to  attack  Strigonia,  or  Gran ;  the  old  city  was 
protected  by  ramparts  and  towers  of  wood.  They  battered  it  with  thirty 
catapults,  made  a  breach  and  filled  the  ditch  with  sacks  of  earth ; 
the  inhabitants  set  fire  to  all  the  wooden  part  of  the  town,  de- 
stroyed large  magazines  of  merchandise  and  buried  much  of  their 
treasure.  The  enraged  Mongols  took  a  speedy  revenge,  they  stormed  the 
town  and  destroyed  its  inhabitants,  many  of  whom  were  burnt  over  fires 
to  make  them  disclose  where  their  buried  treasures  lay.  The  citadel, 
defended  by  a  gallant  Spaniard,  the  Count  Simeon,  defied  their  attacks. 

While  Batu  was  engaged  in  capturing  Gran,  it  would  seem  that  Kadan 
was  detached  in  pursuit  of  Bela.  That  unfortunate  prince  had  taken 
refuge  with  the  Duke  of  Austria,  at  Presburg.    There  he  was  detained  and 

*  Wolff,  306,  Ac.  t  D'ObMOD,  ii.  147. 

OGOTAI   KHAN.  151 

compelled  to  pay  a  large  ransom  in  silver  and  other  valuables.  Not 
satisfied  with  this  cruel  conduct,  Frederick  caused  the  western  provinces 
of  Hungary  to  be  invaded  while  the  eastern  ones  were  being  desolated  by 
the  Mongols.  Bela  on  quitting  Austria  took  refuge  with  his  family  in 
Croatia,  where  he  spent  the  sunmier.  Here  he  collected  the  chief 
treasures  of  his  kingdom,  which  he  sent  on  with  his  family  into  Dalmatia, 
whose  towns  were  now  crowded  by  Hungarian  refugees.  Bela  with  a 
great  number  of  prelates  and  nobles  went  first  to  Spalatro  and  then  to 

Kadan  first  captured  Buda,  or  Ozen,  the  twin  town  to  Pesth,  situated  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  Danube.  He  then  advanced  upon  Stuhlweissen- 
burg,  the  burial  place  of  the  old  Hungarian  kings.  They  burnt  the 
outskirts,  but  the  town  was  saved,  Von  Hammer  says  on  account  of  a 
sudden  thaw,  which  partially  laid  the  country  under  water.  Some  of  the 
credit  was  also  due  to  its  Italian  garrison.  At  all  events  the  old  tombs 
were  spared  for  their  later  fate  when  the  town  was  attacked  by  the 
Turks  300  years  after.*  The  monastery  of  St.  Martin  of  Pannonia,  now 
called  St.  Martinsberg,  situated  two  and  a  half  German  miles  S.E.  of 
Raab,  was  so  well  defended  by  its  Abbot  that  the  Mongols  also  passed  it 
by.  They  were  famous  pursuers,  and  seldom  gave  their  victims  much 
breathing  time.  Their  way  now  led  them  along  the  shores  of  the  Flatten 
See,  the  great  Himgarian  lake,  and  on  towards  Croatia ;  they  broke 
through  places  that  were  virgin  soil  to  hostile  feet,  and  whose  inhabitants 
went  for  shelter  to  the  mountains  and  forests. 

At  a  stream  or  lake  called  Sirbium  by  D'Ohsson,  but  corrected  to 
Verbium  by  Wolff,  and  identified  by  him  with  the  Vcrbacz  or  Verbas  in 
the  valley  of  Wintshutz  and  Bolitze,  thirteen  German  miles  N.E.  of 
Spalatro,  in  consequence  perhaps  of  some  act  of  treachery,  he  collected 
all  his  Hungarian  captives  of  both  sexes,  and  made  a  general  slaughter. 
Leaving  the  bulk  of  his  army  there,  he  went  on  with  a  portion  only  to 
the  coast  of  the  Adriatic.t 

At  Spalatro  was  collected  a  vast  crowd  of  people  with  their  wealth  ; 
they  overflowed  the  houses,  and  were  encamped  in  the  squares  and 
streets.  The  list  of  notabilities  has  a  stately  sound  about  it.  Among 
the  clerics  were  Stephen  de  Vancza,  Bishop  of  Waizen,  later  Arch- 
bishop of  Gran,  and  afterwards  distinguished  as  the  first  Hungarian 
Cardinal;  the  Bishops  of  Agram,  Funfkirchen,  and  Varadin;  the  Provost 
Benedict  of  Weissenbuigh,  Archbishop  elect  of  Calocza,  &c.,  &c.  Among 
the  la>'men,  Dionysius  Ban  of  Slavonia  and  the  Coastlands,  and  Count 
of  Shumegh ;  the  Palatine,  Arnold ;  the  High  Steward,  Wladislaf ;  the 
Treasurer,  Matthaias:  the  Master  of  the  Horse,  Orlando;  the  Chief  Cook, 
Roland;  the  Chief  Herald,  Tristram ;  the  Chief  Cup-bearer,  Mauritius,  &c., 
&c.,  with  a  vast  body  of  others.    When  Bela  came  near  the  city  the  chief 

•  Von  Hammer,  124.    Wolff,  338, 339-  t  Wolff,  353. 


inhabitants,  under  their  Podesta,  came  out  to  greet  him;  but  he  did  not 
intend  staying  there,  although  it  was  well  situated  for  defence,  being  built 
pn  a  peninsula,  like  many  of  the  strongholds  of  the  old  Greeks  and  the 
Norsemen,  but  he  took  ship  and  retired  to  Trau,  on  the  Gulf  of  Castello. 
Kadan  approached  Spalatro  and  hovered  near  it  for  some  days,  but  did 
not  attack  it.  He  probably  found  it  too  sti'ong.  He  had  also  heard  of 
Bela's  flight,  so  he  advanced  with  his  Mongols  towards  Trau.  On  the 
way  he  attacked  the  fortress  of  Clissa,  but  was  sharply  answered.  The 
Mongols  prepared  to  attack  Trau  with  vigour,  but  seem  to  have  found 
it  unassailable,  and  found  also  that  as  Bela  had  taken  refuge  on 
shipboard,  he  was  practically  out  of  their  reach.  They  marched  through 
Herzegovina  and  Servia  into  Upper  Dalmatia ;  passed  through  the  district 
of  Ragusa;  laid  Cataro  in  ashes  ;  entered  Albania,  and  ruined  the  towns 
of  Doivach  (Suagium)  and  Drivasto,  42.15  N.L.,  two  German  miles 
N.E.  of  Scutari.  This  was  the  most  southern  point  reached  by 
their  arms  in  this  expedition.  Having  been  sununoned  by  Batu  to 
return,  they  made  their  way  towards  the  beginning  of  May  over  the 
Glubotin  mountains  through  Servia  into  Bulgaria.* 

While  Kadan  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  Bela,  another  body  of  Mongols 
made  an  excursion  to  the  borders  of  Austria.  They  were  met  on  the 
borders  of  the  river  March,  in  the  district  of  Theben  or  Devin,  by  the 
Duke  of  Austria,  and  sustained  a  defeat,  which  is  mentioned  by  the 
Chinese  account  in  Gaubil,  as  well  as  by  Haithon  the  Armenian  Prince,  and 
the  Western  chroniclers.t  There  is  also  an  account  in  the  narrative  of 
Ivo  of  Narbonne,  and  others,  which  would  make  it  appear  that  the 
Mongols  made  another  raid  into  Austria,  south  of  the  Danube,  and 
advanced  as  far  as  Vienna  ;  but  that  the  Duke  of  Austria  collected  a  force 
of  Bohemians,  Carinthians,  &c,  and  this  caused  them  to  retire.  Among 
eight  captives  whom  they  secured  was  a  renegade  Englishman,  who 
spoke  seven  languages,  namely,  his  own  tongue,  Hungarian,  Russian, 
German,  Comanian  (?  Turkish),  Saracenic  (/.<?.,  Arabic),  and  Tartar  (/.^., 

Banished  from  England  for  some  crime,  he  had  wandered  from  Tana 
eastwards,  and  had  entered  the  service  of  the  Mongols  as  an  interpreter. J 
Ivo's  narrative  seems  to  be  not  altogether  consistent,  but  it  is  in  itself 
highly  probable  that  while  encamped  in  Hungary  the  Mongols  made  some 
raids  upon  the  eastern  marches  of  Austria.  It  is  more  certain  that 
during  the  pursuit  of  Bela,  Subutai  with  another  Mongol  army  made  a 
terrible  invasion  of  Southern  Hungary,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Danube, 
and  Transylvania.  These  proceedings  were  described  by  an  eye-witness, 
Roger,  a  canon  of  Varadin,  in  a  work  styled  miserabile  carmen.  At  the 
sack  of  Varadin  he  took  shelter  in  the  woods,  where  he  lived  for  a  while 
a  miserable  fugitive,  furtively  returning  at  night  to  some  ruined  village 

•Wolff,  363.       t  Wolff,  a59-a6a.       J  Von  Hammer,  op.  cit,  la;,  ia8.    Wolff,  341-348. 

OGOTAI   KHAN.  1 53 

to  search  among  the  corpses  for  food.  When  the  Mongols  offered  to 
spare  the  lives  of  those  who  returned  to  their  own  villages,  he  preferred 
to  go  to  their  camp,  where  he  entered  the  service  of  a  Hun- 
garian who  had  joined  the  invaders,  and  half  naked  he  tended  his 
equipage.  Here  he  was  in  constant  fear  of  death,  and  noticed  how  the 
Mongols  preserved  the  houses  and  bams,  the  wheat  and  straw,  and  even 
the  fanners  when  they  intended  to  winter,  and  how  they  destroyed  every- 
thing as  soon  as  they  left.  They  seem  to  have  utterly  wasted  a  large  part 
of  the  country,  and  to  have  slaughtered  its  inhabitants  without  mercy. 
They  now  received  orders  to  march  homewards.  Roger  tells  us  that 
they  traversed  the  forests  to  spy  out  and  destroy  everything  that  had 
escaped  their  first  invasion,  the  captives  were  fed  on  the  entrails,  the 
feet,  and  heads  of  the  cattle,  which  served  for  food  to  the  Tartars.  At 
length,  hearing  from  the  interpreters  that  after  their  retreat  from  Hungary 
they  proposed  to  make  a  general  massacre,  Roger  and  his  servant 
escaped  and  hid  in  a  hole  in  the  forest  for  two  days,  and  then  returned 
over  the  desolate  country  feeding  on  roots  and  herbs.  After  eight  days 
they  arrived  at  Alba  (probably  Alba  Julia),  where  they  found  only  human 
bones,  and  the  walls  of  churches  and  palaces  red  with  blood.  The  cause 
of  the  Mongol  retreat  was  the  death  of  Ogotai,  which  occurred  on  the 
nth  of  December,  1241.  On  hearing  of  this,  Batu  collected  his  various 
contingents  together,  and  prepared  to  return  towards  the  Volga.  Before 
returning,  the  Mongols  published  in  their  camp  a  decree  that  all  strangers, 
whether  free  or  captive,  were  at  liberty  to  return  home.  A  crowd  of 
Hungarians  and  slaves  accordingly  left  the  camp  on  a  fixed  day,  but 
whether  from  some  caprice  or  as  a  part  of  their  general  policy,  they  were 
pursued  and  cut  to  pieces.* 

Bela  did  not  return  to  Hungary  until  he  was  well  assured  of  the  definite 
retreat  of  the  Mongols.  He  found  his  country  a  desert,  in  which  famine 
was  completing  the  work  of  the  sword. 

The  battle  of  Lignitz,  and  the  subsequent  barbarities  of  the  victors 
filled  the  empire  with  terror,  and  a  crusade  was  preached  against  them, 
to  which  all  were  asked  to  contribute.  Pope  Gregory  the  Ninth  issued 
letters  to  the  faithful  couched  in  the  language  of  grief  and  terror :  "  Many 
things,"  he  says,  "the  sad  state  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  the  deplorable 
condition  of  the  Roman  empire,  occupy  our  attention ;  but  we  will  not 
name  them,  we  will  forget  them  in  the  presence  of  the  ills  caused  by  the 
Tartars.  The  notion  that  they  will  eradicate  the  name  of  Christian 
shatters  all  our  bones,  dries  up  our  marrow,  &c.,  ....  we  know  not 
which  way  to  turn.'* 

The  terrible  apparition  of  the  savage  hordes  gave  rise  to  many  hyper- 
bolic descriptions.  Vincent  6f  Beauvais  tells  us  "that  before  Batu  invaded 
Hungary  he  sacrificed  to  the  demons,  one  of  whom  who  lived  in  an  idol 

*  D'Oliuoo,  ii.  159. 


addressed  him  and  bade  him  march  on  hopefully ;  that  he  would  send 
three  spirits  before  him,  before  whom  his  enemies  should  not  be  able  to 
stand;"  and  that  this  came  to  pass,  the  three  spirits  being  the  spirit  of 
discord,  the  spirit  of  mistrust,  and  the  spirit  of  fear.  •  Ivo  of  Narbonne 
has  a  marvellous  account :  he  tells  us,  inter  aliUy  that  the  Mongol  princes 
who  had  dogs'  heads  ate  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  leaving  only  the  bones  for 
the  vultures,  which  foul  birds,  however,  despised  and  rejected  these 
remnants.  The  old  and  ugly  women  were  divided  into  daily  portions 
among  the  conmion  folk ;  the  pretty  young  women  having  been  ravished, 
had  their  breasts  torn  open,  and  were  reserved  as  titbits  for  the 
grandees,  t 

These  hyperbolic  phrases  of  the  European  chroniclers  may  be  matched 
by  those  of  the  Persians.  In  enumerating  the  various  qualities  of  the 
Mongols,  we  are  told  by  Vassaf  that  they  had  the  courage  of  lions,  the 
endurance  of  dogs,  the  prudence  of  cranes,  the  cunning  of  foxes,  the  far- 
sightedness of  ravens,  the  rapacity  of  wolves,  the  keenness  for  fighting  of 
cocks,  the  tenderness  for  their  offspring  of  hens,  the  wiliness  of  cats  in 
approaching,  and  the  impetuosity  of  boars  in  overthrowing  their  prey ; } 
or  as  Von  Hanuner  says,  we  may  enumerate  their  virtues  in  condensing 
the  various  qualities  of  the  twelve  animals  that  made  up  their  Zodiac  : — 
Thievish  as  mice,  strong  as  oxen,  fierce  as  panthers,  cautious  as  hares, 
artful  as  serpents,  frightful  as  dragons,  mettlesome  as  horses,  obedient  as 
sheepi  loving  of  their  offspring  as  apes,  domestic  as  hens,  faithful  as 
dogs,  and  unclean  as  swine.  §  Gibbon  tells  us  how  the  dread  of  their 
invasion  spread  to  the  further  comers  of  Europe,  and  how  through 
fear  of  them  the  fishermen  of  Gothia  {i.e.,  of  Sweden)  and  of 
Frisia,  in  1238,  failed  to  attend  the  herring  fishery  on  the  English 
coast,  and  how  in  consequence  the  price  of  herrings  was  largely 
augmented.  | 

Europe  was  then  so  divided,  the  great  feud  between  the  Emperor 
Frederick  the  Second  and  the  Popes  being  one  chief  cause  of  it,  and  the 
extreme  development  of  feudal  notions  being  another,  that,  as  D'Ohsson 
says,  it  is  probable  that  it  only  escaped  the  fate  of  Hungary  by  the  oppor- 
tune death  of  the  Khakan  Ogotai.  The  severe  discipline  of  the  Mongols 
proved  more  than  a  match  for  the  personal  bravery  of  a  few  knights, 
hampered,  if  protected,  by  heavy  armour,  and  an  undisciplined  crowd  of 
peasants,  their  retainers.  To  their  discipline  they  also  added  other 
soldierly  virtues,  fertihty  of  invention,  and  very  able  strategy  and  tactics. 
In  fact,  if  we  only  consider  that  the  Mongols  came  from  an  obscure 
comer  of  Asia,  had  neither  maps  of  the  country,  nor  even  any  definite 
means  of  learning  its  topography ;  that  they  were  complete  strangers  not 

•  WolflF,  287.  t  Wolflf,  344-  I  WoIfiF,  i  j6.  ^  Von  Hammer,  Ilkhant»  44. 

I  Gibbon,  viii.  15.    Note. 


only  to  Europe,  but  also  to  western  modes  of  thought,  &c. ;  that  they  did 
not  prepare  themselves  for  a  campaign  by  a  long  series  of  experiments, 
but  riished  over  a  country  like  an  avalanche ;  that  their  commissariat  and 
transport  was  adapted  to  the  steppes  and  deserts  of  Asia  and  not  to  the 
very  different  state  of  things  in  Europe ;  we  must  consider  it  as  little 
short  of  miraculous,  not  only  that  they  should  have  been  so  successful, 
but  also  that  their  strategic  plans  should  have  been  so  scientifically  laid. 
No  doubt  their  terrible  system  of  wholesale  slaughter  and  cruelty  cowed 
and  unnerved  their  opponents ;  no  doubt,  also,  they  were  served  by 
Comans,  Russians,  &c.,  some  of  those  vagabond  and  mercenary  spirits 
ready  enough  to  act  as  guides  and  pioneers  to  any  invader  who  promises 
plunder.  But  granting  this,  we  shall  still  not  cease  to  wonder  at  the 
exploit,  and  to  compare  it  as  a  military  achievement .  with  any  in  the 
world's  history. 

While  Batu  was  absent  in  Hungary,  the  Kipchaks  attacked  the  Mongol 
reserves  on  the  Volga,  commanded  by  Sinkur,  his  ninth  brother,  but 
were  defeated.  An  army  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives  under  Ilmika. 
This  advanced  into  Daghestan  beyond  Derbend,  and  even  into  Shirvan.* 
Sinkur  himself  made  a  campaign  on  the  Kama  against  the  Bulgarians  and 
their  neighbours.  It  was  probably  to  this  occasion  that  we  must  refer  the 
statement  of  Torfaeus,  who  tells  us  that  during  the  reign  of  Hakon  the 
Second  of  Norway  (12 17-1263),  there  arrived  in  the  country  many 
Permian  fugitives  who  had  emigrated  to  escape  the  cruelty  of  the  Tartars. 
These  fugitives  were  settled  about  the  Malanger  Gulf,  t  Wolff  says  that 
the  Mongol  arms  reached  to  the  Upper  Kama  and  the  Wytshegda,  and 
as  far  as  Petschova.  |  Raschid  mentions  a  campaign  undertaken  by  the 
Mongol  princes  against  the  land  of  Uriungkut  Badadj.  §  Von  Hanmier 
has  identified  this  with  the  land  of  the  Eastern  Urianguts,  or 
Soyol ;  I  but  this  seems  to  me  to  be  altogether  wrong,  and  Raschid's 
reference  is  probably  to  the  Samoyedic  and  Finnic  tribes  of  Permia  or 

Having  traced  out  the  progress  of  the  three  military  escpeditions 
authorised  by  the  Kuriltai  of  1235,  we  will  return  once  more  to  Ogotai, 
He  proceeded  to  build  himself  a  palace,  called  the  Ordu  Balik,  or  the  city 
of  the  Ordu,  at  Karakorum,  where  he  had  fixed  his  court.  The  position 
of  the  celebrated  city  has  been  much  debated  and  was  discussed 
at  great  length  by  Abel  R^musat.  «f  It  is  generally  agreed  that 
it  was  situated  near  the  river  Orkhon,  or  Orgon.  Gaubil,  from  data 
furnished  by  the  Chinese  astronomer  Ko-cheou-king,  who  lived  in  the 
reig^  of  Kubilai  Khan,  places  it  in  42.21  N.L.  and  103.40  E.L.  of  the 
meridian  of  Paris.    R^musat  argues  that  the  calculation  is  wrong,  and 

*  Wolff,  382.    D*Obsson,  ii.  629.  t  D'Ohsson,  ii.  186.  I  Op.  cit.,  383. 

f  D*Ohssoa,  ii.  629.  B  Von  Hammer's  Golden  Horde,  129.    Wolff,  383. 

H  If  emoiret  tur  plnsieiin  qvettions  relatiTea  a  U  Geograpbie  de  I'Aaia  Centrale.    Paris,  1823, 


Ikho,  and  Bin  chau  and  Lai  chau  to  Adjitai.     The  Prince  Kutan,  Cheku 
(a  relative  of  Ogotai's),  the  Princesses  Alikha  and  Gatchin,  the^Princes 
Chalakhu,  Jagatai  Tankin,  Mongu,  and  Khantcha,  and  the  Noyans  Angui 
Tsing,  and  Khoss  kissu  received  lands  in  the  department  of  Tung  ping 
fu,  in  Shantung.* 

The  princes  of  the  blood  had  been  wont  to  seize  upon  as  many  post 
horses  as  they  needed,  and  to  make  requisition  at  their  will  for  other 
articles.  In  1237  Yeliu  Chutsai  fixed  the  number  of  horses  a  person  of 
each  rank  was  entitled  to,  and  prescribed  the  use  of  passports  or  warrants, 
which  were  to  be  presented  when  any  demand  was  made.  He  also 
renewed  the  old  examinations  in  the  various  towns,  and  made  proficiency 
in  them  the  test  of  capacity  for  public  appointments.  Death  was  the 
penalty  awarded  to  those  who  prevented  their  slaves  from  attending.  He 
also  founded  two  colleges,  one  at  Yanking,  the  other  at  Pin  Yang,  in 
Shansi,  where  the  Mongol  youth  were  taught  history,  geography,  arith- 
metic, and  astronomy.t  Such  was  the  reform  instituted  in  the  empire  by 
the  Imperial  Chancellor.     Let  us  now  turn  to  his  master. 

Ogotai,  the  powerful  over-lord  of  the  vast  empire,  gave  himself  up  to 
luxury  and  excessive  drinking.  He  only  lived  for  one  month  in  the 
spring  at  Karakorum,  the  rest  of  this  season  he  spent  at  a  place  called 
Kertchagan,  a  day's  journey  thence,  where  his  Persian  architects  had  built 
a  palace  to  rival  that  built  for  him  at  Karakorum  by  the  Chinese.  The 
summer  he  passed  at  a  place  called  Ormektua.  There  is  a  mountain 
and  station  called  Urmukhtui  near  the  river  Shara,  a  tributary  of  the 
Orgon,  twenty-two  leagues  south  of  Kiakhta,  on  the  way  to  Urga.J 
There  Ogotai  lived  under  a  Chinese  pavilion  made  of  white  felt  lined 
with  gold  embroidered  silken  tissue;  this  tent,  which  would  hold  1,000 
people,  was  known  as  the  Sira  Ordu.  In  autumn  he  spent  a  month 
near  the  lake  Keuke.§  The  winter,  the  great  hunting  season,  he  passed 
at  Ongki,  where  he  had  enclosed  a  space  two  leagues  in  circumference, 
with  a  ramp  of  earth  and  stakes.  Into  this  the  game  was  driven.  Ogotai 
was  an  habitual  drunkard.  In  vain  his  brother  Jagatai  and  his  minister 
Yeliu  Chutsai  counselled  him  of  the  danger  he  ran,  the  latter  showing  him 
a  piece  of  iron  corroded  with  wine  as  a  warning  of  its  effects  on  the 
stomach.  In  March,  1241,  he  fell  ill,  and  on  his  partial  recovery  he 
granted  a  general  anmesty  to  all  prisoners  and  exiles,  but  his  malady 
returned,  and  he  at  length  died  on  the  nth  of  December,  I24i,atthe 
age  of  fifty-six,  and  was  buried  in  the  valley  of  Kinien||  (/.^.,  another  name 
for  the  Imperial  cemetery,  whose  site  we  have  already  described  sub  voce, 
Jingis  Khan).  He  was  a  benevolent  and  very  generous  prince.  "  Every- 
body is  a  traveller  here,  it  is  well  therefore  to  perpetuate  oneself  in  the 
memory  of  men."    "  Money  cannot  stave  off  death,  and,  as  we  cannot 

*D*Oh88on,ii.70.  Note.  t  D'Ohston,  ii.  72.  X  D'Ohsson,  ii.  84.    Note. 

f  Von  Hammer't  II  Khans,  z.  55.   Note.  |  D'Ohitop,  ii.  87. 

OGOTAI  KHAN.  1 59 

return  from  the  other  world,  we  ought  to  deposit  our  treasures  in  the 
hearts  of  our  people,"  were  among  his  favourite  mottoes.  But,  like  all  rich 
heirs,  his  generosity  was  apt  to  be  prodigal.  When  Karakorum  was 
being  built  he  entered  his  treasury  one  day  and  found  it  full  of  money. 
"  What  use  is  this  money  to  me,"  he  said,  "  it  only  costs  me  pain  to 
guard  it,"  and  he  ordered  all  who  wanted  balishs  (/>.,  silver  coin)  to  come 
and  help  themselves.  He  always  paid  exorbitantly  for  what  he  bought, 
on  principle,  because  he  wished  to  encourage  merchants  to  come  to  him, 
and  bought  the  whole  of  a  merchant's  stock  to  distribute  it  in  largess.  In 
a  freak  of  generosity  he  gave  a  beggar  from  Baghdad  a  thousand  balishs^ 
furnished  him  with  horses  to  carry  his  coin,  and  also  with  an  escort  to 
protect  him  on  his  long  journey  home;  the  old  man  died  on  the  way,  and 
the  Khakan  ordered  the  money  to  be  forwarded  for  his  daughters.* 

One  day  when  hunting,  a  poor  man  gave  him  three  melons,  having  no 
money  by  him  he  told  his  wife  Monga  to  give  him  two  great  pearls  that  hung 
from  her  ears,  and  when  she  said  he  did  not  know  their  value,  and  that  he 
had  better  return  the  following  day,  the  Khakan  said,  **  Can  a  poor  man 
wait  till  to-morrow  ?"  and  ordered  the  pearls  to  be  given  him  at  once ; 
they  were  immediately  sold  for  very  little,  and  the  purchaser,  who  did 
not  know  their  history,  presented  them  to  the  Khakan  as  an  act  of 
homage,  by  whom  they  were  returned  to  Monga.  When  an  envoy  from 
Fars  brought  him  a  present  of  two  vases  full  of  pearls,  Ogotai  produced 
a  chest  full,  and  ordered  them  to  be  served  out  in  wine  glasses  to  the 
guests  at  the  evening  banquet  as  a  present. 

Ogotai  was  also  very  good-natured :  by  the  law  of  Jingis  the  punish- 
ment awarded  to  those  who  bathed  in  running  water  in  the  spring  or 
summer  was  death ;  one  day  returning  from  hunting  with  his  brother 
Jagatai,  they  found  a  poor  Mussulman  bathing ;  Jagatai  would  have  had 
him  killed  immediately,  but  his  brother  secretly  caused  a  silver  coin  to  be 
throvm  into  the  stream,  and  the  Mussulman  was  allowed  to  plead  that  as 
a  poor  man  who  had  lost  his  coin  in  the  stream  grace  might  be  extended 
to  him.    Ogotai  being  privy  of  course  to  the  deception.t 

An  enemy  of  the  Mussulmans  once  came  to  him  and  said  that  Jingis 
had  sent  him  to  tell  him  to  exterminate  the  Mussulmans;  having  thought 
a  minute,  Ogotai  asked  him  if  Jingis  Khan  employed  an  interpreter,  he 
said  "No."  "And  dost  thou  know  Mongol?"  he  said  he  only  knew 
Turk.  "  Thou  art  a  liar  then,  for  Jingis  only  knew  Mongol,"  and  he  had 
him  put  to  death.t 

One  day  some  Chinese  showmen  were  performing  before  him  and 
exhibiting  their  celebrated  shadow  figures,  one  of  these,  a  figure  of  an  old 
man  with  a  white  beard  dragged  by  the  neck  at  the  tail  of  a  horse, 
was  somewhat  exultingly  pointed  out  by  the  conceited  Chinese  as 
showing  how  the  Mussulmans  were  treated  by  the  Mongol  horsemen. 

*  D*01inon«  ii.  90.  t  D'Obnon,  ii.  93*  I  D'Ohtson,  iL  94. 


Ogotai  Stopped  them,  and  having  produced  the  richest  articles  in  his 
treasury  of  Chinese  and  of  Persian  make,  he  showed  them  how  inferior 
the  former  were ;  he  said  that  many  of  his  rich  Mussuhnan  subjects  had 
many  Chinese  slaves,  but  no  Chinaman  had  any  Mussulman  slaves.  You 
know  that  by  the  laws  of  Jingis  a  Mussulman's  life  is  valued  at  forty 
balishs,  while  a  Chinaman's  is  valued  the  same  as  a  donkey ;  how  dare 
you  then  insult  the  Mussulmans. 

Ogotai  was  very  fond  of  wrestling,  and  imported  famous  wrestlers 
from  Persia,  one  of  whom,  Pild,  was  especially  celebrated.  The  Khakan 
gave  him  a  beautiful  girl  for  a  wife,  but  he  would  not  sleep  with  .her ;  and 
on  being  asked  why  by  the  Khakan,  he  replied  that  having  won  such 
great  fame  at  his  court  he  did  not  wish  to  be  beaten,  but  to  retain  his 
strength  and  preserve  the  favour  of  the  Khakan ;  the  latter  replied  that 
he  wished  to  have  more  of  his  race,  and  that  he  would  dispense  with  his 
trials  of  strength  for  the  future.* 

One  anecdote  is  told  which  speaks  of  his  severity.  It  was  reported 
among  the  Uirats  that  the  Khakan  intended  to  marry  their  daughters  to 
men  of  other  tribes,  and  they  immediately  affianced  them.  When  Ogotai 
heard  of  this  he  ordered  all  the  girls  above  seven  years  old  of  that  tribe, 
and  those  who  had  been  married  during  the  year,  to  be  ranged  in  a  row 
to  the  number  of  4,000.  Having  picked  out  the  fairest  for  himself  and 
his  officers,  and  sent  others  to  the  public  brothels,  he  ordered  all  the  rest 
to  be  scrambled  for  by  his  soldiers,  and  this  before  their  fathers, 
husbands,  and  brothers,  and  it  is  said  no  one  murmured.  These 
anecdotes  give  one  a  good  idea  of  some  traits  of  Mongol  life  at  this 
period.  The  chief  wife  of  Ogotai  was  Turakina,  by  whom  he  had  five 
tons,  Kuyuk,  Kutan,  Kutchu,  Karadjar,  and  Kashi ;  his  two  other  sons, 
Kadan  Ogul  and  Melik,  were  by  concubines.t 

Whether  we  rank  him  as  a  most  fortunate  conqueror,  as  a  mighty 
potentate  ruling  an  empire  to  which  that  of  Napoleon  or  Alexander  was 
very  small,  or  as  an  administrator  who  managed  to  frame  rules  by  which 
the  vast  mass  was  riveted  together  for  a  long  period,  we  must  concede 
to  Ogotai  the  character  of  one  of  the  greatest  monarchs  the  world  has 
seen.  Nor  does  it  detract  from  his  position  that  most  of  the  work  was 
done  for  him  by  other  hands,  it  is  in  the  choice  of  fit  servants  that  the 
masters  of  large  empires  oftenest  fail.  The  great  name  of  Jingis  has  at 
least  in  EngUsh  literature  almost  eclipsed  that  of  his  son,  nor  can  this 
be  other  than  a  very  modest  attempt  to  draw  more  attention  to  him. 


Ogotai  had  named  his  third  son  Kutchu  as  his  successor,  but  he 
had  died  in  1236  in  China.  He  next  named  his  grandson  Shiramun, 
the  son  of  Kutchu ;   but  Ogotai's  widow,  the  Empress  Turakina,  wished 

*  D'Ohsson,  ii.  96.  t  D'OhMon,  ii.  99. 

KUVUK  KHAN.  l6l 

the  honour  for  Kuyuk,  her  eldest  son,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in 
the  campaign  against  the  Kins  and  also  under  Batu,  and  who,  according 
to  the  usual  Mongol  rule  of  succession,  was  the  next  heir.  He  had  in 
1241  received  orders  to  return  to  Tartary,  and  heard  of  his  father's  death 
en  route.  Turakina  now  issued  a  summons  to  the  different  princes  of 
the  house  to  come  to  a  Kuriltai  for  the  election  of  a  successor.  Jagatai 
and  those  princes  who  were  at  hand  appointed  Turakina  regent  during 
the  interregnum.  This  appointment  was  the  beginning  of  long  troubles 
to  the  Mongol  dynasty.  The  regent  commenced  by  displacing  Chinkai, 
who  had  been  Imperial  Chancellor,  and  one  of  whose  duties  it  was  to  take 
down  daily  the  sayings  of  the  Emperor.  Her  next  act  was  more  im- 
portant. A  Muhammedan  merchant  named  Abd-ur-Rahman  had  gained 
her  entire  confidence.  The  taxes  imposed  upon  China  had  been  calcu- 
lated and  levied  by  the  celebrated  Yeliu  Chutsai,  and  on  the  final  con- 
quest of  the  Kins  had  been  fixed  at  1,100,000  ounces  of  silver  annually. 
Abd-ur-Rahman  offered  2,200,000  to  be  allowed  to  feirm  them,  and  not- 
withstanding the  opposition  of  Yeliu  Chutsai,  he  was  appointed  head  of 
the  Imperial  finances.  Yeliu  Chutsai  died  of  grief  at  the  prospect  of 
seeing  the  fruits  of  his  labours,  for  the  improved  condition  of  his  country, 
thus  sacrificed.  This  was  in  June,  1244,  when  he  was  fifty-five  years  old. 
It  was  suggested  that  one  who  had  been  so  long  Finance  Minister  must 
have  accumulated  a  large  fortune.  They  accordingly  searched  his  house, 
but  only  found  there  books,  maps,  medals,  stones  with  ancient  inscrip- 
tions, and  instruments  of  music,  the  surroundings  in  fact  of  a  student.  One 
of  Ogotai's  successors  gave  him  the  posthimious  title  of  King  of  Kuana 
hing,  and  the  style  Yen  tcheng.*  His  tomb  still  remains  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  Wan  Shen,  three  leagues  and  a  half  from  Peking.  In  1757 
the  Government  built  a  new  temple  on  the  spot,  and  also  a  monument 
with  an  inscription,  the  old  one  being  decayed.  In  it  are  statues  of 
himself  and  his  wife.  His,  like  that  of  Moses  by  Michael  Angelo,  has  a 
majestic  beard  reaching  to  his  knees.t 

The  empire  soon  after  lost  a  very  valuable  servant  in  Massudbey,  the 
governor  of  Turkestan  and  Transoxiana,  which,  though  nominally 
attached  to  the  Khanate  of  Jagatai,  now  that  there  was  a  minor  on  the 
throne  of  that  Khanate,  were  more  immediately  under  the  Imperial 
control.  Massud  had  been  a  capital  administrator  and  had  restored  pros^ 
perity  to  those  provinces  so  much  ravaged  by  Jingis.  He  did  not  trust 
the  new  regime,  and  deemed  it  prudent  to  fly ;  he  escaped  to  Batu  Khan. 
The  Regent  also  sent  one  of  her  favourites  called  Argun  into  Persia  to 
replace  Kurguz,  its  governor,  who  had  long  been  obnoxious  to  her;  he  wa^ 
imprisoned  and  Aigun  placed  in  his  office.  We  are  told  that  Turakina 
was  entirely  guided  by  the  advice  of  one  of  her  females,  Fatima,  a  Persian 
who  had  been  captured  at  the  sack  of  Thus. 

•  D'OiMOB,  it.  Z9S.  tD*OhMon,op.cit.,Z9S-    Note. 


Temugu  Utsuken,  the  youngest  brother  of  Jingls,  as  the  last  survivor 
of  his  generation,  had  some  claims  to  the  throne.  He  seems  to  have 
made  a  feeble  effort  to  obtain  it,  but  was  apparently  so  little  encouraged 
that  he  converted  his  journey  in  search  of  a  throne  into  one  of  con- 

The  general  Kuriltai  had  been  summoned  to  meet  at  the  place  near 
lake  Keukee,  where  Ogotai  generally  spent  the  summer.  Its  meeting 
was  delayed  until  the  spring  of  1246  by  the  tardy  march  of  Batu  Khan, 
who  was  now  the  most  important  prince  among  the  Mongols.  He  pre- 
tended that  his  horses'  feet  were  bad^  but  his  real  reason  was  his  hatred 
foi^  the  Regent  and  her  son  Kuyuk.  After  all  he  did  not  attend  the  Diet, 
which  was  held  without  him.  We  are  told  that  the  different  routes  that 
converged  from- all  parts  of  Asia  upon  Sira  Ordu,  where  the  Kuriltai  was 
held,  were  crowded  with  travellers  ;  there  came  Utsuken,  the  brother  of 
Jingis,  with  his  forty-eight  sons  ;  the  widow  of  Tului  and  her  sons ;  the 
various  descendants  of  Ogotai,  Juji,  and  Jagatai ;  the  miHtary  and  civil 
governors  of  the  Mongol  possessions  in  China ;  Argun  and  Massud,  the 
governors  of  Persia  and  Turkestan  and  Transoxiana ;  Rokn-ud-din,  the 
Seljuk  Sultan  of  Rum  ;  Yaroslaf,  Grand  Duke  of  Russia ;  two  rivals  for 
the  crown  of  Georgia,  both  called  David ;  the  brother  of  the  Sultan  of 
Aleppo;  the  ambassadors  of  the  Khalif  of  Baghdad,  of  the  Ismailyen  Prince 
of  Alamut,  of  the  Princes  of  Mosul,  Fars  and  Kerman,  and  Sempad) 
brother  of  Haithon,  King  of  Cilicia,  each  bearing  magnificent  presents. 
**  Among  the  great  magnates  two  obscure  monks  were  conspicuous  by 
their  humble  dress  and  the  greatness  of  their  mission ;  **  diey  came  fix>m 
the  Pope  and  the  council  of  Lyons  to  convert  the  Mongols,  one  of  the 
two  was  Du  Piano  Carpino,  who  has  described  for  us  the  ceremonies  of 

Two  thousand  white  tents  were  erected  for  the  grandees,  who  were  so 
numerous  that  they  had  barely  opportunity  to  bow  their  heads  and  pass 
on.  A  vast  multitude  of  the  commonalty  were  camped  outside  them. 
The  princes  of  the  blood  and  great  generals  met  in  a  large  tent  which 
would  hold  2,000  people,  surrounded  at  some  distance  by  a  balustrade 
covered  with  pictures.  The  tent  had  two  entrances,  one  for  the  Emperor 
was  unguarded,  no  one  would  have  the  audacity  to  attempt  an  entrance 
there;  the  other  was  guarded  by  soldiers  with  bows  and  swords.  Each 
morning  the  assembly  spent  in  discussing  the  business  of  the  meeting;  the 
afternoons  were  consumed  in  drinking  kumis.  Each  day  the  members  were 
dressed  in  a  different  colour.  The  first  day  in  white,  the  second  in  red, 
the  third  in  purple,  and  the  fourth  in  scarlet.  Some  of  the  grandees  were 
mounted  on  horses  whose  harness  cost  more  than  twenty  silver  marks. 

Before  his  election  Kuyuk  was  treated  with  great  deference;*  when  he 
went  abroad  they  sang  songs  in  his  praise  and  bent  towards  him  wands 

^  Cupino  qnoted  bjr  De  Mailla,  ix.  243. 

KUYUK  KHAN.  163 

tenniiuited  by  bunches  of  scarlet  wool  When  the  time  of  election  came 
the  R^ent  and  the  members  of  the  assembly  repaired  to  a  tent  two  or 
three  leagues  away  from  the  Sira  Ordu,  called  the  golden  tent,  becaiise 
its  pillars  were  covered  with  plates  of  gold  fastened  with  golden  studs,  car- 
peted with  scarlet,  and  covered  with  drapery,  and  debated  about  the 
choice  of  an  Emperor.  Shiramun  was  the  late  Emperor's  choice,  but 
the  Regent  pointed  out  that  he  was  still  a  minor,  and  persuaded  them  to 
elect  Kuyuk.  He  coyly  refused  the  honour  for  a  while,  according  to  the 
usual  custom,  and  at  length  accepted  it  as  Ogotai  had  done,  on  condition 
that  they  swore  to  maintain  it  in  his  family.  According  to  Simon  de  St 
Quentm  and  the  Armenian  Haiton,  the  grandees  of  the  court  placed 
him  and  his  wife  on  a  piece  of  square  black  felt,  and  having  raised  him 
aloft  proclaimed  him  Khakan ;  this  is  evidently  a  very  ancient  and  wide^ 
spread  custom/  The  members  of  the  assembly  did  homage  by  pros- 
trating themselves  nine  times,  and  the  vast  multitude  outside  at  the  same 
time  bent  their  foreheads  to  the  ground.  Kuyuk  with  his  followers  then 
left  the  tent  and  did  obeisance  three  times  to  the  sun.  The  ceremony 
concluded  with  a  feast,  during  which  the  newly-elected  Khakan  was 
seated  on  a  throne  with  the  princes  on  his  right  and  the  princesses  on  his 
left.  The  repast  lasted  until  midnight,  and  the  hall  resounded  with  music 
and  martial  songs.  The  banquet  was  renewed  for  seven  days,  and  then  a 
general  largess  was  distributed,  each  one  receiving  a  present  according 
to  his  rank.  Kuyuk  wished  to  surpass  the  liberality  of  his  father.  We 
are  told  that  he  bought  merchandise  to  the  value  of  70,000  balishes,  and 
paid  for  it  with  drafts  upon  the  conquered  countries.  It  was  lavishly 
distributed  among  the  crowd;  even  the  children  and  servants  received 
presents.  A  second  distribution  was  made,  which  did  not  exhaust  the 
vast  stores,  and  Kuyuk  ended  by  ordering  the  remains  to  be  given  up  to 
pillage.t  Carpino  says  that  there  were  placed  on  a  hill,  not  far  from  the 
Imperial  residence,  more  than  500  chariots  filled  with  gold,  silver,  and 
silken  robes,  which  were  all  distributed. 

The  first  business  gone  into  by  Kuyuk  was  an  inquiry  into  the  conduct 
of  his  great  uncle  Utsuken,  who,  as  I  said,  had  some  pretensions  to  the 
throne.  Mangu,  son  of  Tului,  and  Orda,  son  of  Juji,  were  appointed  to 
investigate  the  matter,  and  it  led  to  several  of  Utsuken's  officers  being 

The  election  took  place  in  August,  1246.  Immediately  afterwards  the 
Kuriltai  busied  itself  with  repairing  many  of  the  breaches  of  government 
which  had  occurred  during  the  regency.  The  Khakan  severely  repri- 
manded the  members  of  the  Imperial  family  who  had  abused  their  power, 
and  given  indiscriminately  to  some,  exemption  from  taxes,  to  others,  the 
right  to  levy  them.    The  family  of  Tului  was  excepted  from  this  censure, 

*  Compare  the  acconnts  of  the  election  of  Attila  and  of  the  kin^  of  Hungary, 
t  D'OhMon,  ii.  197-203.  |  D'Ohsson,  ii.  203. 


and  received  a  special  eulogium.  He  then  invested  Yissu  Manga,  son  of 
Jagatai,  with  his  father's  Khanate,  contrary  to  the  directions  of  Jagatai 
himself,  who  had  left  it  to  his  grandson  Kara  Hulagu.  Kuyuk  in  altering 
the  disposition  said  it  was  strange  the  grandson  should  be  preferred  to 
the  son.*  In  1247  he  sent  an  army  to  Corea,  whose  King  had  refused 
to  pay  tribute;  another  army,  under  Subutai  and  Chagan,  was  sent 
against  the  Sung  empire  in  China ;  a  third,  commanded  by  Iltchikadai, 
was  sent  into  Persia.  To  raise  it  each  of  the  princes  of  the  blood 
had  to  furnish  two  men  out  of  every  ten,  and  Iltchikadai  was 
ordered  to  raise  a  similar  proportion  in  Persia  itself;  the  king- 
doms of  Georgia  and  Rum,  and  the  principalities  of  Mosul, 
Diarbekir,  and  Aleppo  were  placed  under  his  exclusive  jurisdic- 
tion, with  the  sole  right  of  levying  taxes  there.  Argun  retained  the 
government  of  Persia,  and  Massud  that  of  Turkestan  and  Transoxiana, 
and  each  of  them  had  his  diploma  sealed  with  the  lion,  as  had  also  the 
various  petty  princes  who  acknowledged  the  Mongol  supremacy  and 
retained  their  independence.  Abd-ur- Rahman  was  put  to  death ; 
and  the  chancellary  was  apparently  divided  between  Chinkai  and 

Izz-ud-din  Ki-kavuss,  the  Seljuk  Sultan  of  Rum  or  Iconium,  was 
deposed  and  replaced  by  his  brother  Rokn-ud-din  Kilidjarslan.  Georgia 
was  divided  between  the  two  competitors  who  had  come  to  the 

The  ambassadors  of  the  Khalif  and  of  the  chief  of  the  Ismailyens  or 
Assassins  were  sent  home  with  severe  threats  for  their  masters,  against 
whom  many  complaints  were  brought  by  the  Mongol  generals;  the 
Kuriltai  was  then  dissolved,  and  the  several  princes  set  out  to  their 
various  duties.^ 

The  two  Franciscan  missionaries  who  attended  the  Kuriltai  were  John 
de  Piano  Carpinoand  Benedict,  they  had  traversed  Bohemia,  Silesia,  and 
Poland ;  living  on  alms,  they  were  ill  prepared  to  present  themselves  at  a 
court  where  every  one  was  expected  to  bring  a  present.  The  Polish 
Duke  Conrad  and  his  courtiers  supplied  them  with  rich  furs  as  offerings, 
they  then  proceeded  to  Kief,  and  in  six  days  arrived  at  the  Mongol  out- 
posts on  the  Dnieper ;  the  Mongol  general  sent  them  on  to  the  court  of 
Batu,  and  he  forwarded  them  on  again ;  they  arrived  at  the  Grand  Ordu 
on  the  22nd  of  July,  1246,  five  months  after  leaving  the  Mongol  outposts 
on  the  Dnieper.  They  were  admitted  to  an  audience  some  days  after 
Kuyuk's  election  with  a  party  of  other  ambassadors,  whose  names  were 
announced  in  a  loud  voice  by  the  Chancellor  Chinkai.  They  made  the 
usual  obeisance  before  entering,  were  searched  to  see  they  had  no 
weapons,  and  instructed  on  no  account  to  tread  on  the  wooden  threshold 
of  the  tent.    The  papal  letters  were  then  read ;  one  of  them  exhorted  the 

*  P'Ohnon,  ii.  904,  t  Von  Hammer,  Ilkhani,  i.  58.  I  D'Ohsion,  ii.  207. 

KUYUK  KHAN.  165 

Mongol  chief  to  become  a  Christian,  the  other  rated  the  nation  severely 
for  its  cruelties  to  its  enemies,  and  implored  the  Khakan  not  to  molest 
the  Christians  any  more.  The  Khakan  dictated  an  answer,  which  was 
sealed  with  his  seal  and  translated  into  Arabic.  If  we  are  to  credit 
the  version  of  it  conveyed  in  a  letter  which  the  King  of  Cyprus  received 
from  the  constable  of  Armenia  and  forwarded  to  Louis  the  Ninth,  it  was 
not  very  conciliatory  :  "  God  has  conmianded  my  ancestors  and  myself 
to  send  our  people  to  exterminate  the  wicked  nations.  You  ask  if  I  am  a 
Christian;  God  knows,  and  if  the  Pope  wishes  to  know  also,  he  had 
better  come  and  see."  * 

Turakina  died  two  months  after  her  son's  election;  her  death  was 
followed  by  that  of  her  favourite,  Fatima ;  who  was  accused  by  one  Shir6 
of  having  by  her  sorceries  caused  Kutan,  the  Khakan's  brother,  to  be  ill. 
He  himself  sent  to  his  brother  to  complain  of  her  baneful  influence,  and 
when  he  shortly  after  died,  Chinkai  reminded  Kuyuk  of  his  brother's 
message.  She  was  ordered  to  be  tried,  and  having  confessed  under  the 
pressure  of  the  bastinado,  her  eyes,  mouth,  &c.,  were  sewn  up ;  she  was 
wrapped  in  a  felt  and  thrown  into  the  river.  Her  friends  were  also 
punished  with  death.  It  is  strange  that  shortly  after,  her  accuser,  Shir^, 
was  himself  accused  of  having  bewitched  Kuyuk's  son  Khodja  Ogul,  and 
was  put  to  death  with  his  wives  and  children.t 

Ssanang  Setzen  has  a  curious  tale  about  a  Kutan,  or  Godan  as  he  calls 
him.  He  makes  him  succeed  Kuyuk  and  reign  until  1251;^  but  it  is  very 
clear  that  he  has  mixed  up  Kutan,  the  brother  of  Kuyuk,  with  Kutan  or 
Godan,  the  brother  of  Khubilai.  The  latter  was  a  very  influential  person, 
as  I  shall  show  later,  in  introducing  Lamaism  among  the  Mongols ;  and 
the  story  told  by  Ssanang  Setzen  of  his  intercourse  with  the  Grand  Lama 
is  in  accordance  with  what  we  know  elsewhere  of  him.  It  is  quite  clear 
that  Kuyuk  was  succeeded  by  his  cousin  Mangu,  as  Grand  Khan,  and 
that  his  brother  Kutan  died  before  him. 

In  the  spring  of  1248  Kuyuk  set  out  for  the  banks  of  the  Imil,  his  own 
special  uluss,  where  he  distributed  largess  widely.  The  widow  of  Tului 
suspected  that  the  object  of  his  march  was  an  attack  upon  Batu,  and  put 
him  on  his  guard,  but  Kuyuk  died  suddenly  at  seven  days'  journey  from 
Bish  Balig,  the  capital  of  Uiguria,  aged  forty-three.  He  was  a  great 
victim  to  gout,  the  result  of  drinking  and  dissipation.  He  abandoned  the 
conduct  of  affairs  entirely  to  his  two  ministers  Kaidak  and  Chinkai,  both 
Christians,!  and  through  their  influence  a  great  number  of  monks  from 
Asia  Minor,  Syria,  Bagdad,  Russia,  and  the  Caucasus  were  attracted  to 
his  court;  his  doctors  also  were  Christians.  Carpino  saw  before  his  tent  a 
Christian  chapel;  Raschid,  on  the  other  hand,  complains  of  the  severities 
exercised  towards  the  Muhanmiedans  during  his  reign.    The  seal  of  Kuyuk 

*  D*OhuoD,  U.  207-3x4.  t  D'Ohtton,  ii.  233,  334*  I  Saanang  Setxen,  zxi. 

§  D'Ohsson,  ii.  234 


bore  these  words :  ^*  God  in  heaven  and  Kuyuk  on  earth,  by  the  power  of 
God  the  ruler  of  all  men/' 

Carpino  describes  Kuyuk  as  of  middle  stature,  grave  and  serious  in 
disposition,  and  as  seldom  laughing.* 

The  names  of  two  of  his  sons  are  recorded,  namely,  Khodja  Ogul  and 
Nagu,  but  neither  of  them  succeeded  him. 

In  the  life  of  Ogotai  I  carried  down  the  Mongol  campaign  in  Persia  to 
the  death  of  the  great  general  Churmagun ;  he  was  replaced  by  Baiju, 
whose  first  campaign  was  against  Ghiath-ud-din  Eei  Khosru,  Sultan  of 
Rum  or  Iconium;  with  him  marched  contingents  of  Armenians 
and  Georgians.  They  attacked  Erzerum,  and  after  two  months' 
si^e,  in  which  the  walls  were  broken  down  by  catapults,  they 
captured  it,  put  all  the  soldiery  to  death,  and  reduced  the  artisans  and 
women  to  captivity.  The  following  year  the  Sultan  of  Iconiimi  advanced 
to  meet  them  with  20,000  men;  with  him  marched  2,000  Frank 
auxiliaries  under  the  "Free  Lance"  John  Liminata  from  Cyprus,  and 
Boniface  de  Castro,  a  Genoese.  A  curious  lesson  for  the  crusades  to 
teach,  that  Christian  soldiers  should  so  early  be  found  doing  the  work  of 
mercenaries  for  the  Moslems.  The  Sultan  advanced  from  Sivas,  and 
encountered  the  Mongols  near  the  mountains  of  Alakuh  or  Kussadag; 
with  the  first  flight  of  Mongol  arrows  his  army  was  seized  with  panic  and- 
fled.  The  Sultan  sent  his  harem  to  Haithon,  the  Armenian  chief  of 
Cilicia,  for  protection,  and  then  abandoned  his  camp  with  the  baggage 
and  treasure.  The  Mongols  at  first  suspected  it  was  a  ruse  to  draw 
them  into  an  ambush,  and  it  was  only  after  waiting  for  a  day  that  they 
advanced  and  pillaged  the  abandoned  camp,  marched  upon  Sivas,  which 
purchased  easy  terms  by  a  prompt  submission;  Tocate  and  Caesarea 
were  successively  sacked.  Baiju  now  agreed  to  make  peace  upon 
the  terms  that  the  Sultan  should  pay  the  Mongols  an  annual 
tribute  of  400,000  dinars,  and  a  certain  number  of  slaves,  horses,  and  other 
valuables.  This  campaign  lasted  two  months.  In  retiring  from  Rum 
the  Mongols  demanded  a  contribution  in  silver  from  the  town  of  Erzenjan, 
which  being  refused,  it  was  taken  by  assault  and  its  inhabitants  murdered* 
This  campaign  took  place  in  June  and  July,  1243.! 

Meanwhile  another  body  of  Mongols  had  made  a  diversion  into  Syria, 
where  they  advanced  as  far  as  Aleppo ;  they  levied  a  contribution  and 
retired.  On  their  return  they  appeared  before  the  town  of  Malattiya,  but 
we  are  told  its  Prefect  having  collected  a  great  quantity  of  money,  of  gold 
and  silver  vases,  having  further  collected  the  reliquaries  of  the  saints  and 
other  precious  objects  preserved  in  the  Jacobite  cathedral,  altogether 
worth  40,000  pieces  of  gold,  delivered  them  all  to  the  Mongols^  who  there- 
upon retired.    Soon  after  this  Bohemund,  Prince  of  Antioch,  and  many 

*  D'Ohsson,  ii.  934. 
t  S«e  Bar  Hebrsm  quoted  by  D*OhsMii,  op.  dt.,  iii.  82.    Von  Hammer't  Ilkhaas,  L  xxz. 

KUYUK  KHAN.  167 

oAcr  Giristian  princes  agreed  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Mongols.  Their 
example  was  followed  by  Haithon  the  First,  the  King  of  Little  Armenia 
or  Cilicia,  with  whom  the  mother,  wife,  and  daughter  of  the  Sultan  of 
Rum  had  taken  refuge ;  the  Mongols  insisted  that  they  should  be  sur- 
rendered, and  Haithon  had  to  comply;  at  the  same  time  he  received 
from  them  a  diploma  {aliamgd)  constituting  him  a  vassal  of  the  Khakan. 
This  was  in  1244.  The  following  year  they  overran  the  country  north  of 
kke  Van,  and  took  the  town  of  Ehelatt,  which  by  order  of  Ogatai 
was  made  over  to  Thamtha,  the  sister  of  Avak,  who  had  married  the 
Prince  Achraf  (?  the  Prince  of  Damas).  They  soon  after  captured  Amid, 
and,  entering  Mesopotamia,  occupied  Roha,  Nisibin,  and  other  towns, 
which  were  deserted  by  the  inhabitants  at  their  approach.  This 
expedition,  according  to  Chamchean,  was  made  in  summer,  and  the 
Mongols  lost  many  of  their  horses  and  were  obliged  to  retire. 

Their  dominion,  however,  constantly  widened,  for  we  find  the  Prince  of 
Mosul  sending  word  to  the  Prince  of  Damascus  that  he  had  concluded  a 
treaty  with  them,  by  which  Syria  became  tributary.  The  same  year,  /.^., 
in  1245,  news  arrived  at  Bagdad  that  the  town  of  Sheherzur,  eight  days' 
journey  to  the  north,  had  been  pillaged  by  them.  In  1246  they  advanced 
as  fer  as  Yakuba,  but  were  there  beaten  by  the  troops  of  the  Khaliph.* 

Ruzutan,  the  Queen  of  Georgia,  had  never  submitted  to  the  Mongols ; 
she  remained  in  her  impregnable  fortress  of  Usaneth,  and  no  cajolery 
could  make  her  come  out.  Baiju  thereupon  determined  to  appoint  a 
fresh  ruler  who  should  be  more  subservient,  and  chose  a  nephew  of  hers, 
a  natural  son  of  her  brother  George  Lacha,  the  late  ruler  of  Georgia ;  he 
sent  an  Armenian  Vahram  to  bring  him  from  Caesarea,  where  he  had  been 
living  for  some  years.  The  greater  part  of  the  Georgian  princes,  and  the, 
Amenian  princes  Avak,  Chabanchah,  and  Alpugh,  acknowledged  him. 
They  conducted  him  to  Metskhitha,  the  ancient  patriarchal  city  of 
Georgia,  where  he  was  crowned.  They  then  marched  to  invest  Usaneth, 
iHiere  the  Queen^  driven  to  bay,  poisoned  herself.  The  Armenian  historian 
I  hare  already  quoted  says  that  she  was  very  beautiful,  and  that  she  had 
received  offers  of  love  fhmi  Batu,  the  Khan  of  Kipchak ;  she  left  her  son 
to  his  protection. 

At  the  inauguration  of  Kuyuk,  the  proteges  of  Batu  and  Baiju  appeared, 
as  I  hare  said,  to  claim  the  throne.  It  was  decided  to  divide  Georgia 
between  them.  To  David,  son  of  Lacha,  was  given  Georgia  proper,  with 
a  certain  authority  over  his  cousin  who  ruled  in  Imeretia,  Mingrelia,  and 
Abkhazia,  the  boundary  between  the  two  being  the  watershed  between 
the  Kur  and  the  Phasis. 

At  iktt  same  Kuriltai,  Sempad,  the  brother  of  Haithon  of  Glicia,  who 
was  sent  to  do  homage,  obtained  the  restitution  of  certain  towns  which 
had  been  taken  from- his  brother  by  the  Sultans  of  Rum.t 

*  irOhMODi  Ui.  89.  t  D*Oliwoii,  op.  cit.,  iii.  91. 


At  the  council  of  Lyons,  in  1245,  it  was  detennined  to  send  some 
missionaries  into  Tartary,  and  accordingly  Innocent  the  Fourth  wrote  to 
the  Prior  of  the  Dominicans  at  Paris  to  tell  him  to  choose  some  suitable 
persons.  There  were  numerous  volunteers,  from  whom  four  were  chosen, 
namely  :  Anselm  of  Lombardy,  Simon  de  St.  Quentin,  Alberic,  and 
Alexander.  They  received  orders  to  go  to  the  first  Mongol  army  they 
should  meet  in  Persia.  *  It  was  in  1 247  that  they  reached  the  camp  of  Baiju, 
which  Simon  says  was  at  a  place  named  Sitiens,  forty-nine  days'  journey 
from  Acre.t  They  were  charged  with  letters  from  the  Pope  to  the 
Khakan,  these  were  not  addressed  specifically  and  merely  to  the  chief  of 
the  Tartars,  which  incensed  the  Mongols  :  "  Does  not  your  master 
know,"  they  said,  "  that  the  Khan  is  the  son  of  God,  that  Baiju  Noyan  is 
his  lieutenant ;  their  names  ought  to  be  known  everywhere."  They  then 
required  the  monks  to  honour  Baiju  with  three  genuflections,  but  supposing 
that  this  would  be  interpreted  into  an  act  of  homage,  they  refused,  saying, 
they  were  prepared  to  pay  him  the  same  honour  they  paid  their  own 
master.  The  retort  was  a  somewhat  protestant  one  :  "  You  who  adore 
wood  and  stone  ought  not  to  refuse  to  adore  Baiju  Noyan,  to  whom  the 
Khakan,  the  son  of  God,  has  ordered  that  the  same  honours  are  to  be 
paid  as  to  himself."  The  whole  account  is  quaint,  it  is  given  at  length 
by  D'Ohsson  in  his  second  volume,  the  Pope's  letters  were  translated  into 
Persian,  and  from  that  language  into  Mongol.  At  length  after  long  delays 
the  monks  were  sent  back  to  the  Pope  with  the  following  answer  :  "  By 
the  order  of  the  divine  Khan ;  Baiju  sends  you  this  reply,  know  O  Pope 
that  your  envoys  have  come  and  brought  your  letters.  They  have  spoken 
in  a  haughty  tone,  we  don't  know  if  you  ordered  them  to  speak  thus. 
Your  letters  contain  among  other  things  the  following  complaint,  *  You 
have  killed  many  people,'  but  see  the  commandment  of  God  and  of  him 
who  is  master  of  all  the  earth.  Whoever  obeys  us  remains  in  possession 
of  his  land,  of  his  water  and  patrimony  ....  but  whoever  resists  us  shall 
be  destroyed.  We  transmit  you  this  order.  Pope,  so  that  if  you  would 
preserve  your  land  and  water  and  patrimony  you  must  come  to  us  in 
person  and  thence  pass  on  to  present  yourself  before  him  who  is  master 
of  all  the  earth.  If  you  don't  obey. . .  .we  don't  know  what  will  happen, 
God  only  knows,"  &c.  With  this  document  was  sent  a  copy  of  the 
instructions  furnished  to  Baiju  of  how  he  was  to  deal  with  those  who 
obeyed  or  disobeyed  the  precepts  contained  in  the  letter,  which  were  those 
of  Jingis  Khan.  This  correspondence  is  a  good  instance  of  the  intoler- 
able arrogance  of  the  Mongob.  The  missionaries,  says  Simon  (one  of 
them),  were  treated  as  dogs  unworthy  of  answer,  the  freedom  of  their 
language  irritated  Baiju  very  much,  and  he  three  times  ordered  their 

Meanwhile  the  Mongols  continued  their  conquests.    In  1252-3  they 

<»  D'Ohuoo,  ii.  208.       tD'01iMon,op.dt,ii.22i.   Note.       I  D'Ohnon,  op.  dt,  U.  ati-asi. 

KUYUK  KHAN.  169 

entered  Mesopotamia,  pillaged  Diarbekr  and  Meyafarkin,  and  advanced 
as  far  as  Rees  ain  and  Surudj,  in  which  expedition  they  killed  more  than 
lOyOOO  men,  and  captured  a  caravan  on  its  way  from  Harran  to  Bagdad. 
Inter  alia  they  thus  acquired  600  loads  of  sugar  and  of  Egyptian  cotton, 
besides  600,000  dinars.*  The  same  year  another  body  of  Mongols 
ravaged  the  country  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Malattya.t 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  doings  of  the  civil  governors  of  Persia. 

Kurguz,  whom  I  described  as  setting  out  towards  the  Imperial  court, 
and  as  having  retraced  his  steps  when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  Ogotai, 
imfortunately,  as  he  was  passing  through  Transoxiana,  quarrelled  with 
an  officer  of  the  Uluss  of  Jagatai.  The  latter  threatened  to  report 
him  to  his  mistress,  the  widow  of  Jagatai,  and  as  he  returned  a  some- 
what saucy  answer,  which  came  to  her  ears,  she  was  much  irritated. 

On  the  death  of  Ogotai,  the  chiefs  of  the  Uluss  of  Jagatai  sent  Argun 
with  orders  to  bring  Kurguz  alive  or  dead,  he  resisted;  but  was  given  up 
readily  by  the  dependents  whom  his  strong  hand  had  controlled.  His 
seizure  was  the  signal  for  fresh  anarchy  in  Khorassan  and  Mazanderan. 
He  was  sent  on  to  the  Khakan's  court  where  his  friends  had  disappeared, 
and  thence  remitted  back  to  the  Uluss  of  Jagatai,  where  after  a  show  of 
trial  he  was  put  to  death  by  order  of  Kara  Hulagu,  son  of  Jagatai.  He 
is  said  to  have  abjured  Buddhism  in  his  later  days,  and  to  have  become 
a  Mussulman.^  Argun  was  thereupon  appointed  governor  of  Persia  by 
Turakina,  the  widow  of  Ogotai.  He  was  a  Uirat  by  birth,  and  had  been 
sold  by  his  father  during  a  famine  for  a  quarter  of  beef  to  a  Jelair  officer, 
who  was  tutor  to  Ogotai.  As  he  knew  how  to  write  the  Uighur  character, 
he  eventually  entered  the  chancellary  of  Ogotai,  and  was  by  him  charged 
with  an  important  commission  in  China.  He  was  also  named  com- 
missioner to  settle  the  dispute  between  Ongu  Timur  and  Kurguz, 
which  he  decided  in  favour  of  the  latter,  and  was  appointed  co-adminis* 
trator  with  him  ;  but  Kurguz  preferred  to  be  supreme,  and  Argun  retired 
to  the  court  of  the  Jagatai  princes.§ 

On  his  return  to  Persia  he  asked  that  Sheref-ud-din  should  go  with 
him  as  Ulug  Bitikudji,  an  office  which  he  obtained  through  the  influence 
of  Fatima.  Originally  the  son  of  a  porter,  in  Khuarezm,  he  became  secre- 
tary to  Chin  Timur,  when  he  got  his  appointment  in  Khorassan. 

Argun  at  once  proceeded  to  Irak  and  Azerbaijan  to  relieve  those 
provinces  from  the  exactions  of  the  Mongol  governors.  At  Tebriz  he 
received  the  submission  of  the  sovereigns  of  Rum  or  Iconium,  and  of 
Syria,  and  sent  commissaries  to  those  countries  to  receive  their  tribute* 
Sherif-ud-din  was  an  arbitrary,  cruel  man,  whose  exactions  were  pressed 
by  tortiu^  and  other  means.  He  was  equally  hard  on  the  Moslem 
ministers  of  religion,  and  on  the  widows  and  orphans,  who  had  been 

*  D*OliMon,  iii.  92.  t  D'Ohsaon,  iii.  92.  J  D'Oluson,  iii.  zax. 

%  D'OhMon,  iii.  122. 


tenderly  treated  by  Jingis  ;  parents  sold  their  children  to  pay  the  taxes, 
and  where  nothing  else  was  to  be  had;  the  sheet  was  taken  from  the  dying 

At  Rayi,  the  various  treasures  that  had  been  collected  by  his  agents 
were  taken  to  the  mosque  into  which  the  sumpter  beasts  were  driven,  and 
their  loads  were  ccvered  with  the  sacred  carpets.  Fortunately  his  reign 
was  short,  and  he  died  in  1244.* 

In  1246  Argun  was  sunmioned  to  the  Kuriltai,  where  Kuyuk  was  elected 
Khakan.  He  went  with  many  rich  presents,  and  we  are  told  the  most 
acceptable  of  these  to  the  court  was  a  collection  of  the  warrants,  &c., 
which  had  been  unlawfully  granted  during  the  interregnimi,  which 
exempted  some  from  taxes  and  gave  others  the  right  of  levying  them, 
covering  the  country  with  petty  tyrants.  Argun  was  confirmed  in  the 
government  of  Persia.  On  his  return  he  was  met  at  Mem  by  a  great 
number  of  grandees,  and  held  a  grand  fete.  On  the  death  of  Kuyuk  fresh 
anarchy  ensued,  warrants  for  exemption  and  collection  of  taxes  were 
again  indiscriminately  granted. 

On  the  death  of  Kuyuk,  Batu,  who  had  set  out  and  had  gone  as  far  as 
the  Alak  Tak  mountains  on  his  way  to  do  homage  to  the  Khakan,  halted. 
Pending  the  assembling  of  a  Kuriltai,  Ogul  Gaimish,  the  widow  of  Kuyuk, 
was  appointed  Regent  with  the  consent  of  Batu.  During  the  interregnum 
there  arrived  at  the  court  an  embassy  from  Louis  the  Ninth,  who  was 
then  engaged  in  his  crusade,  and  who  like  the  rest  of  the  world  looked 
upon  the  Mongol  chief  as  the  great  Prester  John,  who  had  been  sent  to 
assist  him  in  his  campaign  against  the  Muhammedans.  This  embassy 
took  with  it  some  magnificent  presents,  including  a  tent  fitted  up  as  a 
chapel,  made  of  scarlet  cloth,  embroidered  with  the  chief  events  of  the 
life  of  Christ ;  with  it  were  sent  chalices,  books,  and  the  vesseb  used 
in  the  service.  He  also  sent  a  portion  of  the  true  cross.  The  two  envoys, 
who  were  Dominicans,  travelled  through  Persia  and  Transoxiana.  They 
were  well  received  by  the  Regent ;  but  the  whole  affair  was  misunderstood 
by  the  Mongols,  who  looked  upon  it  as  an  act  of  homage,  and  afterwards 
considered  Louis,  much  to  his  chagrin,  as  one  of  their  dependents.t 

I  have  now  to  describe  a  revolution  which  caused  very  great  mischief 
to  the  Mongols,  and  which  led  eventually  in  a  large  degree  to  the  dis- 
integration of  their  empire. 

On  the  death  of  Kuyuk,  measures  were  taken  as  usual  to  prevent  the 
news  spreading  until  the  heads  of  the  house  had  been  informed  of  it ; 
travellers  were  stopped,  conmiunications  intercepted,  and  messengers 
sent  ofif  to  tell  Batu  and  Siurkukteni,  the  widow  of  Tului.  I  have  already 
said  that  Batu,  who  was  on  his  way  to  the  court,  halted  at  Alaktak,  seven 
days'  journey  from  Kayalic.  There  he  called  a  general  Kuriltai.  The 
family  of  Ogotai  objected,  and  said  that  it  ought  to  have  been  summoned 

*  D*Ohsson,  iii.  zas.  t  D*OhMcm,  ii.  236,  ftc. 

KUYUK   KHAN.  171 

in  the  ancient  country  of  the  Mongols,  but  they  sent  Timur  Noyan, 
governor  of  Karakorum,  to  assent  in  their  name  to  whatever  was  done. 
The  result  was  somewhat  unexpected. 

Since  Juji  had  quarrelled  with  his  brothers  Ogotai  and  Jagatai,  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  constant  feud  between  the  families.  Tului  and  Juji 
had  married  two  sisters,  so  that  their  children  were  doubly  cousins,  and 
naturally  clung  together.  The  Mongol  world  was  divided  into  two  sec- 
tions, to  each  of  which  two  of  the  great  houses  belonged.  It  is  probable 
also  that  the  £unily  of  Juji,  the  eldest  son,  never  quite  acquiesced  in  the 
appointment  of  the  younger  son  Ogotai  and  his  family  to  the  headship 
of  the  whole  house.  At  all  events  Batu  did  not  disguise  his  dislike 
for  the  descendants  of  Ogotai ;  a  good  opportunity  was  now  offered  of 
putting  them  aside.  At  the  Kuriltai,  the  general  Ilchikidai  reminded  the 
assemUy  that  they  had  promised  never  to  elect  a  member  of  any  other 
house  than  that  of  Ogotai  so  long  as  a  morsel  of  his  flesh  remained. 
Khubilai,  a  son  of  Tului,  replied  that  the  wishes  of  Ogotai  had  already 
been  contravened.  Had  they  not  put  to  death  Altalun  (the  favourite 
daughter  of  Jingis)  without  trial,  against  the  laws  of  Jingis,  which  forbade 
the  killing  of  any  of  the  royal  house  until  he  or  she  had  been  tried  in  the 
general  assembly  of  the  princes.  Again,  had  they  not  raised  Kuyuk  to 
the  Khakanship,  against  the  will  of  Ogotai,  who  had  named  Shiramim  as 
his  successor. 

The  general  Mangussar  was  the  first  who  in  the  general  assembly  pro- 
posed that  Mangu,  the  eldest  son  of  Tului,  should  be  raised  to  the  throne. 
He  spoke  of  his  valiant  deeds  both  in  China  and  in  the  West  imder  Batu. 
He  was  supported  by  Batu  himself,  and  after  the  usual  coy  resistance 
was  elected.  Batu  offered  him  the  cup,  and  the  assembly  greeted  him  as 
Khan;  the  Kuriltai  then  adjourned  till  the  spring  following,  when  it  was  to 
meet  again  in  the  ancient  territory  of  Jingis  Khan,  where  all  the  princes  of 
the  house  were  to  assemble  to  confirm  the  election.  Meanwhile  Ogul  Gai- 
mish,  the  widow  of  Kuyuk,  and  his  two  sons  Khodja  Ogul  and  Nagu  were 
to  continue  Regents.  They  spent  the  interregnum  in  disposing  in  advance 
of  the  revenues  of  the  empire,  which  was  given  up  to  anarchy.  Khodja 
and  Nagu  disavowed  the  act  of  their  deputy  Timur  Noyan,  and  with 
Yissu  Manga,  the  son  of  Jagatai,  who  now  ruled  over  his  horde,  refused 
to  attend  the  new  Kuriltai  or  to  surrender  the  rights  of  the  house  of 
Ogotai.  After  vainly  trying  persuasion  of  different  kinds,  Batu  at  length 
ordered  his  brother  Bereke  to  proceed  with  the  installation  of  Mangu,  and 
threatened  those  who  disturbed  the  State  with  the  loss  of  their  heads. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  was  a  very  arbitrary  proceeding,  and 
that  it  involved  a  complete  departure  from  Mongol  traditions.  The 
princes  had  sworn  to  retain  the  chief  Khanship  in  the  family  of  Ogotai, 
and  if  Kuyuk  ustuped  the  throne  which  had  been  left  to  Shiramun  by  his 
grandfather,  that  excuse  could  not  cover  the  additional  injustice  of 
excluding  him  from  the  throne  now.    It  is  not  surprising  that  he  and  his 


cousins,  &c.,  should  have  objected  to  Mangu's  pretensions,  and  should 
have  conspired  against  him.  During  the  festivities  that  succeeded  the 
elevation  of  Mangu,  a  man  entered  the  Imperial  tent  who  said  he  had  been 
in  search  of  a  strayed  mule  and  had  met  with  a  caravan  of  carts  laden 
with  concealed  arms.  Having  dexterously  examined  the  drivers,  he  had 
ascertained  that  they  were  on  their  way  to  the  Kuriltai  with  the  princes 
Shiramun,  Nagu,  and  Kutuku,  of  the  house  of  Ogotai,  who  intended  to 
take  advantage  of  the  feast  to  displace  Mangu  and  his  supporters  ;  and 
that  he  had  come  with  great  haste  to  warn  them.  Upon  this  a  force  was 
sent  out  to  meet  the  conspirators.  When  surrounded  they  pretended  to 
be  coming  to  do  homage,  and  on  being  conducted  before  Mangu  offered 
him  nine  presents,  each  consisting  of  nine  articles,  according  to  Mongol 
custom,  which  especially  regards  the  number  nine.  They  were  ordered 
to  dismiss  their  troops  and  were  treated  for  some  days  with  courtesy  and 
took  part  in  the  feast,  but  were  then  put  under  arrest.  When  brought 
before  Mangu  himself  for  interrogation  they  stoutly  denied  the  plot,  but 
a  special  commission  was  appointed  to  examine  the  whole  affair.  This 
satisfied  Mangu  of  their  guilt.  Hesitating  about  the  punishment  to  be 
awarded  he  consulted  an  old  counsellor  of  the  family,  Mahmud  Yelvaje, 
who  repeated  to  him  the  advice  given  by  Aristotle  to  Alexander  under 
similar  circumstances,  when  he  took  Alexander  into  the  garden  and  tore 
up  the  deeply  rooted  vigorous  trees  and  let  the  saplings  remain,  namely, 
to  destroy  the  principal  conspirators  and  spare  the  others. 

Seventy  of  the  chief  conspirators  were  put  to  death,  among  them  were 
two  sons  of  Ilchikidai,  the  governor  of  Persia.  The  father  was  arrested  at 
Badghis  in  Khorassan,  and  being  conducted  to  Batu,  was  also  put  to  death. 
While  the  Imperial  princes  were  generally  put  to  death  by  being  fastened 
in  felts  and  then  roUed  and  trampled,  the  Noyans  were  choked  by  having 
earth  or  stones  forced  into  their  mouths*  The  three  princes  were  saved,  we 
are  told,  by  the  intercession  of  Siurkukteni,  the  mother  of  Mangu, 
whose  good  offices  had  been  secured  by  Katakush,  the  mother  of 

The  following  year,  «>.,  in  1252,  a  Kuriltai  was  summoned  at  Kara- 
korum  for  the  trial  of  the  .princes,  &c.  Mangu  was  especially  irritated 
against  the  dowagers  Ogul  Gaimish  and  Katakush,  who  refused  to  admit 
his  claims,  and  who  were  accused  of  doing  him  harm  by  their  sorceries. 
On  being  disrobed,  the  former  reproached  the  judge  Mangussar  with 
having  unveiled  a  body  which  had  never  been  seen  except  by  a  sovereign- 
They  were  found  guilty,  fastened  up  in  sacks  of  felt,  and  drowned. 

Kadiak  and  Ghinkai,  the  principal  councillors  of  Ogul  Gaimish,  were 
put  to  death,  and  Buri,  a  grandson  of  Jagatai,  was  handed  over  to  Batu, 
who  had  a  private  grudge  against  him,  and  had  him  killed.}  The 
princes  of  the  house  of  Ogotai  were  distributed  in  different  parts  of  the 

*  Yon  H'^na'ner's  |lkbans,  i.  6j.        t  Von  Hammer's  lUduiDS,  i.  6z.       I  D'Obtson,  ii.  269. 

KAIDU   KHAN.  173 

empire.  Khodja  Ogul  was  given  a  yurt  on  the  Selinga ;  *  Nagu  and 
Shiramim  joined  the  army.  The  latter  accompanied  Khubilai  in  his 
expedition  to  China,  and  was  eventually  killed  there  to  satisfy  the 
jealousy  of  Mangu.  Those  members  of  Ogotai's  family  who  had  remained 
faithful  to  Mangu,  namely,  Kadan,  Melik,  and  the  sons  of  Kutan,  not  only 
retained  their  commands,  but  were  each  granted  one  of  the  Ordus  and 
a  widow  of  Ogotai's.t  During  the  remainder  of  Mangu's  reign  the  family 
of  Ogotai  seem  to  have  acquiesced  in  his  supremacy. 


The  distribution  of  the  empire  of  Jingis  among  his  sons  has  not  been 
properly  imderstood.  Among  nomadic  races,  territorial  provinces  are  not 
so  well  recognised  as  tribal  ones.  A  potentate  distributes  his  clans,  and 
not  his  acres,  among  his  children.  Each  of  these  has  of  course  its 
camping  ground,  but  the  exact  limits  are  not  to  be  definitely  measured. 
We  thus  find  in  the  legacy  of  power  left  by  Jingis,  which  is  given  at 
length  by  Erdmann  in  his  Temudjin  des  Unerschutterliche,  that  nearly  all 
his  relatives  were  remembered.  Each  of  them  has  a  certain  number  of 
Mongols  assigned  to  him.  The  same  rule  was  probably  applied  to  his 
sons.  Thus  Juji,  the  eldest,  received  as  his  heritage  the  various  tribes 
that  formed  the  old  Turkish  Khanate  of  Kipchak.  Jagatai  received  the 
various  tribes  of  Karluks,  &c.,  that  formed  the  great  empire  of  Kara  Kitai. 
To  Tului,  the  yoimgest,  the  homechild,  were  left  the  tribes  of  Mongol 
blood.  While  Ogotai,  who  was  made  Khakan  or  Grand  Khan,  had,  besides 
his  superior  power,  a  special  authority  over  the  tribes  that  formed  the 
powerful  confederacy  of  the  Naimans,  and  probably  also  of  the  ancestors 
c^the  modem  Kalmuks.  His  Khanate  was  bounded  on  the  south  by  the 
long  chain  of  mountains  commencing  near  lake  Balkash,  and  successively 
called  the  Kabyrgan,  Talki,  Bogdo  Oola,  and  Bokda  Thian  Shan  ranges ; 
having  on  its  south  the  countries  of  Kayalic,  Araalig,  and  Bishbalig, 
which  belonged  to  Jagatai;  on  the  west  it  was  conterminous  with 
that  portion  of  the  Khanate  of  Juji  subject  to  Orda  and  his 
descendants,  and  known  as  the  White  Horde ;  on  the  east  and  north-east 
it  was  probably  bounded  by  the  river  Jabkan  and  the  Kooke  Sirke  Ula 
mountains ;  on  the  north  its  boundary  was  uncertain,  but  probably 
included  the  moimtains  where  the  headwaters  of  the  Irtish  and  the 
Obi  spring. 

It  thus  included  a  large  portion  of  Sungaria,  or  that  portion  of  the 
Chinese  province  of  Hi  known  as  Thian  Shan  Pelu,  a  land  very  little 
known,  of  which  the  river  Imil,  the  Black  Irtish,  the  lakes  Saisan,  Kara 
Noor,  Kizil   Bashi   Noor,  and  the  Ayar  Noor,  with    their    confluent 

*  Von  Hammer,  Ilklumt,  i.  6a.  t  D'Ohison,  ii.  270. 


Streams,  form  the  chief  water  system.  This  was  the  special  appanage  of 
Ogotai  and  his  family,  or  rather,  to  be  more  strictly  correct,  the  camping 
ground  of  the  various  tribes  that  formed  his  uluss.  These  he  held  inde- 
pendently of  his  Imperial  authority,  and  they  passed  no  doubt  to  his  sons 
and  grandsons.  I  have  said  that  after  the  arbitrary  accession  of  Mangu 
and  the  punishment  of  the  refractory  descendants  of  Ogotai,  that  there 
was  internal  peace  among  the  Mongols  until  that  Khan's  death. 

On  the  death  of  Mangu,  Khubilai  was  absent  on  an  expedition  in  China, 
and  his  brother  Arik  Buka,  who  was  governor  of  Karakorum,  thinking  it 
a  good  opportunity,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt.  He  was  joined  by 
several  of  the  discontented  and  dispossessed  princes  of  the  house  of 
Ogotai,  of  whom  Kaidu,  the  son  of  Kashi,  the  fifth  son,  was  the  most 
conspicuous.  I  shall  describe  the  struggle  between  the  two  brothers  in 
the  next  chapter,  and  merely  say  here  that  it  ended  by  the  suppression  of 
Arik  Buka. 

When  he  submitted  in  1264,  several  of  the  princes  of  the  blood  refused 
to  recognise  Khubilai,  among  whom  Kaidu  was  conspicuous.  He  retired  to 
the  country  watered  by  the  Imil,  and  began  to  assemble  some  troops. 
D'Ohsson  says  that  he  was  crafty  and  fertile  in  resources,  and  he  gained 
the  friendship  of  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Juji,  with  whose  assist- 
ance he  made  himself  master  of  the  country  about  the  Imil,  the  ancient 
patrimony  of  Ogotai  and  Kuyuk.  Summoned  to  the  presence  of 
Khubilai  he  evaded  the  call,  urging  the  usual  Mongol  pretext  that  his 
horses  were  too  thin  to  bear  the  journey.  After  three  years  of  evasion, 
and  no  doubt  also  of  preparation,  he  felt  himself  strong  enough  to  attack 
Khubilai  as  a  rival  for  the  Over  Khanship  of  the  Mongol  empire,  which, 
according  to  the  will  of  Jingis  and  the  oaths  of  his  successors,  was  the 
special  heritage  of  his  family. 

In  1265  Borak  was  appointed  Khan  of  Jagatai,  by  Khubilai,  to  make 
head  against  Kaidu,  but  instead  of  this  he  made  terms  with  him.  The 
families  of  Ogotai  and  Jagatai  being  very  closely  connected,  and  having 
kept  up  the  friendship  which  had  existed  between  the  stemfathers  of  their 
races,  the  two  Khans  who  headed  these  two  hordes  now  made  an 
arrangement.  Turkestan  and  Transoxiana  were  not  attached  to  any  of 
the  four  great  hordes,  but  were  governed  inunediately  by  an  Imperial 
deputy,  and  formed  an  appanage  of  the  Khakanship.  As  such,  Kaidu, 
who  claimed  to  be  Khakan,  exercised  a  special  authority  there.  The 
territory  of  Borak  was  rugged  and  barren,  and  in  consideration  probably 
of  his  alliance  he  was  permitted  to  have  a  joint  occupation  of  the  rich 
pastures  of  Transoxiana.  Kaidu  encamped  a  force  between  him  and 
Bokharah,  as  a  precaution  against  further  usurpations.  He  was  called 
away  to  make  head  against  Mangu  Timur  of  the  Golden  Horde,  who 
had  marched  against  him,  and  meanwhile  Borak  seized  upon  Bokharah. 
Kaidu  made  peace  with  Mangu,  and  a  battle  ensued  between  him  and 
Borak  on  the  Oxus,  in  which  Kaidu  was  surprised  in  an  ambuscade 

KAIDU   KHAN.  175 

and  beaten.  Upon  this  Mangu  Tumir  supplied  him  with  a  contingent  of 
50,000  troops ;  the  battle  was  renewed,  and  Borak  defeated.  The  latter 
retired  to  Transoxiana,  which  he  threatened  to  ravage,  and  made  a 
requisition  upon  Bokharah  and  Samarcand.  At  this  stage  he  received 
proposals  of  peace  from  Kaidu,  through  the  intervention  of  Kipchak 
Ogul,  a  grandson  of  Ogotai,  and  a  common  friend.  Peace  was  established, 
the  two  princes  met,  and  held  a  grand  fete  in  the  spring  of  1268  in  the 
open  country  of  Talas  and  Kundjuk,  east  of  the  Jaxartes.  In  the 
Kuriltai  held  here  it  was  decided  that  Borak  should  hold  two-thirds  of 
Transoxiana,  while  the  remaining  third  should  belong  jointly  to  Kaidu 
and  Mangu  Timur.  It  was  decided  that  Borak  should  invade  Khorassan, 
and  that  meanwhile  aU  three  princes  should  refrain  from  ravaging  the 
ruined  territory  of  Transoxiana,  should  impose  no  taxes  on  the  inhabi- 
tants, and  should  pasture  their  flocks  at  a  distance  from  the  cultivated 
ground.  The  peace  was  confirmed  by  rinsing  gold  in  the  cup  in  which 
they  drank  their  mutual  vows.*  The  most  important  portion  of  the  treaty 
for  Kaidu,  however,  was  probably  the  confession  it  implied,  that  he  was 
rightful  Khakan  of  the  Mongols,  and  from  this  time  on  for  many  years 
we  find  him  and  his  son  treated  as  their  sovereign  by  the  Khans  of 

Abaka,  the  Ilkhan  of  Persia,  acknowledged  Khubilai  as  the  rightful 
Khakan,  and  naturally  excited  the  wrath  of  Kaidu,  who  eagerly  joined  in 
the  plan  of  Borak  for  occupying  Khorassan.  He  sent  a  large  contingent 
with  that  prince.  The  invasion  and  its  disastrous  end  will  come  properly 
in  the  history  of  the  Khanate  of  Jagatai. 

On  his  return  home  with  the  debris  of  his  forces  Borak  was  re- 
proached for  his  want  of  skill  by  Kaidu,  and  excused  himself  by  the 
misconduct  of  some  of  the  younger  princes  who  had  deserted  him. 
Borak  was  paralysed  and  had  become  a  Muhammedan.  He  asked  his 
sovereign  to  assist  him  with  troops  in  taking  vengeance  on  the  wrong- 
doers. Kaidu  went  in  person  with  two  tumans,  t,e.,  with  20,000  men, 
and  arrived  at  the  camp  of  Borak,  but  before  they  could  have  an  inter- 
view the  latter  died.  Mobarek  Schah  and  the  chief  men  of  the  horde 
of  Jagatai,  upon  this,  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Kaidu,  who  thus 
became  more  than  ever  the  superior  Khan  of  the  horde  of  Jagatai,  and 
controlled  a  most  dangerously  powerful  force  as  the  rival  of  Khubilai.  He 
appointed  in  rapid  succession  Nikbey,  Toka  Timur,  and  Dua  to  the 
vacant  throne  of  Jagatalt 

Marco  Polo  enlarges  in  many  chapters  on  the  long  struggle  that  took 
place  between  Kaidu  and  Khubilai.  Raschid  tells  us  a  desert  of  forty 
days'  extent  divided  the  States  of  Khubilai  from  those  of  Kaidu  and  Dua ; 
this  frontier  extended  for  thirty  days  from  east  to  west.  Along  this  line 
were  posted  bodies  of  troops  at  intervals,  under  the  orders  of  princes  of 

*  D'Obapoo,  iii.  428-431.  t  D'Ohtaon.  H.  491. 


the  blood  and  generals.  Five  of  these  corps  were  encamped  on  the  edge 
of  the  desert ;  a  sixth  in  the  territory  of  Tangut,  near  the  Chagan  Nur 
(white  lake),  situated  in  lat.  45.45  and  E.  Ion.  96 ;  a  seventh  in  the  vicinity 
of  Karakhodja,  a  city  of  the  Uighurs,  which  lies  between  the  two  States 
and  maintains  neutrality.*  It  may  be  concluded  that  Kaidu's  authority 
extended  over  Kashgar  and  Yarkand,  and  all  the  cities  bordering  the 
south  side  of  the  Thian  Shan,  as  far  east  as  Karakhodja,  as  well  as  the 
valley  of  the  Talas  river  and  all  the  country  north  of  the  Thian  Shan,  from 
lake  Balkash  to  the  Chagan  Nur,  and  in  the  further  north  between  the 
Upper  Yesseini  and  the  Irtish.f  Marco  says  of  Khoten,  "  lis  sont  au 
grand  Kaan." 

Khubilai  was  too  much  afraid  of  the  power  of  his  rival,  and  the  terrors 
of  his  land,  or  too  much  engaged  in  organising  his  Chinese  dominions,  to 
interfere  much  with  Kaidu.  Many  battles  were  no  doubt  fought  on  the 
frontier,  but  they  were  very  indecisive.  At  length  Kaidu  commenced  a 
more  active  policy.  In  1275,  in  alliance  with  Dua,  he  entered  the  country 
of  the  Uighurs  with  100,000  men  and  besieged  the  Idikut  in  his  capital; 
he  wanted  him  to  ally  himself  with  him  against  Khubilai,  but  he  refused, 
and  soon  after  receiving  succour  was  able  to  resist  the  forces  of  Kaidu  ;  I 
this  succour  seems  to  have  been  the  army  which  was  sent  in  that  year  by 
Khubilai  under  the  command  of  his  son  Numugan,  with  the  general 
Ngantimg  or  Antung,  a  descendant  of  Mukuli.  With  them  also  went 
Gukdju,  brother  of  Niunugan,  Shireki,  son  of  Mangu,  Tuktimur,  and 
other  princes.  Numugan  received  the  title  of  governor-general  of  the 
country  of  Almalig,  i.e.,  the  very  heart  of  the  enemy's  country.  In  1277, 
Tuktimur,  discontented  with  Khubilai,  proposed  to  Shireki,  son  of  Mangu, 
to  place  him  on  the  throne  ;  to  this  the  latter  agreed,  and  in  the 
night  the  conspirators  seized  the  Khakan's  two  sons  and  the  general 
Ngantung.  The  two  princes  they  handed  over  to  Mangu  Timur  of  the 
Golden  Horde,  and  the  general  to  Kaidu,  whose  party  they  joined  with 
Sarban,  son  of  Jagatai,  and  other  princes  of  that  horde  and  that  of 
Ogotai.§  De  Mailla,  however,  makes  the  princes  fight  a  battle  near 
Almalig,  in  which  the  party  of  Kaidu  was  successful,  and  then  march  upon 
Karakorum.||  Marco  Polo  describes  this  battle  at  some  length.  His 
description  is  rather  graphic  of  the  Mongol  system  of  tactics.  He  says 
that  the  practice  of  the  Tartars  in  going  to  battle  is  to  take  each  a 
bow  and  sixty  arrows ;  of  these,  thirty  are  light  with  small  sharp  points 
for  long  shots  and  following  up  an  enemy,  while  the  other  thirty  are 
heavy  with  broad  heads,  which  they  shoot  at  close  quarters,  and  with 
which  they  inflict  great  gashes  on  the  face  and  arms,  and  cut  the  enem/s 
bow  strings  and  commit  great  havoc.  This  everyone  is  ordered  to  attend 
to,  and  when  they  have  shot  away  their  arrows  they  take  to  their  swords, 

*  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  275.       t  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither.  523.       I  Gaubil,  x68. 
^  Raichid  in  Pauthier'a  Marco  Polo,  ii.  718.    D'Ohsaon,  ii.  453.     |  De  Mailla,  ix.  390. 

kAlDU  KHAN.  ijf 

and  maces,  and  lances,  which  also  they  ply  stoutly.*  The  threatening  state 
of  things  on  the  frontier  induced  Khubilai  to  withdraw  Bayan,  his  most 
trusted  general,  from  China,  to  place  him  in  command  of  the  western 
army.  He  found  the  enemy  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Orgon,  and 
after  some  mancEUvring  Shireki  was  beaten  and  driven  towards  the  Irtish, 
and  Tuktimur  among  the  Khirgises.  Here  he  demanded  assistance  from 
Shireki,  which  was  not  forthcoming.  He  thereupon  quarrelled  with  him, 
and  set  up  Sarban,  the  son  of  Jagatai,  as  Khakan,  so  that  there  were  now 
four  pretenders  to  the  high  dignity,  Khubilai,  Kaidu,  Shireki,  and  Sarban. 
Shireki  was  to  weak  to  resist,  and  had  to  join  the  other  princes  in 
announcing  the  election  of  Sarban  as  Khakan  to  Kaidu  and  to  Mangu 

Tuktimur  soon  after  met  his  end,  he  was  trying  to  force  Yubukur,  the 
eldest  son  of  Arikbuka,  to  recognise  his  nominee  Sarban.  This  he  refused, 
raised  an  army,  attacked  Tuk  timur,  who  was  deserted  by  his  troops,  and 
given  up  to  Shireki,  by  whom  he  was  put  to  death.  He  was  celebrated  for 
his  bravery  and  his  skill  in  archery.  He  rode  a  white  horse,  saying, 
men  generally  chose  coloured  ones  so  that  the  enemy  should  not  see  the 
blood  from  their  wounds,  but  he  thought  that  as  women  ornament  them- 
selves with  red,  so  ought  the  blood  of  the  horseman  and  his  horse  to 
form  the  parure  of  a  warrior.  Sarban,  Yubukur  and  Shireki  had  several 
mutual  struggles,  in  which  they  were  alternately  deserted  by  their  soldiers. 
At  length  Shireki  was  handed  over  to  Khubilai,  and  was  transported 
to  a  desert  island,  where  he  died.  De  Mailla,  Gaubil,  and  the 
Chinese  authorities  cited  by  Pauthier  make  Shireki  be  killed  after  an 
engagement  with  Bayan,  by  the  latter's  lieutenant  Li  ting.  Sarban 
submitted  to  the  Khakan,  and  was  by  him  granted  both  men  and  lands. 
Yukubur  also  submitted  to  Khubilai,  and  Numugan  was  set  at  liberty.t 

For  ten  years  we  hear  of  no  decisive  actions  between  the  two  great 
rivals  Kaidu  and  Khubilai.  The  former  continued  to  grow  in  power, 
and  was  undisputed  master  of  the  Khanates  of  Ogotai  and  Jagatai.  He 
at  last  succeeded  in  forming  a  veiy  powerful  league  against  Khubilai. 
Among  his  allies  the  chief  were  Nayan,  Singtur,  and  Kadan,  whose 
appanages  were  situated  north  of  Liau  Tung  in  Mandchuria. 

Jingis  Khan  had  divided  Tartary  into  two  sections,  eastern  and  western, 
the  former  was  apparently  partitioned  among  his  brothers  and  uncles,  and 
was  divided  into  twenty  departments.  Of  these  Utsukcn  had  nine,  and 
his  territory  was  comprised  between  the  rivers  Liau,  Torro,  and  Kueilai, 
and  also  a  part  between  Liautung  and  the  river  of  Liau.J 

I  have  mentioned  how  at  the  accession  of  Kuyuk,  Utsuken  raised  some 
pretensions  to  the  crown  and  was  apparently  overawed  by  the  strength  of 
the  opposition.     He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Jintu,  he  by  his  son 

*  Ynle'i  Marco  Polo,  390.  t  D'Ohsson,  ii.  455. 

;  Ganbil,  ao6*  De  Mailla,  ix.  431. 


Tagajar,  Tagajar  by  his  son  Agul,  and  he  by  his  son  Nayan,  who,  we  are 
told,  had  greatly  enlarged  his  heritage,  and  had  gained  great  influence  in 
Tartary.  Those  departments  of  Eastern  Tartary  which  were  not 
controlled  by  him  were  ruled  over  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Tchalar  (Jelair), 
Hongkila  (Kunkurats),  Mangon  (Manguts),  Goulou  (?),  and  \Tdliasse 

Singtur  was  descended  from  Juji  Kassar,  and  Eadan  from  Kadshiun, 
brothers  of  Jingis  Khan.  Nayan  collected  40,000  men,  with  whom  he 
awaited  the  arrival  of  Eaidu.  He  was  to  have  joined  him  with  100,000, 
but  Rhubilai  ordered  Bayan  to  repair  to  Earakorum  to  hold  Eaidu  in 
check,  while  he  himself  marched  against  Nayan.  He  ordered  a  fleet  of 
transports  to  sail  from  Eiang  Nan  for  the  river  Liau  with  provisions. 
His  army  was  divided  into  two  divisions, 'one  composed  of  Chinese  imder 
the  order  of  the  Niutchi  general  Li  Ting ;  the  other  of  Mongols  tmder 
Yissu  Timur,  grandson  of  Bogordshi,  the  chief  of  the  nine  Orloks.  He 
found  the  army  of  Nayan  encamped  on  the  river  Liau  and  protected  by 
a  line  of  chariots.  Having  consulted  his  astrologers,  who  promised  him 
a  signal  victory,  he  advanced  rapidly  and  quite  took  Nayan  by  surprise. 
Marco  Polo  has  a  g^phic  account  of  the  battle,  from  which,  and  from 
D'Ohsson's  account,  I  shall  quote.  The  aged  Ehakan  was  mounted  on  a 
great  wooden  bartizan,  which  was  borne  by  four  well-trained  elephants, 
with  leather  harness  and  housings  of  cloth  of  gold.  Over  this  tower, 
which  was  guarded  by  archers  and  crossbowmen,  floated  the  Imperial 
standard  representing  the  sun  and  moon.  His  troops  were  ordered  in 
three  divisions  of  30,000  men  each,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  horsemen 
had  each  a  footsoldier  armed  with  a  lance  set  on  the  crupper  behind  him, 
the  whole  plain  seems  to  be  covered  with  his  forces.  When  all  were 
in  battle  array  on  both  sides,  then  arose  the  sound  of  many  instruments 
of  various  music,  and  the  voices  of  the  whole  of  the  two  hosts  loudly 
singing,  and  playing  on  a  certain  two-stringed  instrument  in  the  Mongol 
fashion,  and  so  they  continued  until  the  great  naccara  of  Ehubilai 
sounded,  then  that  of  Nayan  sounded,  when  the  fight  began  on  both  sides. 
The  naccara  was  a  great  kettledrum  formed  like  a  brazen  cauldron,  tapering 
to  the  bottom,  covered  with  buffalo  hide,  often  three  and  a  half  or  four  feet 
in  diameter.*  It  is  said  that  Nayan  was  a  Christian,  and  that  he  bore  the 
emblem  of  the  cross  on  his  standards.  After  a  severe  struggle  he  was 
completely  defeated  and  taken  prisoner.  Ehubilai  ordered  him  to  be 
sewn  up  in  felt  and  to  be  beaten  to  pieces,  the  usual  way  of  putting  royal 
prisoners  to  death,  so  that  none  of  their  blood  should  be  spilt.  The 
defeat  of  Nayan  caused  great  jeering  among  the  Jews  and  Muhammedans, 
who  cast  jibes  at  the  Christians  for  fighting  under  such  an  emblem. 

The  defeat  of  Nayan  did  not  conclude  the  strife  in  the  further 
East.      The    princes    Eadan    and    Singtur    (De   Mailla    says    Hadan 

*  See  Yule'a  Marco  Polo,  i.  303* 

KAIDU  KHAN.  1 79 

and  Huluhosaiii  and  Gaubil,  Hatan,  Tieko,  Arlu,  and  Tulukan) 
continued  the  struggle  for  some  time.  They  encamped  on  the  river 
Liau,  and  threatened  Liautung.  Bayan  received  orders  to  watch  Eaidu, 
and  to  prevent  him  joining  his  forces  to  those  of  the  confederates. 
Against  the  latter  Ehubilai  sent  his  grandson  Timur,  with  the  generals 
Yissu  timur,  Tutuha,  Li  ting,  and  Polohoan.*  The  confederates  were 
attacked  on  the  river  Kueliei,  and  after  a  fierce  battle,  which  lasted 
for  two  days,  were  utterly  routed.  A  great  number  of  chiefs  and  officers 
among  the  confederates  perished.  Timur  was  much  praised  by  his 
grandfiaaher,  and  by  his  affability  gained  the  good  opinion  of  the  various 
tribes  encamped  on  the  rivers  Liau,  Toro,  Kucliei,  &c.t  This  battle 
was  fought  in  1288.  The  eastern  confederates  of  Kaidu  were  thus 

Let  us  now  turn  to  his  own  doings.  Khubilai  had  recalled  his  best 
general,  Bayan,  from  China,  and  ordered  him  to  take  command  at  Kara- 
korum  to  oppose  his  great  rival,  but  before  he  could  arrive  therei 
Kanmala,  the  son  of  Ehubilai,  who  commanded  the  Imperial  forces  on  the 
western  frontier,  was  defeated  by  fi^aidu,  near  the  Selinga.  The  young 
prince  was  ahnost  captured,  and  was  only  rescued  by  the  bravery  of 
Tutuka,  a  general  of  Kipchak  descent,  who  had  gained  great  renown  at 
this  time.|  It  is  quite  clear  that  Eaidu  gained  a  substantial  advantage  oh 
this  occasioni  and  Ehubilai,  notwithstanding  his  great  age,  thought  it 
necessary  to  go  to  the  frontier  in  person.  He  set  out  from  Changtii,  and 
we  are  told  that  Tutuka  was  the  first  general  who  had  the  honour  of  com* 
manding  under  the  £mperor.§  There  was  no  battle  however,  for  Eaidu 
had  meanwhile  retired. 

Ehubilai  died  in  1294,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson  Timur. 
During  the  last  years  of  the  former's  reign  we  hear  of  no  engagement  on 
the  frontier,  although  the  strife  apparently  continued,  for  we  are  told 
that  Eaidu  had  occupied  the  coimtry  of  Parin,||  i.e,,  the  camping  ground 
of  the  Mongol  tribe  pf  Barin  in  South-Eastem  Mongolia.  The  Imperial 
general  Chohangur,  son  of  Tutuka,  marched  against  him,  and  found 
him  encamped  on  the  river  Taluhu;^  his  camp  was  defended  by 
stockades  of  wood,  behind  which  his  troops  were  dismounted  and 
on  their  knees,  with  their  bows  drawn  ready  to  fire  a  volley.  Not- 
withstanding this,  Chohangur  charged  with  such  vigour  that  he  captured 
the  camp  and  drove  the  enemy  out,  and  captured  or  killed  most  of  them  ; 
he  then  retired,  and  encamped  on  the  river  Alei.**  This  advantage  was 
balanced  by  a  decided  victory  gained  by  Dua;  as  I  have  said,  the 
western  frontier  was  protected  by  a  cordon  of  troops  posted  at  intervals 
who  might  support  one  another.  Taking  advantage  of  the  fact  that 
three  of  these  post  commanders  had  met  together  at  a  feast  and  got 

*  Ganbal,  209.  t  Gaubil,  209.  I  De  MailU,  iz.  441.    Gaubil,  aix. 

^OmvbUiUi.  lDelfAiUf.iz.469*  V  De  MaiUa,  iz.  469-  •* De  MaiUar ix*  470* 


deserted  by  the  greater  part  of  his  army,  and  had  to  escape  with  300 
horsemen  to  the  territory  of  his  enemy  Dua.  The  latter  received  him 
with  honour,  but  he  also  accepted  the  homage  of  his  chief  vassals,  and 
appropriated  the  greater  part  of  his  territory. 

Dua  died  directly  after,  in  1 306,  and  was  succeeded  after  an  inter\'al 
(i>.,  in  1308-9)  by  his  son  Guebek ;  he  was  hardly  installed  before  he 
was  attacked  by  Chapar,  in  concert  with  the  other  princes  of  the  house 
of  Ogotai,  who  no  doubt  deemed  this  a  good  opportunity  for  regaining 
their  lost  power.  Chapar  was  beaten  in  several  fights,  and  forced  to 
escape  beyond  the  Hi,  and  into  the  territory  of  the  Khakan  Timur.  This 
victory  finally  broke  the  hopes  of  the  house  of  Ogotai.*  During  the 
reign  of  his  successor,  Kuluk  Khan,  Chapar  and  other  Mongol  princes 
repaired  to  the  Chinese  court,  where  they  did  homage  :  t  thus  sur- 
rendering effectually  the  claims  of  Ogotai  and  his  descendants  to  the 
supreme  Khanship  of  the  Mongols.  With  this  notice  apparently  ends 
the  material  we  possess  for  the  history  of  the  house  of  Ogotai.  Its  wide 
domains  were  appropriated  by  the  Khans  of  Jagatai,  while  the  clans  who 
obeyed  it  were  scattered,  the  greater  part  became  the  subjects  of  the 
same  Khans ;  others  joined  the  horde  of  Kipchak,  and  became 
renowned  in  after  times  as  the  main  strength  of  the  confederacy  of  the 

The  family  of  Ogotai  was  however  by  no  means  extinct,  but  became 
only  unimportant  and  obscure,  and  it  is  a  curious  fact  that  when  the  great 
Timur  lenk  had  conquered  the  greater  part  of  Central  and  Southern 
Asia,  and  he  hke  other  great  conquerors  wished  to  preserve  a  decent 
show  of  humility,  that  instead  of  entirely  displacing  the  Khans  of  Jagatai, 
whose  servant  he  had  been,  he  retained  the  title  and  office  of  Khan  as  a 
mere  puppet,  a  roi  faineant ,  while  he  himself  like  the  Merovingian 
mayors  of  the  palace  had  all  the  authority.  It  is  more  curious  to  find 
that  he  displaced  the  family  of  Jagatai  from  the  position,  and  put  on  the 
titular  throne  a  descendant  of  Ogatai's  named  Siurghatmich,  who  was 
apparently  succeeded  by  his  son  and  grandson,^  thus  restoring  once  more 
to  the  family  of  Ogotai,  in  name  at  least,  the  honours  that  had  been  so 
long  appropriated  by  others. 

Note  I.— Karakorum.— The  position  of  the  capital  of  Ogotai  has 
recently  been  a  good  deal  discussed.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
Ogotai  did  not  found  the  city.  It  was  there  long  before  his  day.  It  had 
been  the  capital  of  the  old  Uighur  empire  before  it  was  destroyed  by  the 
Hakas  and  before  the  Uighurs  migrated  to  Bishbalig,  and  we  are  expressly 
told  that  Ogotai  found  ancient  ruins  there  when  he  began  to  build,  among 
which  was  an  inscription  stating  that  there  had  stood  the  palace  of  Buku, 

•  D*OhBMn«  ii.  52Z*       t  D*Ohuon,  ii.  533*       I  Enkint 'f  History  of  India,  i.  68  and  340* 

chapAR.  183 

Khan  of  the  Uighurs  in  the  eighth  century.*  I  myself  believe  that  the  Hakas 
who  overthrew  the  Uighur  empire  were  the  ancestors  of  the  Naimans, 
and  that  at  the  accession  of  Jingis,  Karakorum  was  within  the  Naiman 
territory  and  probably  one  of  their  chief  places.  Since  I  wrote  this  chapter 
and  quite  recently  some  light  has  been  thrown  on  the  very  crooked  question 
by  the  Russian  traveller  Paderin,  whose  account  has  been  analysed  by 
Colonel  Yule.  He  tells  us  that  besides  the  authorities  used  by  Remusat 
and  by  Ritter,  Paderin  also  used  the  itinerary  of  a  Chinese  named 
Chang  Chun,  who  in  1222  travelled  from  North  China  to  Tokharistan, 
passing  by  Karakorum ;  and  that  of  another  Chinese  traveller  named 
Chjan  de  KhoL  They  afford  some  important  data.  Among  these  are  the 
following :  i,  Karakorum  was  more  than  100  li  to  the  south-west  of  the 
lake  Ugei  Nor,  this  being  a  lake  of  clear  water  about  70  li  in  circuit ; 
2,  that  it  stood  in  a  valley  which  had  a  circumference  of  100  li,  surrounded 
by  hills,  and  having  the  river  Khorin  running  through  it ;  3,  that  in  going 
from  it  to  the  river  Tamir,  the  traveller  passes  a  hill  called  Horse's  Head 
(in  Chinese,  Ma-tu;  in  Mongol,  Morintologoi),  and  another  called  Red-ear 
(in  Chinese,  Khun-er ;  in  Mongol,  Ulan  Chihi) ;  4,  that  north  of  it  there 
was  a  palace  near  a  lake  called  Tsagan  Gegen.  During  his  stay  at  Urga, 
M.  Paderin  had  ascertained  that  the  names  Kara  Balghassun,  Ugei  Nor, 
Morintologoi,  Ulan  Chihi,  and  Tamir  were  all  yet  extant. 

The  nth  of  March  brought  the  traveller  to  the  Ugei-Nor.  This  lake, 
about  eight  miles  from  east  to  west,  and  a  little  less  from  north  to  south, 
lies  towards  the  north  side  of  a  wide  valley  enclosed  by  low  hills.  The 
valley  is  called  Toglokho  Tologoi ;  it  is  some  forty-five  to  fifty-five  miles 
in  length  from  east  to  west,  and  twenty-five  to  thirty-five  miles  in  breadth. 
The  Orkhon  River,  fordable  stirrup-deep,  traverses  the  valley,  and  the  lake 
discharges  into  it  by  a  stream  called  Narin.  The  ground  near  the  river  is 
swampy,  and  west  of  it  there  is  a  series  of  saline  lakes  called  Tsagan- 
Nor  (White  Lakes).  Some  willows  and  poplars  grow  on  the  banks  of  the 

The  hills  forming  the  western  boundary  of  the  valley  are  called  Ulintu, 
Obotu,  and  Ulan  Khoshu.  On  the  south  and  south-east  are  the 
Khadamtu  Hills,  sprinkled  with  clumps  of  trees  having  leaves  like  pines. 
The  hills  on  the  east  and  north  are  insignificant,  only  one  having  a  name, 
viz.,  Khityin-Khada,  "  Monastery  Hill."  This  is  so  called  from  a  kurm 
or  fortified  enclosure  at  the  north-west  end  of  the  lake  Ugei-Nor  con- 
taining a  Buddhist  temple,  the  residence  of  the  Khutuktu  Orombyin 
Gegen.  This  littte  kuren  is  of  remarkable  construction,  and  looks  as  if  it 
might  have  been  the  palace  of  a  Khan  in  days  of  yore.  The  basement  of 
the  temple,  both  in  materials  and  in  style,  resembles  the  ruins  near  the 
river  Karukha. 

M.  Paderin  diverged  from  the  post  track  at  Ugei-Nor  station  to  visit 



the  ruins  of  Kara  Kharam  or  Kara  Balghassun  (for  ir  is  known  by  both 
names),  and  rejoined  the  track  at  the  next  station  westward,  called  Ulan- 

Four  hours'  smart  riding,  estimated  at  thirty-five  to  forty  miles,  brought 
him  to  the  ruins,  lying  in  the  same  valley,*  and  some  four  or  five  miles 
from  the  west  bank  of  the  Orkhon,  with  a  fine  grassy  plain  intervening* 
which,  in  places,  rises  into  frequent  hillocks.  The  remains  consist  of  a 
rampart  enclosing  a  quadrangular  area  of  about  500  paces  to  the  side, 
and  still  retaining  traces  of  indented  battlements.  The  rampart  is  of 
mud,  and  in  some  places  apparently  of  sun-dried  brick.  Inside  the  area, 
on  the  eastern  side,  is  a  tower  or  mound  rising  above  the  wall;  the 
general  height  of  the  latter  being  about  nine  feet.  There  are  traces  of  a 
small  inner  rampart  running  parallel  to  the  north  and  south  sides  of  the 
square,  Besides  these  there  were  to  be  seen  no  monuments  or  relics  of 

Mongol  traditions,  M.  Paderin  observes,  rarely  preserve  any  memory 
of  ancient  times.  They  do  not  in  general  go  beyond  a  vague  statement 
that  such  a  spot  contains  the  bones  or  the  treasure  of  Cesser,  Khan  (as  is 
commonly  said  of  the  tumuU  scattered  over  the  southern  Kalkha  country); 
or  that  such  another  is  the  relic  of  a  fine  monastery,  or  of  the  palace  of 
Jingis  Khan.  Of  this  place,  the  Mongols,  with  M.  Paderin,  could 
only  say  that  it  was  very  old,  and  that  probably  Jingis  Khan  had  lived 
there ;  but  one  sharp  Lama  came  forward  saying  it  was  the  city  of  Togon 
Temur  Khan.  Now  it  is  a  fact  (already  alluded  to)  that  at  least  the  son 
of  this  last  of  the  Jingizide  Emperors  did,  shortly  after  their  expulsion 
from  Cambaluc,  establish  himself  at  Karakorum. 

But  the  dimensions,  distances,  geographical  position,  and  aspect 
correspond  with  the  old  data.  Thus,  the  place  does  lie  southward  of  the 
Ugei-Norfrom  100  to  i2oli;t  the  traveller  leaving  it  for  the  westward 
does  cross  a  river  (indeed  two  rivers)  called  Tamir,  and  on  his  wa:y  to  that 
river  does  pass  hills  called  Horse's  Head  and  Red  Ear.  It  answers  all 
the  looser  conditions  collected  by  Abel  Remusat  (see  Ocean  Highways 
for  July,  1873,  P*  ^70);  the  most  definite  tradition  met  with  by  M. 
Paderin  connected  it  with  Togon-Temur  Khan ;  and  the  place  is  still 
known  as  Kara  Balghassun  (Black  Town)  and  Kara  Kharamt  (Black 
Rampart),  both  which  seem  to  involve  memories  of  the  ancient  and 
proper  name. 

*  The  origioal  translation  layt "  nearly  in  the  loath-east  end  of  the  valley.**  This  is  a  little 
difficult  to  reconcile  with  the  other  indications,  including  the  Chinese  notices  and  the  Jesuit 
map.  But  in  another  passage  also  the  traveller  says  he  rode  from  Ugei-Nor  to  the  ruins 
nearly  south-south-east,  so  I  have  tried  to  accommodate  the  sketch  map  to  this.  Yule,  op.  cit. 

t  The  Chinese  traveller  quoted  by  Mr.  Paderin  says  south-west  indeed,  whilst  he  says  south* 
south-east,  as  we  have  already  noted. 

I  The  transcription  from  the  Russian  is  Kherem.  But  I  presume  that,  as  often  in  French 
spelling,  the  e  here  represents  the  neutral  vowel— the  short  a  in  America. 

CHAPAR.  185 

M.  Padcrin  supposes  the  old  name  Karakorum  to  have  been  merely  a 
corruption  of  Kara  Kharam,  with  the  meaning  just  given.*  But  the 
Archimandrite  Palladius,  probably  the  best  authority,  in  a  short  appended 
note,  does  not  assent  to  this,  observing  that  in  the  transcription  of  the 
Mongol  text  of  the  biography  of  Ogotai  Khan  the  name  of  the  city  is 
rendered  Khara  Khorum,t  whilst  the  Chinese  authors  of  the  Mongol 
period  are  unanimous  that  the  chief  ordu  of  the  Mongol  Khans  got  its 
name  from  the  nearest  river.J  On  the  other  hand,  Kara  Kharam,  or 
Black  Rampart,  is  evidently  applicable,  in  that  form,  only  to  the  deserted 

I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  extracting  this  account  ahnost  verbatim 
from  Colonel  Yule's  graphic  narrative.  I  would  remark,  that  the  doubts 
he  throws  out  in  one  of  the  notes  about  the  existence  of  a  range  of 
motmtains  called  Karakorum,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Mongol 
capital,  are  hardly  justified. 

Alai  ud  din  says,  "the  Uighurs  believe  that  their  nation  inhabited, 
originally,  the  banks  of  the  river  Orkon,  which  rises  in  the  mountains 
called  Karakorum,  whose  name  has  been  given  to  the  town  recently 
founded  by  the  Khan  (Ogotai).  .  .  .  These  are  in  the  Karakorum 
mountains.  There  is  an  ancient  ditch,  said  to  be  the  ditch  of  Pijen,  and 
on  the  banks  of  the  Orkon  are  the  vestiges  of  a  town  and  palace 
formerly  called  Ordu  Balik  (t>.,  the  Town  of  the  Ordu),  and  now  Mau  balik 
(/>.,  Bad  Town,  or  Ruined  Town).**!!  Alai  ud  din  died  in  1284,  and  this 
last  phrase  makes  it  clear  that  the  city  of  Ogotai  had  already  become 

Again,  Raschid  says  that  in  the  Uighur  country  there  are  two  chains 
of  mountains,  one  called  Bucratu  Turluk,  the  other  Uskun-luk-tangrim 
between  which  are  the  mountains  Karakorum,  whose  name  was  given  to 
the  town  which  Ogotai  Khan  built,  and  near  these  mountains  is  another 
called  Kut-tag.t 

Again,  Klaproth,  in  his  criticism  of  Schmidt's  views  about  the  Uighurs, 
gives  an  extract  from  the  Su  chung  kian  lu,  from  which  I  take  this 
sentence,  "Iduchu  is  the  title  of  the  ruler  of  the  Kao  tchang,  who 
formerly  lived  in  the  land  of  Uighur.  Here  are  found  the  mountains 
Chorin ;  two  rivers  flow  from  them  called  the  Tuchula  (Tula)  and  Sieling 

*  A  timiUr  aagfettion  ia  made  by  Mr.  Ney  Elias,  J.R.G.S.,  zliii.  122. 

t  As  in  the  Weatern  Aauitic  writera,  «.g.,  Raabiduddin  and  Ibn  Batuta^ 

X  See  Ocean  Highways,  aa  quoted  above.  My  remarka  there  are  thus  corroborated.  But  I 
hare  found  a  paaaage  which  may  be  the  origin  of  Mr.  Grant  and  Sir  H.  Rawlinaon's  association 
of  the  name  of  Karakorum  with  mountains.  D'Ohason  cites  from  Rashiduddin  a  passage 
which  speaks  of  "the  great  AlUi  and  the  Karakorum  MounUins."  And  M.  d'Ave^ac, just 
after  quoting  this,  assumes  that  the  town  was  called  so  from  being  at  the  foot  of  the  Karakorum 
Mountains.    (R6c.  de  Voyages.  &c.,  iv.  5x8, 519.) 

S  Colonel  Yule,  Geographical  Magazine,  i.  138.       |  D'Ohsson  i.  430.       IT  D'Ohsaon,  i.  436. 

**  Klaproth  Beleuchtung  und  widerlegung  der  Forachungen  uefaer  die  Geschichte  der  Mittel 
Asiatischeo  Volksr  d^  If  erren  Schmidt.    Paris,  1824.    Page  48. 




These  extracts  seem  to  show  that  the  Eentd  Khan  chain  was  other- 
wise known  as  Earakonimi  and  that  it  was  probably  from  it  that  the 
capital  city  of  the  Uighurs  and  of  Ogotai  was  named. 

Note  2.— The  following  short  table  will  clear  up  somewhat  the  relation- 
ship of  the  several  Mongol  princes  mentioned  in  this  chapter. 

Jingit  Khan 



Kayak  Khan 


Ogotai  Khan 





Naga.  or 


Karadjar        Kaahi       Kadan  Ogal 
Kaidn  Khan  Kipchak  Ognl 
Chapar  Khan 





IN  the  previous  chapter  I  have  described  the  circumstances  which 
led  to  the  choice  of  Manj^  as  the  successor  of  Euyuk.  It  seems 
strange,  that  with  the  well  known  loyalty  of  the  Mongols,  no 
rebellion  should  have  broken  out  among  the  tribes  in  favour  of  the 
dispossessed  princes.  It  was  probably  prevented  partially  by  the 
renown  Mangu  had  ah-eady  gained  in  his  various  wars,  by  the  high 
character  of  his  mother,  and  by  the  further  fact,  that  nearly  all  the 
Mongol  army  proper  was  the  heritage  of  Tului,  and  that  he  could 
therefore  rely  on  its  feudal  attachment  to  himself,  as  Tului's  eldest 
son.  I  have  described  how  Mangu  was  chosen.  His  inauguration 
took  place  on  a  day  marked  as  a  propitious  one  by  the  astrologers. 
The  day  fixed  was  the  ist  of  July,  12  51,  and  while  the  princes  cast 
their  sashes  over  their  shoulders  and  bent  the  knee  nine  times,  their 
example  was  followed  by  10,000  warriors  outside.  Mangu  ordered  that 
this  day  all  should  forget  their  quarrels,  should  leave  their  work,  and  give 
themselves  up  entirely  to  pleasure.  The  general  holiday  was  to  extend 
to  the  rest  of  the  world  as  well  as  to  men ;  horses  were  not  to  be  ridden, 
nor  cattle  worked ;  animals  were  not  to  be  killed  for  food ;  there  should 
be  no  hunting  nor  fishing ;  no  disturbing  of  the  earth,  nor  troubling  the 
calm  and  purity  of  the  water. 

This  was  followed  by  a  feast,  which  lasted  for  seven  days,  during  which 
the  guests  each  day  wore  a  differently  coloured  costume.  Each  day  300 
horses  and  cattle,  5,000  sheep,  and  a,ooo  cartloads  of  wide  and  kumis 
were  consumed. 

Mangu  now  appointed  his  chief  officers:  Mangussar  was  made  chief 
judge ;  Bolgai,  a  Nestorian  Christian,  was  made  chancellor,  and  given 
chaige  of  the  finances  and  of  the  department  of  home  affairs.  The 
chancellary  was  divided  into  many  departments,  with  Persian,  Uighur, 
Chinese,  Tibetan,  Tangutan,  and  other  secretaries  charged  with  the 
correspondence.  Eunkur,  son  of  Juji  Kassar,  was  made  governor  of 
EaaakanmL     Mangu's  brother  Khubilai  was  made  lieutenant-general 


in  the  country  south  of  the  desert.  Chagan  commanded  the  troops  on 
the  frontiers  of  the  Sung  empire  ;  Dandar  in  Suchuan  and  Khortai 
in  Tibet.  A  Buddhist  named  Khai-yuan  was  given  charge  of  the 
Buddhist  affairs  in  China,  and  one  Tao-li-cheng  of  those  of  the  Taotse 
sect.  The  Tibetan  lama  Namo  was  made  chief  of  the  Buddhist  faith  in 
the  empire,  and  given  the  title  of  Hoshi,  or  Institutor  of  the  monarch. 
Mahmud  Yelvaje  was  made  administrator  of  the  Mongol  possessions 
in  China,  and  his  son  Massud,  who  had  restored  the  prosperity  of 
Transoxiana,  was  confirmed  in  his  government.  Argun  was  also  con- 
firmed in  his  vast  authority.  The  latter  made  a  fresh  report  on  the 
miserable  condition  of  his  province,  induced  by  exorbitant  taxes.  The 
state  to  which  Persia  was  reduced  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that 
while  in  China  and  Transoxiana  the  poorest  could  afford  to  pay  a  gold 
piece  annually,  and  the  richest  fifteen  ;  in  Persia,  the  minimum  had  to  be 
reduced  to  one  dinar  and  the  maximum  to  seven.  Mangu  confirmed  the 
law  of  Jingis  and  Ogotai,  which  exempted  the  priests  and  monks  of  the 
Christians,  Muhammedans,  and  idolators,  as  well  as  the  old  and  the  very 
poor.  D'Ohsson  says  that  the  rabbis  were  not  included  in  the  exemption, 
to  the  great  mortification  of  the  Jews.*  He  also  restricted  the  powers  of 
the  minor  governors  to  exact  taxes,  and  withdrew  the  many  illegal 
warrants  for  their  collection  that  had  been  issued  since  the  death  of 
Jingis.  The  extravagance  of  Kuyuk  had  left  the  empire  largely  indebted 
to  the  merchants  who  flocked  to  the  Mongol  court.  Mangu  ordered  this 
debt  to  be  paid,  and  it  amoimted  to  500,000  silver  balishs. 

In  February,  1252,  Mangu  lost  his  mother,  to  whom  he  had  given  the 
title  of  Empress.  She  was  a  Christian,  but  very  tolerant,  and  had  given 
a  thousand  golden  balishs  to  found  a  Muhammedan  college  at  Bokharah, 
where  1,000  students  were  taught,  and  had  endowed  it  handsomely.  She 
had  been  very  much  respected  by  the  Mongols,  especially  by  Ogotai* 
She  lived  with  her  fourth  son  Arikbuka,  near  the  Altai,  and  on  her  death 
was  buried  near  her  husband  and  Jingis  Khan.  Mangu  had  raised  his 
father  Tului  to  the  rank  of  Emperor,  and  given  him  a  title  in  the 
temple  of  his  ancestors. 

About  this  time  the  Idikut  of  the  Uighurs,  who  was  a  Buddhist,  was 
falsely  charged  by  a  slave  with  the  intention  of  killing  all  the  Mussulmans 
at  Bish  Balig  and  in  Uighuria.  He  was  summoned  before  Mangu,  and 
under  the  influence  of  torture  said  he  was  guilty ;  he  was  sent  back  to 
Bish  Balig,  and  there  beheaded  by  his  own  brother  in  the  presence  of  an 
immense  crowd,  and  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  Mussulmans.  Two 
of  his  principal  officers  were  also  put  to  death ;  a  third  escaped  death  by 
the  clemency  of  Mangu,  but  his  wives  and  children  and  all  his  goods 
were  seized  by  the  exchequer,  and  he  himself  sent  on  a  mission  to  Egypt. 
It  was  the  Mongol  custom,  when  a  criminal's  life  was  spared,  either  to 

*  D'Ohtson,  u,  a65. 

MANGU  KHAN.  1 89 

send  him  to  the  army,  where  his  life  might  be  made  useful,  or  on  a 
mission  dangerous  in  itself,  or  to  some  insalubrious  country.  Okenje, 
the  brother  of  the  executed  prince,  who  had  also  been  his  executioner, 
was  appointed  to  succeed  him. 

On  his  arrival  in  China,  Khubilai  began  to  search  out  and  try  and  cure 
the  abuses  that  had  everywhere  sprung  up.  He  had  recourse  to  a 
learned  Chinaman  named  Yao-chu,  who  composed  for  him  a  moral  and 
political  treatise  in  which  the  duties  and  obligations  of  princes,  and  the 
abuses  that  prevailed  in  the  country,  were  set  out.  He  became  the 
constant  adviser  of  Khubilai. 

Since  the  days  of  Ogotai,  the  Mongols  encamped  on  the  frontier  of  the 
Sung  empire  had  made  no  fresh  conquests,  but  had  made  many  invasions 
into  Suchuan,  Hukuang,  and  Kiangnan  for  the  sake  of  pillage,  in  which 
they  had  taken  several  towns,  and  having  sacked  them  retired  with  their 
booty.  In  this  way  they  had  caused  great  ravage,  and  the  provinces  on 
the  border  of  the  two  empires  were  marked  by  deserted  towns  and 
uncultivated  fields.  Khubilai  made  his  soldiers  cultivate  these  provinces, 
supplying  them  with  cattle  and  ploughs. 

In  1252  Khubilai  received  Honan  and  the  province  of  Kung-chang-fii 
in  Shensi  as  an  appanage,  with  orders  to  march  upon  Yunnan ;  another 
general  was  assigned  a  campaign  in  Corea.  The  same  year  Mangu  made 
a  solenm  sacrifice  to  the  sky  on  the  sunmiit  of  a  mountain,  after  receiving 
instruction  from  the  Chinese  in  the  ceremonies  used  on  such  occasions. 
Early  the  next  year  he  published  a  general  amnesty,  and  at  a  Euriltai 
assemUed  at  the  sources  of  the  Onon  it  was  decided  to  send  an  army 
into  Persia  under  the  orders  of  Khulagu,  the  brother  of  Mangu.  At  the 
same  time  a  body  of  troops  was  sent  to  the  frontiers  of  India.  The 
Mongols  had  two  years  before  taken  and  sacked  Lahore,  and  some  time 
after  made  an  incursion  into  Scinde. 

At  the  end  of  1253  the  friar  William  of  Ruysbrok  (otherwise  known 
as  Rubruquis)  and  his  companions  arrived  at  the  court  of  Mangu.  I 
will  transcribe  his  account  where  he  adds  to  what  I  have  previously  taken 
from  Carpino's  narrative.  The  tent  where  the  Ehakan  sat  was  hung 
with  golden  tissues  and  warmed  by  a  chafing  dish,  in  which  were  burnt 
the  thorns  and  roots  of  wormwood,  the  fire  being  made  of  dried  dung. 
The  Khakan  was  seated  on  a  small  couch,  robed  in  a  rich  fur  dress,  which 
shone  like  the  skin  of  a  sea  calf.  He  was  of  middle  stature,  with  a  some- 
what flat  turned  up  nose,  and  was  about  forty-five  years  old.  His  wife, 
who  was  young  and  good-looking,  was  seated  by  him  with  one  of  her 
daughters  called  Cyrina.  Several  children  were  on  another  couch  close 
by.  The  Khakan  asked  the  friars  what  they  would  drink,  wine  or  terasine 
(made  of  rice),  or  kumis,  or  ball  (hydromel) ;  they  replied  they  would 
drink  whatever  the  Khakan  pleased  He  gave  them  some  terasine,  of 
which  they  drank  a  little  to  please  him ;  their  interpreter,  they  naively 
complaint  drank  too  much,  got  drunk,  and  fozgot  himself.    The  Khakan 


next  had  his  falcons  brought  out,  and  placed  them  on  his  fist,  admiring 
them  for  some  time ;  he  then  ordered  the  friars  to  speak.  Their  address 
was  full  of  well-worded  flattery,  itUer  alia^  they  said  that  according  to 
the  statutes  of  their  order  they  were  bound  to  tell  men  how  they  ought  to 
live  according  to  the  laws  of  God  ;  that  they  had  come  to  ask  permission 
to  settle  in  his  territory  in  furtherance  of  their  duty,  and  to  pray  for 
himself,  his  wives,  and  children.  If  he  did  not  wish  them  to  settle, 
they  b^|[ged  that  he  would  at  least  allow  them  to  stay  until  they  had 
recruited  from  the  effects  of  their  long  journey.  After  a  while  the  inter- 
preter got  too  drunk  to  be  intelligible,  and  the  friars  suspected  that 
Mangu  himself  was  rather  maudlin.  He  proved,  however,  very  gracious, 
gave  them  liberty  to  stay  two  months,  and  to  go  to  Karakorum  if  they 

Rubruquis  noticed  that  Mangu  and  his  family  took  part  indiscrimi- 
nately in  the  services  of  the  Christians,  the  Muhammedans,  and  Buddhists, 
to  make  sure  of  the  blessings  pronused  by  each  religion.  The  Chris- 
tianity was  that  of  the  Nestorians,  and  to  what  depdis  this  form  of  religion 
had  sunk  may  be  collected  from  some  very  graphic  anecdotes  related  by 
our  traveller.  On  one  feast  day  Mangu's  chief  wife  with  her  children 
entered  the  Nestorian  chapel,  kissed  the  right  hand  of  the  saints,  and 
then  gave  her  right  hand  to  be  kissed,  according  to  the  fashion  of  the 
Nestorians.  Mangu  was  also  present,  and  with  his  spouse  sat  down  on 
a  gilt  throne  before  the  altar,  and  made  Rubruquis  and  his  companion 
sing ;  they  chanted  the  Veni  sancti  spiritus.  The  Emperor  soon  after 
retired,  but  his  wife  stayed  behind  and  gave  presents  to  the  Christians. 
Terasine,  wine,  and  kumis  were  then  brought  in  ;  she  took  a  cup,  knelt 
down,  demanded  a  blessing,  and  while  she  drank  the  priests  chanted  ; 
they  then  drank  until  they  were  drunk.  Thus  they  passed  the  day,  and 
towards  evening  the  Empress  was  drunk  like  the  rest.  She  went  home 
in  a  carriage  escorted  by  the  priests,  who  continued  chanting  and 

On  another  occasion  Rubruquis  with  the  Nestorian  priests  and  an 
Armenian  monk  went  in  procession  to  Mangu's  palace ;  as  they  went  in 
a  servant  was  bringing  out  some  of  the  smoked  shoulder  blades  of  sheep, 
used  in  divination  by  the  Shamans ;  they  carried  in  a  censor,  with 
which  they  censed  the  Emperor,  and  then  blest  his  cup,  after  which  all 
drank.  The  other  members  of  the  family  were  successively  visited.  The 
Nestorian  notion  of  Christian  worship  was  to  place  a  cross  on  a  piece  of 
new  silk  on  an  elevated  place,  and  then  to  prostrate  before  it. 

The  three  sects  before  mentioned  were  always  prosdytising,  and  their 
great  ambition  was  to  win  over  the  Khakan,  but  he  was  neutral  and 
urged  toleration  on  alL  He  one  day  told  Rubruquis  that  everybody  at 
his  court  worshipped  the  same  God,  the  one  and  eternal,  and  they  oug^ 
to  be  allowed  to  adore  him  in  their  own  wsly,  and  that  by  distribotiDg  his 
&toilx8  among  men  of  all  sects  he  showed  that  all  were  acceptable  to 


him.  The  historian  Alai-nd-din  would  persuade  us  he  diiefly  favoured 
Mnhammedans,  while  Haithon  and  Stephen  Orphelian  insist  that  he 
favoured  the  Christians  the  most. 

But  all  three  religions,  Christian,  Muhammedan,  and  Buddhist,  were 
only  hixuries  indulged  in  by  the  court ;  the  Mongol  nation  continued  to 
practise  Shamanism,  which  remained  the  State  religion.  Rubruquis 
mentions  that  the  chief  of  the  Shaman  priests  lived  at  a  stone's  throw 
from  the  Emperor's  palace,  and  had  charge  of  the  carriages  which  carried 
the  idols. 

These  Shamans  practised  astrology  and  foretold  eclipses,  they  pointed 
out  propitious  and  unpropitious  days.  They  purified  with  fire  everything 
destined  for  the  use  of  the  court  as  well  as  the  presents  offered  to  the 
Khakan,  of  which  they  had  a  certain  portion.  They  were  simimoned  to 
births  to  draw  horoscopes,  and  to  sick  beds  to  cure  diseases.  If  they 
wished  to  ruin  anyone  they  had  only  to  accuse  him  of  causing  any  mis- 
fortune that  should  happen.  They  summoned  demons,  while  they  beat 
their  drums  and  excited  themselves  imtil  they  got  into  a  state  of  ecstasy. 
They  pretended  to  receive  from  their  familiars  answers,  which  they  pro- 
claimed as  oracles.* 

At  Easter,  Rubruquis  followed  the  Khakan  to  Karakorum,  which  seemed 
to  him  less  than  St.  Denis  in  France,  whose  monastery  he  tells  us  was  ten 
tunes  as  large  as  the  palace  of  Mangu.  In  Karakorum  were  two  prin- 
cipal streets:  in  one,  styled  of  the  Muhammedans,  fairs  and  markets  were 
held ;  the  other,  styled  of  the  Chinese,  was  occupied  by  artisans.  The  city 
contained  several  public  buildings,  twelve  pagan  temples  of  different  rites, 
two  mosques,  and  a  church.  It  had  an  earthen  rampart  pierced  by  four 
gates ;  near  the  gates  were  held  markets ;  at  the  eastern  one,  millet  and 
other  kinds  of  grain  were  sold ;  at  the  western,  sheep ;  at  the  northern, 
horses ;  and  at  the  southern,  oxen  and  carts.  The  palace,  surrounded  by 
a  brick  wall,  stretched  north  and  south.  Its  southern  side  had  three 
doors.  Its  central  hall  was  like  a  church,  and  consisted  of  a  nave  and 
two  aisles,  separated  by  columns.  Here  the  court  sat  on  great  occasions. 
In  front  of  the  throne  was  placed  a  silver  tree,  having  at  its  base  four 
sihrer  lions,  from  whose  mouths  there  spouted  into  four  silver  basins 
winei  kumis,  hydromel,  and  terasine.  At  the  top  of  the  tree  a  silver 
angd  sounded  a  tnmipet  when  the  reservoirs  that  supplied  the  four 
fountains  wanted  replenishing.  This  curious  piece  of  silversmith's  work 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  Rubruquis  tells  us,  was  made  by  a  Parisian 
silversmitb  called  William  Boucher,  who  had  been  captured  at  Belgrade 
in  Hungary;  3,000  marks  of  silver  were  spent  in  making  it.  Beside  this 
silversmith^  Rubruquis  met  many  Christian  Hungarians,  Alans,  Russians, 
Georgians,  and  Armenians  at  Karakorum.  After  a  stay  of  five  months 
he  prepared  to  return,  bearing  with  him  the  Khakan's  answer  to  the 

*  lyOhnon,  ii.  302. 


letter  of  Louis  the  Ninth,  which  was  couched  in  moderate  tcnns,  but 
ended  up  as  usual  by  bidding  him  put  no  trust  in  the  remoteness  or 
strength  of  his  country,  but  to  submit. 

The  friars  were  seventy  days  in  reaching  the  court  of  Batu.  Travelling 
along  the  public  way  and  bearing  the  Khakan's  letters  they  were 
furnished  both  with  conveyances  and  food  gratis,  but  the  road  was 
a  deserted  one;  Rubruquis  tells  us  he  did  not  see  a  single  village  on 
the  way  where  bread  might  be  bought,  and  fcr  two .  or  three  days 
lived  on  kumis  alone.  He  at  length  recrossed  the  Caucasus,  and  reached 
his  monastery  at  Acre,  whence  he  sent  an  account  of  his  voyage  to 

About  the  same  time  Mangu  received  a  visit  from  Haithon,  the  King 
of  Little  Armenia,  which  comprised  Cilicia,  Comag^ne,  and  several  towns 
of  Cappadocia  and  Isauria.  He  also  travelled  by  way  of  the  Caucasus, 
calling  upon  Batu  and  his  son  Sertak  on  the  way.  He  was  well  received, 
and  by  his  persuasion  the  Mongol  exactions  in  the  two  Armenias  were 

We  may  now  turn  our  attention  once  more  to  Persia. 

On  the  death  of  Kuyuk  fresh  anarchy  had  ensued ;  warrants  for 
exemption  and  collection  of  taxes  were  again  indiscriminately  granted. 
In  1250  Argun,  with  the  chief  functionaries  of  Persia,  repaired  to  the 
Kuriltai,  where  Mangu  was  elected  Khakan.  He  reported  the  confusion 
that  was  caused  by  the  malpractices  just  named.  The  Khakan  required 
that  the  governors  of  each  province  should  report  on  its  condition.  They 
allagreed  that  extortionate  taxation  was  the  cause  of  their  ruin,  and  that 
it  would  be  well  to  introduce  a  capitation  tax,  graduated  to  the  wealth  of 
the  inhabitants,  like  there  was  in  Transoxiana.  This  was  decided 
upon,  the  lowest  limit  being  one  dinar,  and  the  highest  ten.  The 
proceeds  of  the  taxes  were  to  pay  the  soldiers  and  to  organise  the 
system  of  posting  on  the  public  roads,  so  carefully  looked  after  by  the 

Argun  was  again  confirmed  in  the  government  of  Persia,  and  received 
a  new  diploma,  marked  with  a  lion's  head.  Persia  was  divided  into  four 
provinces,  each  imder  a  Melik,  who  all  had  separate  diplomas,  as  had  also 
the  lesser  functionaries.  Each  one  received  from  the  Khakan  robes  of 
Chinese  silk. 

The  Melik  Chems-ud-din  Mohammed,  Prince  of  Gur,  and  connected 
with  many  of  the  old  princely  families  of  Persia,  was  assigned  the  govern- 
ment of  Eastern  Persia.  He  was  present  at  the  election  of  Mangu,  and 
was  received  by  him  with  great  ceremony.  He  gave  him  the  government 
of  the  country  of  Herat  and  its  dependencies,  which  extended  from  the 
Oxus  to  the  Indus,  and  comprised  the  provinces  of  Meru,  Cabul,  and 
Afghanistan.  Beside  a  robe  of  state  and  three  paize.  or  diplomas,  he 
gave  him  10,000  dinars,  an  Indian  sabre,  a  lance  of  Alkhatt  (a  district 
of  Yemama  or  Bahrein,  where  the  lance  poles  are  made  which  come 

MANGU  KHAN.  193 

from  India),  a  mace  with  the  head  of  a  bull  on  its  summit,  a  battle-axe, 
and  a  dagger.* 

At  the  great  Kuriltai  held  in  1252,  at  the  accession  of  Mangu,  it  was 
determined  to  send  an  expedition  into  the  West,  under  the  command  of 
Mangu's  brother  Khulagu,  to  punish  the  Ismailites,  &c.  Each  of  the 
princes  of  the  blood  was  ordered  to  furnish  one  man  in  ten  out  of  his  army 
to  form  an  army  for  Khulagu,  each  contingent  being  commanded  by  the 
near  relations  of  the  prince  who  furnished  it ;  a  tugan  or  100  mens  of  flour 
and  an  utre  or  fifty  mens  of  wine  were  provided  for  each  man.  Besides 
these  there  were  1,000  engineers  to  work  the  war  machines.  Kitubuka  was 
sent  on  with  an  advance  guard  of  12,000  men  in  the  autumn  of  1252  towards 
Kuhistan.  Khulagu  himself  set  out  in  February,  1254.  Leaving  Kara- 
korum  he  marched  for  seven  days  over  the  snowy  range  of  Khanggai  to 
the  river  Hoen  Muren,  on  which  he  proceeded  in  boats  to  the  Arungu, 
which  falls  into  lake  Kizilbash  ;  then  by  larch-covered  mountains  to  a 
town  called  Pfuhle  in  the  Chinese  narrative  of  the  expedition,  "  near  which 
is  a  mountain  where  the  wind  blows  so  hard  that  travellers  are  sometimes 
blown  into  the  lake  ;"  then  through  a  narrow  pass  to  Almalig,  where  he 
was  feted  by  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Jagatai,  and  especially  by 
Organa,  the  widow  of  Kara  Hulagu.  On  his  arrival  in  Turkestan  he  was 
similarly  feted  by  its  governor,  Massud,  the  son  of  Yelvaje.  Having 
sununered  his  horses,  he  encamped  in  the  beautiful  district  of  Kianigul, 
!>.,  the  Mine  of  Roses,  near  Samarkand, t  where  he  spent  forty  days,  and 
feasted  in  a  magnificent  tent  built  up  of  gold  and  silken  tissue,  where  he 
gave  himself  up  to  drinking  and  dissipation.  The  feast  was  somewhat 
marred  by  the  death  of  Suntai,  his  brother. {  Khulagu  was  com- 
missioned by  the  Khakan  to  exterminate  the  Imailyens  or  Assassins,  and 
then  to  pass  on  to  subject  the  Khalif.  Having  arrived  at  Kesh,  the 
patrimony  of  the  ancestors  of  Timurlenk,  he  received  the  submission 
of  Argun,  the  governor  of  Khorassan,  and  of  the  various  grandees 
and  nobles,  and  issued  a  summons  to  the  sovereigns  of  Western  Asia. 
"  We  have  come,"  he  said,  "  to  destroy  the  Molahids,  /.^.,  the  heretics.  { 
If  you  come  in  person  with  your  troops  you  will  save  your  country  and 
family,  and  you  shall  be  rewarded.  If  you  hesitate,  I  will,  with  the  help 
of  God,  after  I  have  destroyed  this  people,  return  and  treat  you  in  the  same 
way."  After  crossing  the  Oxus  he  organised  a  lion  hunt,  and  as  the 
horses  were  terrified  with  this  new  game,  he  mounted  his  hunters  on 
camels.    Ten  lions  were  killed. 

The  Ismailites  or  Assassins  were  a  particular  sect  of  that  division  of 
the  Shia  Muhammedans  known  as  Ghilats.  They  were  distinguished 
mainly  by  a  secret  cultus,  a  peculiar  hierarchy,  and  an  implicit  obedience 
to  the  Imam.     This  most  implicit  obedience  was  aggravated  by  the 

*  D*0hM0n,  iii.  131. 
t  Von  Hammer*!  UUmju,  i.  88.       I  Von  Hammer*!  Ilkhaiw,  i.  88.       f  D'Ohsioo,  iii.  239. 


system  of  assassination  which  they  organised,  and  which  became  the 
terror  of  Western  Asia ;  the  chief  officers  and  more  prominent  men  of  its 
vanous  courts  weanng  coats  of  mail  under  their  clothes  as  a  precaution, 
and  still  suffering  decimation.  The  long  struggle  and  intercourse  they 
had  with  the  Khuarezm  Shahs  is  detailed  by  D'Ohsson,  but  it  forms  no 
part  of  our  present  subject.* 

Leaving  the  Oxus,  Khulagu  advanced  to  Sheburghan,  south-west  of 
Balkh,  a  fruitful  district  famed  for  its  water  melons.  There  he  spent  the 
winter,  and  held  another  reception  in  another  sumptuous  tent,  presented 
to  him  by  Argun.t 

Kitubuka  had  been  sent  on,  as  I  have  said,  with  an  army  of  1 5,000, 
and  had  invaded  Kuhistan,  the  chief  seat  of  the  Assassins.  There  he 
had  laid  siege  to  Girdkjuh  (i.e.^  the  Round  Mountain),  a  fortress  situated 
in  the  district  of  Kumus,  three  parasangs  from  Damgh^an.^  He  in- 
vested it  after  a  new  fashion  ;  having  made  a  ditch  and  rampart  round 
it,  he  placed  his  army  behind  it,  and  behind  this  again  another  ditch  and 
rampart,  so  that  he  had  a  protection  both  in  front  and  rear.  He 
apparently  made  this  camp  his  base,  and  sent  out  columns  to  attack  the 
other  fortresses  of  the  country ;  among  these  were  Shahdis,  Turim,  Rud- 
bar  Shirkiuh,  Shir,  and  Sirkiuh.§  Girdkjuh  still  held  out.  One  of  the 
garrisfon  escaped,  and  sent  to  Alaeddin,  the  Grand  Vizier,  to  ask  for  help. 
He  sent  two  leaders,  each  with  1 10  troopers ;  one  to  escort  three  mens 
of  salt,  the  other  three  mens  of  Henna.  The  latter  was  needed  not  to 
dye  the  nails  and  beard  with,  but  as  a  preservative  against  a  disease  then 
prevailing  there,  it  having  been  discovered  that  those  who  drank  of  water 
in  which  Henna  had  been  infused  would  escape  the  disease.]  They 
succeeded  in  getting  in. 

Khulagu  sent  the  Lord  of  Herat,  Shems-ud-din  Kest,  to  sunmion  the 
fort  of  Sertacht  It  was  surrendered  by  its  governor,  who  was  invested 
with  a  seal  with  a  lion's  head,  and  was  then  sent  against  Tun,  one  of  the 
finest  cities  of  Kuhistan,  situated  two  days' journey  from  Meshed,  on  the 
road  to  Kerman,  with  a  moated  castle  in  the  centre,  surrounded  by 
houses  and  a  market-place,  and  outside  these  cornfields  and  melon 
gardens.  Kitubuka  and  Kuli  Ilkai  were  ordered  there  with  their  bat- 
tering machines.  In  twelve  days  it  was  captured.  IT  The  inhabitants 
were  put  to  the  sword,  except  the  children  and  young  women,  and  the 
besiegers  then  joined  Khulagu  at  Thus.**  At  Thus  he  was  again  magni- 
ficently entertained  by  Argun,  and  then  went  on  to  Radegan,  where  food 
and  wine  were  poured  upon  him  from  the  rich  districts  of  Mem,  Yesrud, 
and  Dahistan.    As  he  passed  by  Kabuskan,  which  had  been  laid  waste 

*  D'Ohsson,  iii.  141-189.  t  Von  Hammer,  op.  cit.,  i.  91.    D'Ohsson,  iii.  140. 

I  Von  Hammer't  Ilkhans,  i.  93.  f  Von  Hammer*t  Ilkhani,  i.  93, 94. 

I  Von  Hammer,  op.  cit,  i.*  94.       H  Von  Hammer,  op.  cit.,  i.  95.      **  D'Ohaaon,  iii.  190. 


ac  previous  Mongol  invasion,  he  ordered  canals  to  be  dug,  the 
>sque  to  be  restored,  and  a  bazaar  to  be  built,  and  bade  the  Vizier 
Seifeddin  superintend  the  work.    He  then  moved  on  to  Bostam,  one  of 
the  three  main  towns  of  Kumuss. 

Kuhistan  was  the  chief  seat  of  the  power  of  the  Ismailites.  Khulagu, 
on  his  arrival,  ordered  it  to  be  overrun.  At  Thus  he  received  Shahinshah, 
the  brother  of  the  Ismailite  chief,  who  came  to  offer  his  submission. 
Khulagu  ordered  him  to  dismantle  several  of  his  fortified  places,  to  receive 
a  Baskak  or  Mongol  governor  in  his  dominions,  and  to  come  in  person 
and  submit.  The  chief  of  the  Assassins  began  to  dismantle  the  walls  and 
gates  of  some  of  his  fortresses,  as  Meimundiz,  Lemsir,  and  Alamut  The 
latter  demand  was  evaded.  Khulagu  sent  a  special  embassy  to  renew  it, 
which  returned  with  many  promises  and  some  hostages,  but  with  no 
definite  offer  of  submission.  At  length  his  patience  was  worn  out,  and 
he  ordered  his  troops  to  advance.  They  took  the  fort  of  Shahdiz.  The 
chief  of  the  Assassins  still  prevaricated.  Instead  of  sending  his  son  as 
a  hostage,  he  tried  to  palm  off  a  natural  son  he  had  had  by  a  Kurdish 
slave  upon  the  Mongol  conqueror.  His  object  was  delay,  in  the  hope 
that  winter  would  intervene  and  stop  the  operations  of  the  Mongols  ;  but 
Khulagu  was  not  to  be  detained.  He  ordered  all  the  different  contingents 
to  enter  the  province  of  Rudbar,  and  laid  immediate  siege  to  the 
strongly  fortified  toMm  of  Meimundiz.*  Catapults  were  placed  on  the 
various  commanding  heights,  and  the  attack  was  prosecuted  with  vigour. 
Rokn-ud-din,  the  chief  of  the  Assassins,  now  proposed  terms  to  Khulagu. 
He  timself  wished  to  surrender ;  but  a  tumult  in  the  town  prevented  him. 
Both  the  vigour  of  the  attack,  and  the  unusual  mildness  of  the  season, 
disappointed  the  besieged,  and  they  at  length  agreed  to  giye  in.  Rokn- 
ud-din,  with  his  chief  ministers,  went  to  the  Mongol  camp  and  sur- 
rendered all  his  treasure,  and  the  town  was  evacuated.  He  was 
well  treated  by  the  Mongols,  but  was  obliged  to  give  orders  for  the 
surrender  of  all  the  fortified  places  in  Rudbar,  Kumuss,  and  Kuhistan. 
More  than  forty  castles  were  thus  surrendered,  and  then  destroyed. 
Alamut  and  Lemsser,  two  of  the  strongest,  alone  remained.  Alamut 
(/./.,  the  Falcon's  Nest)  was  situated  on  a  craggy  height,  north-east  of 
Kazvin.  A  large  circuit  of  ruined  walls  and  towers  still  attest  its  former 
grandeur.  It  resisted  for  a  while,  but  its  garrison  at  length  grew  frightened, 
and  offered  terms.  The  Mongols  entered  the  place,  so  strong  from  its 
situation  among  high  and  scarped  mountains.  Its  Ubrary  was  celebrated, 
containing  the  gatherings  of  the  various  Ismailite  princes.  The  copies 
of  the  Koran,  the  astronomical  works,  and  works  of  value  were  preserved; 
but  the  service  and  the  theological  works  of  the  sect  were  mercilessly 
destroyed.t  The  fortress,  which  dated  from  the  year  860,  was  demolished 

*  lyOhiaoD,  ill.  r94«         t  D!OlMtoli»  iii.  igS*   Von  Hvnmer*!  Ukhans,  i«  Z03. 


with  great  trouble.  Soon  after  the  fortresses  of  Kuhistan,  to  the  number 
of  fifty,  were  surrendered  and  demolished  ;  and  this  was  followed  by  the 
submission  of  the  Ismailite  fortresses  in  Syria.  Rokn-ud-din  was  now 
powerless  and  useless  to  the  Mongols,  and  they  began  to  treat  him  badly. 
So  long  as  his  strongholds  held  out  it  was  easier  to  cajole  him  into  sur- 
rendering them  than  to  spend  blood  and  treasure  in  their  capture.  He 
had  lately  married  a  Mongol  woman  of  low  extraction,  and  Khulagu 
would  not  have  scrupled  to  put  him  to  death  but  for  his  solemn  promises 
to  him.  He  relieved  him  from  anxiety  by  expressing  a  wish  to  visit  the 
camp  of  Mangu  Khan.  He  went,  and  was  badly  received,  the  Khakan 
refusing  him  an  interview,  and  he  was  murdered  on  his  way  home  again. 
His  subjects  were  distributed  among  the  Mongol  soldiery,  and  were  put 
to  the  sword  as  directed  by  the  Grand  Kuriltai.  Even  the  children  in 
the  cradles  were  slaughtered.  Only  a  few  escaped  in  the  recesses  of 
Kuhistan,  where  their  descendants  still  lived  in  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  when  they  are  mentioned  by  Mohammed  of  EsfSzar,* 
but  practically  they  were  exterminated.  The  princes  of  Asia  Minor,  Syria, 
and  of  the  Franks  were  relieved  from  their  levies  of  black  mail,  and 
Muhammedanism  escaped  a  dangerous  schism;  but  the  terror  they 
inspired  survived  long  enough,  and  the  word  assassin  in  Western 
languages  (a  corruption  of  Hashishin,  by  which  the  Ismailites  of  Syria 
were  known)  still  bears  witness  to  their  ancient  renown.t 

Khulagu  now  went  to  Kazvin,  far  famed  for  its  melons  and  its  handi- 
craftsmen, where  he  held  a  grand  feast  in  honour  of  his  victory,  and 
rewarded  his  faithful  dependants.  He  then  turned  to  the  next  object 
of  his  expedition,  namely,  the  subjection  of  the  Khalif.  In  this  he 
was  seconded  by  the  learned  astronomer  Nassir-ud-din,  of  Thus, 
a  follower  of  Ali  {i.e,,  a  Shia).  From  his  camp  in  the  environs  of 
Kazvin,  Khulagu  marched  to  Hamadan,  where  he  met  the  Mongol  general 
Baiju,  who  came  to  do  homage.  He  was  received  with  the  scomfiil 
taunt,  "  Since  you  took  the  command  from  the  hands  of  Churmagun, 
what  enemies  have  you  conquered,  what  country  have  you  subjected  ? 
What  have  you  done,  except  to  frighten  the  Mongol  troops,  with  the 
grandeur  and  power  of  the  Khalif?"  He  replied,  on  his  knees,  that  he 
had  done  what  he  could,  and  had  subjected  the  kingdom  of  Rum  (/>., 
the  Seljuk  sovereignty  of  Asia  Minor),  and  that  he  had  not  ventured  to 
attack  Baghdad  because  of  its  strength  and  population,  and  the  difficulties 
of  the  way.t 

Khulagu  despatched  an  embassy  to  summon  the  Khalif  to  submit.  The 
latter  was  a  pious  man,  but  wanting  in  energy.  He  claimed  as  his  dele- 
gates all  the  sovereigns  who  professed  the  Moslem  faith,  and  who  re- 
ceived investiture  at  his  hands.  Mostassim  was  the  then  Khalif,  and  the 
princes  who  owned  his  supremacy  were  the  Sultans  of  Egypt  and 

*  D'Ohuoo,  iii.  sos.  f  D*OhM0D,  ^»  Mf .         I  D'Obnon,  iii.  soS. 

MANGU  KHAN.  197 

Ruiiii  the  Atabegs  of  Fars  and  Kerman,  the  Princes  of  Erbil  and  Mosul, 
and  several  others  of  less  account ;  but  the  rulers  of  Rum,  Fars,  and 
Kerman  had  ahready  submitted  to  the  Mongols.  The  Khalif  had  besides 
this  a  more  serious  domestic  difficulty.  He  had  recently  persecuted, 
and  treated  with  great  indignity,  certain  Seyid  captives,  descendants 
of  All.  His  vizier,  who  was  a  Shia,  was  much  scandalised  at  this^ 
and  entered  into  correspondence  with  Khulagu.  At  the  same  time  he 
dissembled  his  animosity,  and  tried  to  persuade  his  master,  the  Khalif, 
that  as  all  the  Mussulman  princes  were  his  feudatories,  and  were  ready 
to  sacrifice  both  their  troops  and  their  wealth  in  his  service,  there  was 
not  much  use  in  a  large  standing  army.  The  luxurious  Khalif  meddled 
little  with  affairs  of  State,  and  allowed  the  vizier  to  scatter  the  considerable 
army  his  father  had  left  him,  and  it  was  in  this  condition  when  the  news 
of  Khulagu's  march  arrived.  At  the  same  time  the  so-called  Little 
Devatvar  (/.^.,  vice-chancellor)  made  a  cabal  with  many  other  chiefs  to 
replace  the  Khalif  by  another  prince  of  the  house  of  Abbas,  and  to 
undermine  the  influence  of  the  vizier.  News  of  this  conspiracy  came  to 
the  KhaliPs  ear,  and  although  matters  had  proceeded  to  great  lengths, 
he  wrote  the  vice-chancellor  an  autograph  letter,  in  which  he  told  him  he 
considered  the  charges  to  be  calumnies,  and  that  he  retained  the  highest 
confidence  in  him.  His  letter  brought  a  submissive  answer,  and  on  the 
Devatvar  presenting  himself  he  was  well  received.  His  justification  was 
proclaimed  in  the  city,  and  his  name  was  inserted  in  the  Khutb^  imme- 
diately after  the  Khalifs.* 

The  letter  of  Khulagu  complained  that  the  Khalif  had  not  furnished  him 
with  a  contingent  in  his  war  against  the  Ismailites.  It  went  on  to 
remind  him  of  the  great  empires  that  had  already  succumbed  to  the  Mon- 
gols, that  each  of  their  rulers  was  always  welcome  at  Baghdad,  as  he  also 
expected  to  be.  He  urged  that  the  moon  only  shines  in  the  absence  of  the  sun. 
Do  not  strike  a  nail  with  your  fist,  he  said,  nor  mistake  the  sun  for  the 
puff  of  a  candle,  or  you  will  repent ;  but  the  past  is  past.  He  then  bade 
him  raze  the  walls  and  fill  the  ditches  of  Baghdad,  and  go  to  him  in 
person,  or  else  to  send  his  vizier  and  chancellor  to  do  homage.  He  told 
him  that  if  he  obeyed  his  behests,  then  he  should  preserve  his  states  and 
troops;  but  if  he  preferred  to  fight,  or  refused  to  obey,  they  would  see  what 
was  the  will  of  God.t  According  to  Raschid,  the  Khalif  replied  that 
Khulagu  had  been  seduced  by  the  good  fortune  of  ten  days  into  supposing 
himself  the  arbiter  of  the  world.  He,  too,  reminded  him  of  the  vast  power 
of  the  Mussulmans,  of  which  he  was  the  head.  He  did  not  wish  for  war, 
as  he  did  not  want  his  people  to  suffer  from  the  march  of  armies,  and  he 
counselled  him  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  peace,  and  to  return  to  Khorassan.t 
The  envoys  who  bore  this  message  were  accompanied  by  the  Mongol 
envoys.    The  latter  were  maltreated  by  the  people,  who  awaited  them 

*D'0hM0ii,tU.ai5.         t  D'OhtMo,  iii.  ai5.         I  D'Obsaon.  iU.  8x8. 


outside  the  gates  of  Baghdad.  When  Khulagu  heard  of  it,  he  is  said  to  have 
remarked,  the  Khalif  is  as  tortuous  in  his  policy  as  this  bow,  but  with  the 
help  of  God  I  will  chastise  him  until  he  becomes  as  straight  as  an  arrow. 
He  dismissed  the  envoys  with  the  message  that  God  had  given  the  empire  of 
the  earth  to  Jingis  Khan  and  his  descendants,  and  as  their  master  refused 
to  obey,  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  prepare  for  war.  The  vizier  now 
counselled  the  Khalif  that  he  should  appease  the  Mongols  by  magnificent 
presents;  the  Devatvar  advised  a  different  policy.  With  Suleiman- 
shah,  the  generalissimo  of  his  forces,  and  some  others,  he  reproached  the 
Khalif  with  his  weakness  and  debauchery,  reminded  him  of  the  terrible 
fate  of  the  cities  already  ravaged  by  the  Mongols,  and  begged  that  troops 
might  be  at  once  raised.  The  Khalif  consented,  and  the  vizier  gave 
orders  for  a  levy,  but  he  secretly  added  that  there  was  no  hurry,  and  the 
thing  might  be  done  leisurely.  Meanwhile  the  Khalif  addressed  another 
note  to  Khulagu,  in  which  he  enumerated  the  many  disastrous  expeditions 
which  had  set  out  with  the  object  of  taking  Baghdad,  and  warned  him  to 
avoid  the  same  fate.* 

Ehulagu's  march  lay  through  the  snowy  mountains  which  separated  the 
two  Iraks,  the  defiles  of  which  were  guarded  by  the  fortress  of  Deriteng  («.^., 
narrow  defile),  f  The  Mongols,  according  to  their  usual  policy,  seduced 
the  governor  by  fair  promises  into  their  power,  and  then  persuaded  him 
to  march  out  the  garrison,  when  they  completed  their  perfidy  by  a  general 
massacre.t  Before  marching,  Khulagu  consulted  Hossam-ud-din,  an 
astrologer,  who  had  been  sent  with  him  as  his  adviser  by  the  Khakan, 
his  brother.  Hossam  was  probably  a  Muhammedan.  He  foretold  that 
grave  disasters  would  follow  upon  the  expedition  ;  among  other  things, 
that  the  sun  would  not  rise  ;  that  there  would  be  drought,  earthquakes, 
pestilence,  &c.  He  was  rash  enough  to  fix  a  date  for  the  occurrence  of 
these  misfortunes,  and  to  offer  to  risk  his  head  on  the  result.  Khulagu 
waited  for  the  day.  Hossam's  prophecies  were  falsified,  and  he 
was  put  to  death  on  the  23rd  November,  1262.5  The  Bakshis  or 
Buddhist  doctors  of  the  Mongols  counselled  a  confident  advance,  and 
this  advice  was  strengthened  by  that  of  Khulagu's  favourite  astrologer, 
Nassir-ud-din,  who  was  a  follower  of  Ali,  and  who  told  him  that 
he  should  replace  the  Khalif  on  the  throne.  Khulagu  now  de- 
termined to  advance,  and  he  ordered  the  different  Mongol  armies 
to  converge  upon  Baghdad.  Baiju,  who  with  his  Mongols  had 
been  engaged  in  Asia  Minor  in  reducing  to  obedience  certain  towns 
of  the  Seljuk  Sultan  Rokn-ud-din,  who  was  a  proteg^  of  the  Mon- 
gols, crossed  the  Tigris  at  Mosul,  and  joined  a  second  body  of 
Mongols  under  the  conunand  of  Boka  Timur,  of  the  Noyan  Sugunjak, 
and  the  three  princes  of  the  house  of  Juji,  who  commanded  the  special 

*  D*0)^Mon,  iii.  2az.  t  Von  Hammer's  Ukhana,  i.  145.  I  D'Ohuonrili.  224. 

$  D*OhNon,  iii.  225. 

MANGU  KHAN.  199 

contingent  of  that  horde.  They  formed  together  the  right  wing  of  the 
attacking  force.  The  army  -which  had  been  on  the  frontiers  of  Luristan, 
under  Kitubuka  and  Kudussun,  formed  the  left  wing ;  while  Khulagu, 
with  the  chief  dignitaries  of  Persia,  took  command  of  the  centre.  Having 
once  more  summoned  the  Khalif,  who  now  offered  to  pay  tribute,  but 
would  not  go  in  person,  and  leaving  his  heavy  baggage  at  Hamadan, 
Khulagu  marched  through  the  Kurdish  mountains,  taking  and  sacking 
the  town  of  Kermanshahan  on  the  way.*  He  halted  for  thirteen  days 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  Hoi  van,  while  Kitubuka  overran  the  greater 
part  of  Luristan. 

A  conference  was  held  between  Khulagu  and  some  of  his  generals  at 
Thak  kesra,  and  it  was  noticed  that  when  they  left  him  they  consulted 
the  fissures  in  burnt  shoulder  blades  of  sheep,  the  usual  Mongol  mode  of 
divination,  to  see  what  would  be  the  resultf  They  commanded  the  right 
wing,  and  now  crossed  the  Tigris  at  Tacut,  and  so  great  was  the  hurry 
and  panic  of  the  inhabitants  to  get  across  the  river  and  take  refuge  in 
Baghdad,  that  the  boatmen  received  golden  bracelets,  tissues  of  gold,  and 
large  sums  of  money  for  the  passage.  This  Mongol  army  was  attacked 
by  one  of  the  Khalifs  divisions,  under  the  vice-chancellor,  whom  I  have 
previously  named.  The  Mongols  retired  as  usual,  and  then  succeeded  in 
flooding  the  country  behind  the  Moslem  army,  which  was  attacked  and 
utterly  defeated.  The  vice-chancellor  reached  Baghdad  with  a  handful  of 
men.  He  was  ordered  to  repair  the  walls  and  to  barricade  the  streets. 
The  vast  city  was  now  invested  by  the  Mongols ;  they  surrounded  the 
town  with  a  rampart  and  ditch,  the  ditch  being  on  the  inside.  This  work 
was  constructed  in  twenty-four  hours.  Out  of  the  bricks  which  strew 
the  neighbourhood,  probably  the  debris  of  the  old  Mesopotamian  empires, 
they  constructed  mounds  upon  which  to  place  the  battering  engines. 
The  bombardment  commenced  on  the  30th  of  January,  at  all  points,  and 
a  great  breach  was  effected  in  the  tower  A'djemi,  a  tower  flanking  one  of 
the  gates.  The  Khalif  sent  one  of  his  favourites,  and  the  patriarch 
of  the  Nestorian  Christians,  to  offer  the  terms  formerly  proposed  by 
Khulagu,  but  these  were  now  refused,  and  the  attack  was  pressed.  Palm 
trees  were  cut  down  to  furnish  projectiles,  while  stones  for  the  catapults 
had  to  be  brought  from  a  distance  of  three  or  four  days'  journey  to  the 
north,  from  Jebel  hamrin  and  Jelula.J  Letters  fastened  to  arrows  were 
shot  into  the  town,  stating  that  clemency  would  only  be  extended  to  the 
Kadhis,  the  Muhammedan  doctors,  the  Sheikhs,  Alevis,  and  non-com- 
batants. On  the  1st  of  February,  the  Mongols  captured,  by  assault,  all 
the  wall  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  city.  The  vice-chancellor  and  a  body 
of  10,000  men  tried  to  escape  down  the  river,  but  the  Mongols  were 
expecting  and  repulsed  them  with  a  shower  of  stones  and  pots  of  naptha, 
and  they  were  forced  to  return  to  Baghdad.    The  Khalif  now  saw  that 

*  D*0bM0O,  iii.  aaS,  t  D'Ohuon,  Ui.  19B,  I  D'Ohiton,  iii.  S34. 


resistance  was  hopeless,  and  he  sent  several  deputations  offering  terms  ; 
but  Khulagu  refused  to  see  them.  He  demanded  that  Suleiman  Shah, 
the  generalissimo  of  the  Khalif  s  troops,  and  the  vice-chancellor,  should 
be  sent  to  him,  and  on  their  arrival  he  ordered  them  to  return  and  bring 
out  all  their  forces.  Under  pretence  that  they  were  sending  them  into 
Syria,  they  persuaded  many  of  the  soldiery  and  others  to  come  out ;  but 
they  were  distributed  among  the  Mongol  companies,  and  as  usual  put  to 
to  the  sword.*  Eibeg,  the  vice-chancellor,  and  Suleiman  Shah  shared 
in  the  common  fate.  The  latter  was  first  jeered  at  by  Khulagu.  You, 
an  astrologer,  who  know  the  forecast  of  the  stars,  why  did  not  you  warn 
your  master  ?  The  Khalif,  was  the  pathetic  answer,  followed  his  destiny, 
and  listened  not  to  the  counsel  of  his  servants.  With  the  latter  also 
perished  700  of  his  house.  The  heads  of  three  of  the  chief  victims  were 
cruelly  sent  to  the  Prince  of  Mosul,  an  old  friend  of  Suleiman  Shah,  with 
orders  that  they  should  be  exposed  on  the  walls  of  his  palace  ;  t  an  order 
that  he  was  forced  to  obey.  The  Khalif,  with  his  three  sons  and  3,000 
grandees,  now  repaired  to  the  camp  of  Khulagu.  He  was  followed  by  a 
vast  crowd  of  his  people,  who  were  massacred  as  they  left  the  gates.  On 
the  13th  of  February  the  sack  of  Baghdad  was  inaugurated.  The  Mongols 
entered  from  every  side,  fired  the  houses  and  slaughtered  the  inhabitants, 
except  the  Christians  and  a  few  strangers.  On  the  15th,  Khulagu  entered 
the  city,  and  gave  a  grand  feast  in  the  Khalif  s  palace,  where  he  ironically 
treated  his  captive  as  his  host.  The  latter  produced  2,000  rich  robes, 
10,000  dinars,  and  many  precious  stones  ;  but  Khulagu  pressed  for  the 
hidden  treasure,  when  a  basin  filled  with  large  gold  coins,  each  of  the 
weight  of  100  miscals,  was  produced.  The  Mongols,  we  are  told,  found 
in  the  kitchens,  &c.,  many  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  which  they  valued 
only  as  if  they  had  been  copper  or  tin.  In  the  harem  were  found  700 
women  and  1,000  eunuchs.  Mostassim  begged  to  be  allowed  to  keep 
those  wives  upon  whom  neither  the  sun  nor  moon  had  shone,  and  he  was 
allowed  to  select  100.  D'Ohsson  tells  us  that  Khulagu  returned  to  his 
camp,  where  were  collected  the  vast  number  of  precious  objects  which 
had  been  amassed  by  the  Abassides  during  their  rule  of  five  centuries.J 
The  sack  of  Baghdad  lasted  seven  days,  during  which  the  greater  part  of 
the  mosques  were  fired.  At  length  Khulagu  ordered  the  massacre  and  de- 
struction to  cease.  The  number  of  the  dead,  we  are  told  by  Raschid,  was 
800,000,  a  frightful  hecatomb  when  we  consider  that  Baghdad  was  then 
the  eye  and  centre  of  the  Muhammedan  world ;  that  there  its  riches, 
its  literature  and  culture  had  their  focus  ;  at  a  time  when  the  Christian 
world  was  almost  barbarous,  and  when  the  Mussulmans  were  without 
doubt  the  foremost  of  civilised  communities.  The  Christians  escaped 
the  massacre  under  the  instructions  of  the  Nestorian  patriarch,  and  had 
taken  refuge  in  a  church  which  was  spared.   This  clemency  was  probably 

*  D'OhMon,  iii.  237.  t  Von  Hammer*!  Ilkluuu,  i.  252.  2  D'OliHoo,  tU.  340. 

MANGU  KHAN.  201 

due  to  the  influence  of  Khulagu's  chief  wife  Tokus,  who  was  a  Nestorian 
Christian.*  We  are  told  that  among  the  assailants  the  fiercest  probably 
were  the  Georgians,  who  enlisted  in  the  Mongol  armies,  and  who  had 
niany  old  scores  to  pay  off  against  the  Muhanmiedans.  On  the  20th  of 
February,  Khulagu  left  Baghdad  because  of  its  tainted  air.  The  Khalifs 
fate  is  differently  reported :  Raschid  and  Novairi  relate  that  he  was  put 
to  death  with  his  eldest  son  and  five  eunuchs  near  Vacaf,  by  being  sewn 
in  a  sack  and  trodden  imder  foot  by  horses  until  he  died,  because,  as 
the  latter  says,  the  Mongols  never  shed  the  blood  of  sovereigns  and 
princes.f  The  Persian  historians,  Nikby  and  Mirkhond,  agreeing  in 
this  with  the  Armenians,  have  a  more  romantic  story.  They  tell  us  that 
Khulagu  placed  before  Mostassim  a  seat  covered  with  gold  pieces,  and 
ordered  him  to  eat  them.  "  But  you  cannot  eat  gold,"  he  said.  "  Why 
then  have  you  kept  it,"  said  the  Utilitarian  conqueror,  *'  instead  of  dis- 
tributing it  to  your  troops  ?  Why  have  you  not  converted  these  iron 
gates  into  barbs  for  your  arrows,  and  advanced  to  the  banks  of  the 
Jihun  to  dispute  my  advance ?**  "It  was  the  will  of  God,"  said  the 
Khalif.  "What  will  happen  to  you  is  the  will  of  God  also,"  said  Khtdagu; 
and  he  left  him  to  starve  before  his  dishes  loaded  with  gold  and  precious 
stones.}  Thus  perished  Mostassim,  at  the  age  of  forty-six,  after  a  reign 
of  fifteen  years.  He  was  thethirty-sevcnth  of  the  Abassidan  Khalifs 
and  his  death  caused  a  terrible  gap  in  the  Muhammedan  world.  For 
three  years  the  Moslems  remained  without  a  spiritual  head.  Founded  in 
762  by  Al  Mansur,  the  second  Abassidan  Khalif,  Baghdad  became  not 
only  a  spiritual  and  literary  metropolis,  but  also  a  commercial  one.  From 
Bussorah  it  received  the  productions  of  India  and  China,  while  those  of 
the  north  came  to  it  by  way  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates. 

Khulagu  appointed  governors  to  take  charge  of  the  captured  city,  Ibn 
Alkamiyi,  the  vizier,  retained  his  post.  He  is  accused  of  treachery  by 
^he  majority  of  the  Moslem  historians.  Of  the  sect  of  the  Rafizis,  it  was 
natural  that  he  should  delight  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Abassidan  dynasty 
and  the  reinstatement  of  that  of  Ali ;  and  the  proverb  which  was  inscribed 
on  the  books  used  in  the  Muhammedan  schools,  "  Let  him  be  cursed  of 
God  who  curses  not  Ibn  ul  Alkamiyi,"  had  probably  a  good  justification. 
He  died  three  years  after  the  capture  of  Baghdad,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Sheref-ud-din.§ 

Besides  Ali  Bahadur  and  the  vizier  Ibn  Alkamiyi,  other  Mussulmans 
seem  to  have  won  the  confidence  of  Khulagu,  and  we  are  told  that  Fakhr 
ud  din  of  Damghan  was  made  Sahib  Divan,  Ahmed  ben  Amram  prefect 
of  the  districts  east  of  Baghdad,  and  Nizam  ud  din  Abd  ul  Muemin 
was  made  chief  judge.  A  curious  story  is  told  of  Ben  Amram  by 
Mirkhond.    A  slave  of  the  governor  of  Yakuba,  he  was  one  day  employed 

*  Von  Hammer*!  Ilkhaxu,  i.  252.       t  D'OhsioD,  iii.  243.   Note.       I  D*Ohsson,  iii.  343.  Note. 

S  D'Ohsson,  iii.  249. 



(about  twelve  months  before  Khulagu's  arrival)  in  the  menial  office  of 
tickling  the  soles  of  his  master's  feet  when  asleep  (a  conmion  form  of 
luxury  in  the  East),  when  he  himself  fell  asleep.  On  awakening  he  told 
his  master  that  he  had  dreamt  that  the  Khalifate  and  Mostassim  were  no 
more,  and  that  he  himself  was  governor  of  Baghdad  This  ridiculous 
pretension  was  rewarded  by  a  kick  from  his  master.  During  the  siege  of 
the  town,  the  Mongols  having  begun  to  run  short  of  provisions,  Ben 
Amram  sent  a  note  fastened  to  an  arrow  into  Khulagu's  camp  stating  that  if 
he  were  to  ask  for  him  to  come  to  his  camp  he  would  hear  of  something 
useful.  The  Khalif  was  applied  to  and  made  no  difficulty.  Ibn  Amram 
when  taken  before  Khulagu  said  that  if  he  so  ordered,  provisions  should 
be  forthcoming.  He  took  one  of  the  Mongol  officers  to  a  place  near 
Yakuba,  where  there  were  underground  granaries  containing  enough  to 
supply  the  besieging  army  for  fifteen  days.  His  reward,  in  accordance  with 
the  dream,  was  the  government  of  Baghdad,  says  Mirkhond  ;  in  reality  he 
was  governor  of  the  districts  east  of  the  city.*  When  the  main  part  of 
the  Mongol  army,  evacuated  Baghdad  the  Noyan  Ilga  and  Kara  Buga 
remained  behind  with  3,000  horsemen  to  re-establish  order  and  to  bury 
the  dead.t  The  Friday  after  the  capture,  the  preacher  who  read  the 
Khutb^  in  place  of  the  usual  prayer  for  the  Khalif  pronoimced  the  fol- 
lowing words ;  a  curious  proof  surely  of  the  intensity  of  meaning  the  Mus- 
sulmans attach  to  the  duty  of  submission  to  the  will  of  God,  "  Praise  be  to 
God  who  has  destroyed  by  death  great  beings,  and  has  condemned  to 
destruction  the  inhabitants  of  this  place  ; "  concluding  thus,  **  O,  my  God, 
help  us  in  our  calamity  than  which  Islamism  and  its  children  have  not 
felt  their  equal.  But  we  came  from  God  and  we  return  to  God"  When 
master  of  Baghdad  Khulagu  proposed  this  question  to  the  Muhammedan 
doctors  :  "  Which  is  preferable  :  A  just  sovereign  who  is  an  imbeliever,  or  a 
true  believer  who  is  unjust ; "  they  agreed  that  the  just  infidel  was  pre- 
ferable to  the  unjust  Mussulman.}  During  the  siege  of  Baghdad  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Hilld,  who  were  Shias,  sent  envoys  to  him 
stating  that,,  according  to  the  tradition  of  their  ancestors,  the  twelve 
Imams  and  the  Khalif  Ali,  he  was  fated  to  conquer  Irak  Areb  and  its 
sovereign,  and  offered  their  submission.  Khulagu  detached  Buga  Timur, 
his  brother-in-law,  with  a  Mongol  force  to  visit  them.  The  people  of 
Hill^  threw  a  bridge  across  the  Euphrates  and  went  out  to  meet  him  with 
some  pomp.  This  shows  how  bitter  the  hatred  of  the  two  great  rival 
sects  must  have  been,  for  this  occurred  during  the  siege  of  the  metropolis 
of  Muhammedanism.  Seven  days  after  leaving  Hill6,  Buga  Timur 
appeared  before  Vassith,  which,  having  shut  its  gates,  was  taken  by 
assault  and  sacked.  This  was  followed  by  the  submission  of  Shuster 
Bussorah  and  other  towns  of  Khuzistan.  At  the  desire  of  his  first  minister 
Seif-ud-din  Betikji,  Khulagu  posted  a  guard  of  100  Mongols  at  the  tomb 

*  D'Ohuoo,  uu  347.    Note.  t  D'OhMon,  iii.  248  I  D*OhMon,  iii.  ZS5,  ' 

MANGU  KHAN.  203 

of  Ali  to  protect  it  from  sacrilege.*  During  the  siege  of  Baghdad  Khulagu 
had  dispatched  Oroktu  Noyan  to  capture  Erbil,  a  flourishing  city  situated 
between  the  two  rivers  Zab,  two  days'  journey  from  Mosul.  Its  com- 
mander came  to  his  camp  to  offer  his  submission,  but  the  Kurdish 
garrison  would  not  allow  him  to  re-enter  it.  The  unlucky  governor  was 
put  to  death  by  the  Mongols  who  then  laid  siege  to  the  town.  They  were 
assisted  by  a  contingent  sent  by  the  Prince  of  Mosul.  The  garrison 
fought  well,  but  the  place  was  at  length  captured,  and  its  walls  razed.t 
On  the  17th  of  April  Khulagu  rejoined  his  Aghriks  (?>.,  the  camps  where 
the  baggage,  women,  &c.,  were  left)  at  Hamadan.  He  was  master  of  a 
vast  booty  collected  from  Baghdad,  the  Ismailite  fortresses,  and  the 
towns  of  Rum,  Georgia,  Armenia,  Kurdistan,  and  Lur,  and  he  built  a 
strong  fort  as  a  treasure  house  on  a  scarped  island  in  the  midst  of  the 
lake  Urmia  in  Azerbaidjan.  He  sent  his  brother,  the  Khakan,  a  portion 
of  the  booty,  and  announced  to  him  his  mtention  of  marching  upon  Syria 
and  Egypt.J  At  M^raga,  he  received  the  homage  of  Bedr  ud  din 
Lulu,  Prince  of  Mosul,  who  came  to  him  with  rich  presents.  He  was  a 
diplomatic  and  wily  old  gentleman,  and  flattered  Khulagu  much  by  taking 
the  ear-rings  out  of  his  own  ears  and  fastening  them  on  those  of  his 
suzereign.  He  died  shortly  after  his  return  to  Mosul.§  Luristan  was  then 
divided  into  two  provinces,  the  greater  of  which  was  governed  by  the  Atabeg 
Tek^l^.  Having  expressed  his  grief  at  the  fate  of  Baghdad,  he  became 
an  object  of  suspicion  to  Khulagu  and  fied.  His  brother  set  out  with 
some  companions  to  appease  the  Mongols,  but  was  imprisoned  and  his 
cortege  destroyed.  Tek^l^,  the  Prince  of  Lur,  was  seduced  by  fair 
promises  to  capitulate.  Khulagu  actually  sent  him  his  own  ring  as  a 
token  of  his  sincerity,  but,  like  many  others  who  had  trusted  to  Mongol 
promises,  he  was  put  to  death.  The  Prince  of  the  lesser  Luristan  was  more 
lucky.  He  took  part  in  the  capture  of  Baghdad,  and  was  rewarded  by  the 
investiture  of  his  estates.  At  this  time  the  Princes  of  Fars  and  the  two 
rival  Seljuk  Sultans  of  Rum,  Rokn-ud-din  Kilidj  Arslan,  and  Iz-ud-din 
Kei  B[avus,  came  to  do  homage.  The  latter,  who  had  reason  to  dread 
the  reception  he  should  meet  vrith,  was  very  diplomatic.  He  had  his 
own  portrait  painted  on  the  soles  of  a  pair  of  socks,  which  he  presented 
to  the  Mongol  chief  as  a  token  of  his  humility,  at  the  same  time, 
prostrating  himself  and  begging  that  Khulagu  would  honour  him  by 
pladnig  his  august  feet  on  the  head  of  his  servant.  The  partition  of  the 
empire  between  the  two  brothers  was  confirmed,  and  they  returned  home 
with  rich  presents,  part  of  the  booty  from  Baghdad.  ||  Nassir  ud  din,  a 
famous  astronomer,  was  ordered  by  Khulagu  to  build  an  observatory  in 
the  most  convenient  position.    He  had  impressed  upon  Khulagu  the 

*  D'OhMon,  iii.  255, 256.       Von  Hammer^s  Ilkhans.  i.  136. 

t  Von  Hammer,  op.  cit.,  i.  158.     D'Ohsson,  iii.  257.  I  D'Ohsson,  iii.  257. 

S  D'OhiMO,  ill.  259.        I  D'OhMon,  iii.  262.    Von  Hammer*!  Ilkhant,  i.  160. 


necessity  of  forming  new  astronomical  tables,  and  that  observations  should 
be  continued  for  at  least  thirty  years,  as  Saturn's  term  of  revolution 
was  of  that  length.  He  compared  the  different  ancient  tables  ;  the  earliest 
of  these  were  those  of  Enerdjese,  then  fourteen  centuries  old.    After 
these  came  those  of  Ptolemy.    There  were  also  the  observations  made 
at  Baghdad  in  the  reign  of  the  Khalif  Meimun  ;  those  of  Tebani,  in 
Syria ;    and,  lastly,  those  of    Hakemi  and   Ibn  al  A'lem,  in   Egypt, 
made  250  years  before.    Nassir  ud  din  chose  a  site  near  the  town  of 
Meraga,  with  him  were  associated  four  famous  astronomers,  namely, 
Mueyed  ud  din  Ben  Urzy  from  Damascus,  Nedjm  ud  din  Eatib  from 
Kazvin,  Fakhr  ud  din,  a  native  of  Meraga,  from  Mosul,  and  a  second 
Fakhr  ud  din,  a  native  of  Akhlatt,  from  Tiflis.    The  observatory  was 
furnished  with  armillary  spheres  and  astrolabes,  and  with  a  beautifully 
executed  terrestrial  globe  showing  the  five  climates.     The  tables  that 
were  calculated  at  this  observatory  were  published    in  the  next   reign 
under  the  name  of  Zidj  Ilkhani.    They  showed  an  error  of  forty  minutes 
in  the  previous  calculations  of  the  sun's  place  at  the  beginning  of  the  year. 
It  is  a  curious  proof  of  the  interchange  of  Eastern  and  Western  thought 
under  the  influence  of  the  Mongols,  that  Nassir-ud-din  studied  the  era 
and  astronomical  rules  of  the  Chinese  for  the  composition  of  these  tables, 
firom  the  Chinese  doctor  Fao  Mun  Dji,  otherwise  known  as  Sing  Sing  or 
learned,  one  of  the  Chinese  learned  men  Khulagu  had  brought  with  him. 
Khulagu  was  somewhat  frightened  at  the  expense  of  the  observatory,  the 
instruments  of  which  alone  cost  20,000  dinars.    He  was  convinced  of  its 
utility  by  a  curious  experiment.  Standing  on  a  hill,  beside  his  astronomer, 
the  latter  rolled  a  copper  bowl  to  the  bottom.    The  noise  of  this  greatly 
frightened  those  who  did  not  know  its  cause,  while  the  astronomer  and 
his  master  were  perfectly  at  ease.    "  See  the  use  of  the  stars,"  said 
Nassir  ud  din,  "  they  announce  what  will  happen,  and  those  who  know  can 
take  precautions,  and  are  not  panic-stricken  like  those  taken  by  surprise."* 
Argun,  the  governor  of  Persia,  had  in  the  latter  part  of  1258  gone  to 
the  Khakan's  court  to  defend  himself  from  the  charges  of  his  intriguing 
enemies.    These  he  completely  answered,  and  his  answer  was  confirmed 
by  the  Armenian  Prince  Sempad,  who  happened  to  be  then  at  the  court. 
He  returned  to  Persia  when  Mangu  set  out  on  his  Chinese  expedition, 
and  when  there  regulated  the  taxes  on  a  new  principle,  the  maximum  for 
the  richest  being  500  dinars,  while  the  minimum  for  the  poorest  was  one 
dinar.    He  repaired  to  Georgia,  where  David,  the  son  of  the  Queen 
Riizudan,  whom  We  have  previously  named,  had  revolted  against  the 
Mongols,  they  had    sent    an    army    against    them.     The  Georgians 
were  beaten.    Argun  was  present  on  this  occasion,  and  reported  to 
Khulagu  how  matters  stood  there.    By  him  he  was  entrusted  with  an  army 
with  which  he  returned  to  Tiflis. 

*  D'Ohison,  iii.  208. 

MANGU  KHAN.  205 

Meanwhile  many  of  the  Christians,  especially  those  of  Tacrit,  who  had 
been  well  treated  after  the  siege  of  Baghdad,  were  accused  by  the 
Mussulmans  of  concealing  treasure,  and  the  charge  proving  correct,  they 
were  mercilessly  killed,  and  we  are  told  the  Mussulmans  reoccupied  the 
cathedral  of  Tacrit,  But  notwithstanding  this  their  condition  was  very 
much  improved  by  the  Mongol  occupation.  By  the  Moslems  they  were 
treated  with  great  indignity,  the  many  restrictions  and  insults  they  had 
to  bear  are  enimierated  in  some  detail  by  D'Ohsson.*  Like  the 
Crusaders,  the  Eastern  Christians  saw  in  Khulagu  and  his  Mongols  the 
avengers  of  their  many  wrongs,  and  they  welcomed  them  accordingly. 

In  the  year  when  Baghdad  fell  a  terrible  famine  and  pestilence  de- 
vastated the  provinces  of  Irak  Areb,  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  and  Rum, 
doubtless  caused  by  the  Mongol  ravages.!  jki 

Syria  was  at  this  time  ruled  over  by  Nassir  Saladin  Yussuf,  a  great 
grandson  of  the  great  Saladin.  He  had  inherited  the  principality  of  Aleppo 
in  1236,  at  the  age  of  six  years,  and  in  1250  had  taken  possession  of  that 
of  Damascus,  which  belonged  to  the  Egyptian  Sultan.  In  a  subsequent 
struggle  with  the  latter  he  was  defeated.  The  Ehalif  interposed  as 
mediator,  and  he  agreed  to  siurender  to  the  Sultan,  Jerusalem,  Gaza,  and 
the  coast  as  £sir  as  Nablus.  He  had  sent  a  richly  laden  Embassy  to  the 
court  of  Mangu,  but  had  not  yet  done  homage  to  Khulagu.  After  the 
terrible  campaign  against  Baghdad  he  dared  no  longer  delay,  and  sent  his 
son  with  the  vizier  and  other  officers,  who  took  presents  and  a  letter  to  the 
Prince  of  Mosul  to  intercede  for  him.  He  excused  himself  for  not  going 
in  person  by  representing  the  danger  his  country  was  then  in  from  the 
attacks  of  the  crusaders.  The  young  prince  was  detained  during  the 
winter,  and  returned  to  his  father,  bearing  a  long  letter,  which  is  interest- 
ing as  an  example  of  arrogant  and  offensive  language. 

The  sting  of  the  letter  was  increased  by  having  some  of  its  emphatic 
phrases  taken  directly  from  the  Koran,  and  the  astronomer  Nassir  ud  din 
had  the  credit  of  its  composition.  I  take  the  letter  and  its  answer  from 
D'Ohsson,  marking  as  he  does  the  extracts  from  the  Koran  by  italics. 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  Creator  of  heaven  and  earth.  Be  it  known  to 
you,  Prince  Nassir,  that  we  arrived  at  Baghdad  in  the  year  655,  and  that 
we  have  made  its  sovereign  prisoner.  He  had  behaved  badly  towards  us. 
He  repented,  and  confessed  that  he  deserved  to  die.  Greedy  of  wealth 
he  has  ended  by  losing  everything.  His  avarice  has  made  him  lose  his 
precious  heritage.  According  to  the  adage,  he  who  has  reached  his  fate 
begins  to  decline.    Our  prosperity,  on  the  contrary,  is  increasing. 

"  O  Prince  Nassir,  Seif  ud  din,  son  of  Yagmur,  Alai  ud  din  El  Kaimari, 
and  you  chiefs  and  warriors  of  Syria,  be  it  known  to  you  that  we  are 
God's  troops  on  earth.  That  he  created  us  in  his  wrath,  and  that  he  has 
given  us  authority  over  those  who  have  incurred  his  anger.    That  you 

*  D'Ohtioii,  iii.  274,  ct  teq.  t  D'Ohsson,  iii.  271. 


might  learn  from  the  fate  of  other  countries,  and  find  a  lesson  in  others' 
misfortunes.  Submit  before  the  veil  is  rent  asunder^  for  we  are  not 
touched  by  tears  nor  moved  by  entreaty.  God  has  erased  pity  from  our 
hearts.  Woe  to  those  who  are  not  with  us.  You  know  how  many  nations 
and  peoples  we  have  conquered  and  destroyed.  To  you,  flight ;  to  us, 
pursuit ;  but  whither  will  you  fly  ?  What  land  will  protect  you  ;  nothing 
shall  save  you  from  our  arms.  Our  steeds  are  like  flashes  of  lightning, 
our  swords  thunderbolts,  our  breasts  hard  as  rocks,  our  warriors  nume- 
rous as  the  sand.  Those  who  resist  us  repent  it.  Those  who  ask  our 
favour  find  it.  Our  empire  is  respected  and  our  vassals  are  safe.  If  you 
receive  our  laws  then  everything  is  in  common  between  us.  If  you  resist 
us  you  will  at  best  have  but  your  own.  He  who  warns  is  justified ; 
fortresses  are  no  barriers  to  us,  nor  will  armies  stay  us.  Your  curses 
against  us  will  not  be  favourably  listened  to,  for  you  use  forbidden  meats. 
You  keep  not  your  word.  You  break  treaties,  and  you  betray  the  faith.  You 
are  heretics.  You  love  impiety  and  rebellion.  Note  that  you  are  doomed 
to  misfortime  and  to  fall.  The  day  is  coming  when  you  shall  receive  tjie 
ignominious  punishment  of  your  arrogance^  your  ill  deeds ^  and  your 
wickedness.  ,You  believe  we  are  infidels  ;  we  know  you  are  bad.  The 
Almighty  has  subjected  you  to  our  dominion.  Those  whom  you  most 
honour  are  vile  in  our  eyes.  Misfortune  and  woe  to  those  who  set  them- 
selves against  us.  Grace  and  safety  to  those  who  come  near  us.  We 
have  conquered  the  earth  from  the  east  to  the  west,  and  spoiled  those 
who  possessed  its  wealth.  We  have  captured  all  the  ships.  Choose  then 
the  safe  path,  and  submit  before  war  lights  its  fires  and  throws  their 
sparks  over  you,  for  you  vrill  meet  with  terrible  calamity.  In  the  wink  of 
an  eye  your  land  will  become  a  desert,  and  you  will  find  no  refiige.  The 
angel  of  death  will  be  able  to  proclaim,  Is  there  one  among  them  who 
still  has  the  leait  sign  oflife^  or  whose  voice  can  utter  the  least  murmur. 
We  are  chivalrous  in  warning  you.  Be  quick  then  and  confess  your  fear 
that  you  be  not  taken  unawares.  Be  on  your  guard,  and  when  you  have 
received  our  letter  read  the  commencement  of  the  Bees  and  the  end  of 
the  Sad,  We  have  scattered  the  diamonds  of  our  words.  It  is  for  you 
to  reply ;  and  safety  to  him  who  follows  the  path  of  safety."  * 

To  this  letter,  in  which  the  arrogance  of  the  Mongols  is  mixed  up  vrith 
the  bitter  hatred  of  a  Shia  for  a  Sunni  Muhammedan,  and  which  we 
are  told  by  Vassaf  is  a  model  of  Arabic  style,  Nassir  responded  with 
scomftil  and  incisive  phrases.     His  answer  ran  thus  : — 

"  Oh^  my  God,  master  of  empires,  thou  givest  dominion  to  whom  thou 
wiliest.  Assist  us.  Praise  be  to  God  the  ruler  of  the  universe.  Blessing 
and  greeting  to  the  Coryphaeus  of  his  messengers,  the  last  of  the  prophets, 
Muhammed,  the  untaught,  and  all  his  family. 

*  The  Beet  and  the  Sad  are  the  titles  of  two  chapters  of  the  Koran.  The  former  com- 
mences with  the  words,  Diviiu  vengeance  is  coming;  do  not  hasten  it.  The  other  ends  with 
the  words.  This  script  is  a  warning  to  mortals*    You  wiU  tee  one  day  that  it  prophecies  truly. 

MANGU  KHAN.  207 

*'  We  have  noted  the  letter  of  your  llkhanian  and  Sultanian  highness 
(whom  may  God  teach  the  right  faith  and  make  him  love  the  truth), 
announcing  that  you  were  created  by  the  wrath  of  God,  and  sent  against 
those  who  have  incurred  his  anger.  That  you  are  not  affected  by 
entreaty,  nor  softened  by  tears,  and  that  God  has  erased  pity  from  all 
your  hearts.  Here  indeed  you  confess  your  greatest  infamy,  for  this  is 
the  character  of  devils,  and  not  of  sovereigns.  This  impromptu  quota- 
tion shall  confound  you.  Oh^  infidels^  I  do  not  adore  that  which  you 
adofe.  You  are  cursed  in  all  the  sacred  books,  you  have  been  described  in 
atrocious  colours.  You  have  been  pointed  out  by  all  the  heavenly 
apostles,  and  we  have  known  you  since  you  were  made.  You  are  infidels 
as  you  have  suspected,  and  the  curse  of  God  is  it  ftot  upon  the  infidels? 
You  say  we  are  heretics,  that  we  have  betrayed  the  faith,  that  we 
are  given  up  to  rebellion  and  wickedness.  We  are  reminded  of  those 
who  are  careless  of  consequences.  It  is  as  if  Pharaoh,  he  who  denied 
the  true  faith,  had  exhorted  men  to  obey  God.  We  are  the  true  faithful. 
Men  cannot  impute  any  transgressions  to  us ;  we  are  open  to  no  suspi- 
cions. It  was  to  us  the  Koran  was  sent  from  heaven.  It  is  our  God  who 
is  eternal.  We  believe  in  the  revealed  word,  and  know  how  it  ought  to 
be  interpreted ;  but  as  to  you,  the  fire  was  created  for  you,  even  to  con- 
sume your  skin.  When  the  skies  shall  break  in  pieces,  the  stars  be 
dispersed,  the  mighty  aeep  he  confounded,  and  the  tombs  overturned,  then 
the  soul  shall  see  the  whole  panorama  of  its  life.  Is  it  not  strange  to 
threaten  lions  with  blows ;  tigers,  hyaenas,  and  heroes  with  the  vengeance 
of  ragamuffins  ?  Our  horses  are  from  Barka ;  our  swords  from  Yemen ; 
our  prowess  is  known  from  the  east  to  the  west ;  our  horsemen  spring 
like  lions,  and  our  horses  overtake  all  whom  they  pursue  ;  our  swords  cut 
in  pieces,  and  our  blows  are  like  thunder  peals  ;  our  skin  is  our  coat  of 
mail ;  our  chests  are  our  cuirasses.  Insults  do  not  vex  our  hearts,  nor 
will  menaces  frighten  us.  Obedience  to  God  implies  resistance  to  you. 
If  we  kill  you  our  duty  will  be  done.  If  we  are  killed  paradise  awaits 
us.  You  say,  Our  breasts  are  like  rocks,  we  are  numerous  as  the  sand. 
Is  the  butcher  then  afraid  of  the  sheep,  because  they  are  so  numerous  ? 
Will  not  a  small  spark  fire  a  big  house  of  logs  ?  We  shall  not  shrink 
from  death  in  order  that  we  may  survive  in  ignominy.  If  we  live  we  shall 
be  happy;  if  we  die  we  shall  be  martyrs.  Is  it  not  thus  that  the 
soldiers  of  God  triumph  f  You  demand  from  us  the  obedience  we  owe 
to  the  chief  of  the  faithful,  the  vicar  of  the  prophet.  We  shall  not  obey 
you.  We  prefer  to  go  and  join  him.  You  ask  that  we  submit  to  you 
before  the  veil  is  torn,  and  that  you  await  our  coming.  The  words  of 
this  phrase  are  ill  assorted.  If  the  veil  is  to  be  destroyed,  if  our  fate  is 
to  be  accomplished,  it  will  surely  be  when  we  adopt  the  worship  of  idols 
in  the  place  of  the  true  God.  You  have  indeed  advanced  such  strange 
argxmients  that  it  would  not  be  strange  if  the  skies  should  break  asunder, 
the  earth  should  open,  and  the  mountains  should  fall  down.    Tell  your 


scribe,  he  who  wrote  your  letter,  you  have  exceeded  all  decency,  notwith- 
standing your  circumcision  ;  but  we  make  as  little  account  of  your  prose 
as  of  the  sound  of  the  rabab  {i.e.,  a  kind  of  Persian  violin),  or  of  the  buzzing 
of  a  fly.  You  have  repaid  your  benefactors  with  ingratitude,  and  you 
deserve  your  punishment.  Truly  we  note  their  speech^  and  we  will  repay 
them  with  interest.  You  sport  with  us  with  your  menacing  phrases. 
You  were  ambitious  of  exhibiting  your  rhetoric.  It  is  to  you  it  may  be 
said,  you  have  followed  one  thing  so  closely  you  have  forgotten  the  rest* 
You  have  written.  The  wicked  shall  one  day  be  overtaken  by  their  destiny. 
Such  is  your  apostrophe.  Here  is  our  answer  :  The  commandment  of 
God  shall  be  fulfilled;  do  not  hasten  it.  The  Prince  Nassir  Seif  ud  din 
ibn  Yagmur,  Alai  ud  din  el  ILaimeri,  and  the  other  chiefs  and  warriors  of 
Syria,  they  do  not  refuse  the  challenge ;  they  await  impatiently  the  neighing 
of  the  horses  and  the  charge  of  the  warriors,  for  they  have  sworn  to  meet 
you.  It  is  not  necessary  to  jump  into  hell,  for  it  is  a  bad  resting-place  ; 
nor  to  strike  a  helmet-plume  with  a  sword,  they  all  bid  me  tell  you.  If  your 
arms  arc  eager  for  the  fight  there  is  no  need  of  verses,  of  writing  letters, 
or  of  composing  histories.  We  await  you.  God  grant  the  victory  to 
whom  he  will.  We  shall  not  scatter  diamond  words,  but  we  say  what 
comes  to  our  lips,  and  we  excuse  him  who  stammers.    Greeting."  * 

There  could  only  be  one  issue  to  such  a  correspondence,  and  that  one 
came  speedily. 

Ehulagu  set  out  from  Tebriz ;  with  him  went  Salih,  the  son  of  the 
Prince  of  Mosul,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  the  KJiuarezm  Shah 
Jelal-ud-din.  Kitubuka  commanded  the  advance  guard,  Sinkur  and 
Baiju  the  right  wing,  Sundjar  the  left  wing,  and  Khulagu  himself  the 
centre.  He  set  out  on  the  12th  of  September,  1259,  and  went  by  way  of 
Alatagh,  which  lies  between  Ararat  and  Erzerum.  He  then  marched  to 
Akhlath,  north  of  Lake  Van,  a  town  famous  for  its  apples.  The  Kurds 
of  the  tribe  of  Hukkiari  who  garrisoned  it  were  slaughtered.!  Entering 
Diarbekr  he  took  Jezirat,  while  his  son  Yashmut  laid  siege  to  Mayafarkin. 
The  Mongols  had  a  long  score  to  wipe  off  in  the  case  of  its  prince. 
Notwithstanding  that  he  had  been  invested  by  the  Khakan  Mangu  him- 
self with  his  principality,  he  had  proved  very  treacherous ;  he  was  charged 
with  having  crucified  a  Syrian  priest  who  bore  a  yarlig  (passport)  from 
the  Imperial  Chancellary;  of  having  driven  away  from  his  country 
the  Mongol  commissaries  or  prefects;  of  having  sent  some  troops 
to  assist  the  Khalif.  He  had  more  lately  been  to  Damascus  to^ask 
Nassir  to  fight  the  Mongols,  Roha  (the  ancient  Edessa),  Harran,  and 
Nisibin  were  successively  occupied,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Sarudj,  who 
had  sent  Khulugu  no  envoys,  were  put  to  the  sword. J  He  wintered  his 
army  near  Roha  and  there  held  a  reception,  which  was  attended  by  the 

*  D'Obuon.  iii.  294-306.  t  Von  Hanimer^i  lUchani,  i.  274. 

I  Von  Hammer's  lUcbani,  L 174.    D'Ohiaon,  iii  309. 

MAXGU  KHAX.  209 

kings  of  Armenia,  the  Seljuk  sovereigns  of  Rum,  &c.*  Meanwhile 
Nassir  enlisted  in  his  service  the  various  bands  of  fugitives  who  now 
took  refuge  in  Syria.  He  posted  his  army  at  Berze,  a  httle  north  of 
Damascus.  It  was  a  turbulent  and  disjointed  body  of  Arabs  and  Turks, 
and  so  little  attached  to  him  that  a  portion  of  it  tried  to  murder  him.  He 
sent  his  wives  and  treasures  for  safety  into  Egypt,  and  was  imitated  in 
this  by  many  of  his  soldiers.  Under  pretence  of  escorting  them,  many  of 
them  fled  and  did  not  return  again,  such  was  the  terror  inspired  by  the 
Mongols.  The  army  of  Nassir  was  practically  disbanded.  He  applied 
to  the  Sultan  of  Egypt  for  succour.  That  country  after  many  revolutions 
was  now  governed  by  Kuttuz,  who  had  once  been  a  slave,  had  risen  to 
the  rank  of  general,  and  then  usurped  the  supreme  authority  :  he  agreed 
to  assist  Nassir  in  any  way  he  would  suggest.t 

ELhulagu,  who  was  master  of  Mesopotamia,  continued  his  advance  and 
marched  in  the  spring  towards  Aleppo.  He  crossed  the  Euphrates  at 
four  famous  fords — Malatia  (the  ancient  Melitene),  Kalaatol  Rum  (/.^., 
the  Roman  Castle),  Bire  (the  ancient  Birtha),  and  Kirkesia  (anciently 
Kirkesion).  He  captured  certain  forts  on  the  river,  namely,  Menbedsh, 
Nedshm,  Rakka,  and  Jaaber,  and  slaughtered  their  inhabitants.}  Having 
left  garrisons  there,  he  advanced  towards  Aleppo.  A  division  of  his  army 
made  a  diversion ;  received  the  submission  of  Maaretnaaman,  Hama, 
and  Hims  ;  the  sultans  of  the  two  latter  towns  finding  refuge  in  Egypt.g 
As  the  Mongols  drew  near  to  Aleppo  a  good  many  fugitives  escaped  to 
Damascus,  where  a  pestilence  was  raging.  The  garrison  made  a 
sortie  and  the  Mongols  adopted  their  ordinary  ruse  of  a  feigned  retreat, 
which  led  the  Mussulmans  into  an  ambuscade,  where  many  of  them 
perished.  Khulagu  now  arrived  in  person  and  summoned  the  command- 
ant to  surrender,  in  a  conciliatory  but  probably  treacherous  letter ;  the 
only  reply  he  received  was  :  "  Between  us  there  is  only  the  sword."  The 
besiegers  threw  up  works  of  contravallation,  and  in  a  single  night 
surrounded  the  town  with  a  rampart  and  ditch.  Twenty  catapults  were 
placed  in  position,  and  after  an  attack  of  seven  days  the  city  was  taken 
by  assault  and  given  up  to  pillage  for  five  days ;  when  the  carnage  ceased, 
the  streets  were  cumbered  with  corpses.  Those  who  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  Jews'  synagogue,  in  one  of  the  Muhammedan  convents,  and  in  the 
houses  of  four  grandees,  who  were  probably  traitors,  escaped.  It  is  said 
that  100,000  women  and  children  were  sold  as  slaves.  The  walls  of 
Aleppo  were  razed,  its  mosques  destroyed,  and  its  gardens  ravaged.  The 
citadel  held  out  for  a  month :  in  it  were  captured  many  distinguished 
prisoners  and  a  vast  booty.  Several  of  the  Mongol  chiefs  were  wounded 
in  the  face,  and  Khulagu  complimented  them,  saying,  ^'A  red  gown  is  a 
woman's  pride  :  so  is  blood  the  warrior's  brightest  ornament.'' 

*  Voo  Hammer*!  Ilkhani,  i.  174.       t  D*Ohsaon,  iii.  3x5*       1  Von  Hammer's  Ilkhans,  i.  181. 
r  $  Von  Hammer,  op.  cit.,  i.  182. 


Bar  Hebraeus,  whose  history  is  so  well  known,  was  at  this  time  the 
Jacobite  patriarch  of  Aleppo,  but  he  was  absent  at  the  time  of  the  siege, 
having  gone  to  pay  his  respects  to  Ehulagu.*  After  the  fall  of  Aleppo, 
Hamath  surrendered  its  keys  and  received  a  commissary  from  Khulagu. 
Nassir,  who  was  still  at  Berz6  when  Aleppo  fell,  by  the  advice  of  his 
generals  now  retired  towards  Gaza  to  await  assistance  from  the  Egyptian 
Sultan.  He  ordered  the  chief  men  of  Damascus  to  fly  and  take  refuge  in 
Egypt.  They  generally  obeyed,  and  sold  their  possessions  at  a  great 
sacrifice.  Such  was  the  scarcity  of  transport  however,  that  Macrizi  tells 
us  a  camel  sold  for  700  silver  drachmas.  The  inhabitants  of  Damascus 
now  sent  a  deputation  to  Khulagu  with  rich  presents  and  carrying  the 
keys  of  the  city.  He  caused  the  Kadhi  Mohayi  ud  din,  the  chief  of 
this  deputation,  to  be  dressed  in  a  state  robe  of  golden  tissue  and  named 
him  Chief  Justice  of  Syria.  He  returned  to  Damascus  and  read  out  a 
decree  of  Khulagu,  promising  their  hves  to  the  inhabitants.  Khulagu 
sent  two  commanders,  one  a  Mongol  the  other  a  Persian,  to  take  charge 
of  Damascus,  with  orders  to  spare  the  inhabitants  and  to  obey  the 
counsels  of  Zein-ul-Hafizzi,  its  governor.  Shortly  afterwards  Kitubuka 
and  a  body  of  Mongols  garrisoned  the  town,  and  after  a  short  siege  cap- 
tured the  citadel,  which  had  refused  to  submit,  and  killed  its  conmianders. 
Kitubuka  was  a  Kerait  and  a  Christian,  and  we  arc  told  that  he  very 
much  favoured  the  Christians,  who  began  to  be  very  independent  in  their 
manners  towards  their  recent  masters  the  Mussulmans.  They  publicly 
drank  wine  even  in  the  great  fast  of  Ramazan ;  they  sprinkled  with  holy 
water  the  dress  of  the  Muhammedans  and  the  doors  of  the  mosques  ; 
they  made  the  followers  of  the  prophet  stoop  to  the  cross  in  their  proces- 
sions ;  they  sang  psalms  in  the  streets,  and  proclaimed  that  their  faith 
was  the  only  true  faith,  and  even  destroyed  mosques  and  minarets  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  their  churches  ;  all  this  under  the  patronage  of  the 
Mongol  general.  Khulagu  named  the  Eyoubit  Prince  Ashraf,  who  had 
been  deprived  of  his  patrimony  of  Hims  by  Nassir,  Lieutenant-general 
of  Syria. 

After  the  fall  of  the  citadel  of  Aleppo,  Khulagu  summoned  Harem, 
situated  two  days'  journey  on  the  way  to  Antioch,  to  surrender,  promising 
their  lives  to  the  inhabitants.  They  replied  that  they  did  not  know  his 
religion  and  how  far  he  was  bound  by  a  promise,  but  that  if  he  would  send 
them  a  Muhanmiedan  with  authority  to  swear  on  the  Koran  to  spare 
them,  they  would  surrender.  Khulagu  thereupon  sent  them  Fakhr  ud  din 
Saki,  the  late  commander  of  the  citadel  of  Aleppo,  when  they  surren- 
dered ;  but  piqued  by  their  want  of  faith  in  his  word  he  had  them  all 
destroyed,  notwithstanding  the  promise  ;  even  the  children  at  the  breast 
were  killed.  We  are  told  that  only  an  Armenian  artificer  of  some  fame 

*  D'Obuoo,  iii.  321.    Von  Hammer's  Ilkhan,  i.  184. 

MANGU  KHAN.  21 1 

Khulagu  received  at  Aleppo  the  news  of  the  death  of  the  Khakan 
Mangu,  his  brother,  and  he  set  out  on  his  march  eastward,  leaving  Kitu- 
buka  in  command  of  the  Mongol  forces  in  Syria  ;  he  named  Fakhr  ud 
din  governor  of  Aleppo,  and  Baidera  governor  of  Damascus. 

Haithon,  the  Armenian  king  and  chronicler,  tells  us  that  Khulagu's 
departure  took  place  just  as  he  was  meditating  a  campaign  against  the 
Saracens,  who  occupied  Jerusalem,  which  he  intended  to  restore  to  the 
Christians.*  In  measuring  the  success  of  the  Mongol  arms  under  his 
banner  we  must  not  forget  what  several  facts  already  mentioned,  and 
many  others  which  I  have  not  named,  make  quite  clear,  namely,  that  the 
Mongols  were  assisted  at  every  turn  by  the  treachery  of  the  Mussulmans. 
The  bitter  strife  between  Shia  and  Sunni  often  made  the  Mongol  a 
welcome  visitor  when  he  came  to  destroy  the  hated  rival,  and  caused  as 
much  disaster  to  the  common  cause  as  the  internecine  fight  between  the 
Jesuits  and  Dominicans  in  China  did  at  a  later  day.  These  melancholy 
exhibitions  repeat  themselves  in  the  histories  of  nearly  all  religions,  but 
the  moral  of  their  tale  is  seldom  so  bitterly  pointed  as  in  the  case  we 
have- described. 

Khulagu,  as  is  well  known,  received  the  investiture  of  his  conquests  and 
of  the  country  south  of  the  Oxus.  He  founded  an  empire  there,  known 
as  that  of  the  Ilkhans.  Like  the  Khans  of  the  Golden  Horde,  the  suc- 
cessors of  Batu,  they  for  a  long  time  acknowledged  the  suzereignty  of  the 
Khakan  of  the  Mongols  in  the  East,  but  their  special  history  is  not  a  part 
of  our  present  subject.  I  have  traced  out  Khulagu's  campaign  in  some 
detail,  inasmuch  as  he  was  fighting  as  the  general  of  the  Khakan  Mangu 
his  brother,  and  enlarging  his  empire  by  the  conquests  he  made  in  the 
West  The  internal  history  of  his  dominions,  after  he  became  their  sove- 
reign, I  may  perhaps  treat  in  a  succeeding  volume.  Now  we  must  return 
to  the  East,  and  continue  the  story  of  Mangu  Khan. 

I  have  already  said  that  Khubilai  had  been  commissioned  in  1252  to 
march  into  Yunnan,  a  country  divided  into  several  petty  kingdoms  which 
had  not  been  subdued  by  the  Sung  emperors.  Its  primitive  tribes  still 
preserve  a  peculiar  culture  and  idiosyncrasy  in  art  which  has  been  recently 
illustrated  at  South  Kensington,  and  of  which  very  interesting  specimens 
were  presented  to  the  Christie  Museum.  These  tribes  are  divided  by  the 
Chinese  into  the  Pe  man,  /.^.,  white  barbarians,  and  U  man,  /.^.,  black 
barbarians,  the  latter  were  called  Kara  djang,  />.,  black  people,  by  the 

Khubilai  assembled  his  main  army  in  Shensi  in  1253.  With  him  went 
Uriangkadai,  the  son  of  the  great  general  Subutai,  as  director  of  the 
military  operations.  They  traversed  Suchuan  and  its  almost  inaccessible 
mountains,  and  reached  the  river  Kincha  which  waters  the  northern 
portion   of  Yunnan*     This  they  crossed  on  rafts,  and  received   the 

*  D'Obiion,  iii.  3^8.    Note.;  t  D'OhnoB, ii.  3i7« 


submission  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Mussu  man  and  Pe  man  barbarians.* 
They  then  marched  against  Tali,  the  capital  of  Nanchao.  Having  heard 
that  a  general  of  the  Sung  dynasty  had  once  taken  a  town  without  killing 
a  man  or  even  disturbing  its  trade,  Khubilai  was  piqued  to  try  and 
imitate  him.  He  unfurled  his  silken  banners  before  the  tomi  and  forbade 
his  soldiers  to  kill  any  one.  Presently  the  town  surrendered.  The  two 
commanders  who  had  caused  the  Mongol  heralds  which  summoned  it 
to  be  killed,  alone  lost  their  lives.  Khubilai  now  left  the  army  to 
rejoin  his  brother,  the  Khakan.t 

Uriangkadai  continued  the  campaign.  He  fought  several  successful 
battles  against  the  Eastern  Thibetans,  who  are  described  by  De  Mailla  as 
a  warlike  and  powerful  race.t  Having  defeated  and  incorporated  their 
troops  in  his  army,  he  found  them  very  useful  in  his  struggles  with  the 
neighbouring  tribes.  In  the  end  of  1254  he  rejoined  Mangu  apparently 
at  Kokonoor,  and  gave  an  account  of  his  campaign.  In  1256  he  returned 
and  subdued  the  Kue  man  and  U  man  tribes.  The  Lolos  and  the  King 
of  Ava  now  submitted,  and  he  proceeded  to  defeat  the  tribes  of  the 
kingdom  of  Alu,  by  whose  conquest  he  won  five  large  towns,  four  arsenals, 
eight  departments,  four  provinces,  and  thirty-seven  hordes. § 

Towards  the  end  of  1257  the  Mongols  attacked  the  kingdom  of  Annam 
or  Tungking  (Tonquin),  they  advanced  to  the  river  Tha,  which  flows 
through  it,  and  where  the  Tonquinese  army  was  encamped  with  a  great 
number  of  elephants.  Having  crossed  the  river  on  rafts  the  Mongols 
attacked  their  enemy,  who  fled.  They  then  took  Kiaochi,  the  capital  of 
Tonquin,  they  there  found  their  envoys,  who  had  been  grossly  ill-treated 
and  almost  strangled  with  bamboo  cords  ;  in  punishment  for  this  conduct 
the  town  was  given  up  to  pillage.  Having  rested  his  army  for  nine  days 
he  returned  northwards  to  the  court  of  Mangu  to  escape  the  summer 
heats.  The  previous  year  a  Kuriltai  had  been  held,  at  which  largess  had 
been  freely  distributed,  the  festivities  lasting  for  two  months.  The  same 
year,  i,e,^  in  1256,  the  King  of  Corea  went  in  person  to  Mangu's  court  to 
do  homage.  II 

In  1257  Mangu  began  to  be  jealous  of  his  brother  Khubilai,  whose  wise 
and  generous  measures  had  won  the  respect  of  the  Chinese.  He  removed 
him  from  the  governorship  of  Honan,  which  he  gave  to  Alemdar,  a 
Mongol  in  high  office  at  Karakorum.  Khubilai  was  naturally  irritated, 
but  his  Chinese  counsellor  Yaochu  told  him  the  first  subject  of  the  empire 
ought  to  set  an  example  of  obedience.  He  advised  him  to  return  with 
his  family  to  his  brother's  court.  The  latter  was  deeply  touched  by  the 
submission,  and  revoked  the  commission  of  Alemdar.  At  a  Kuriltai 
summoned  in  1257  at  Kabur  Kabukcher,  in  the  centre  of  Mongolia, 
Mangu  declared  his  intention  of  marching  in  person  against  the  enipire 

*  De  Mailla,  ix.  958.  t  D'Ohtsoo,  ii.  316. 

I  De  Mailla,  op.  cit,  260.  §  De  MailU,  iz.  26s.  S  D'Ohisoo,  ti.  331. 

MANGU  KHAN.  21 3 

of  the  Sung,  which  had  given  great  cause  of  offence  to  the  Mongols. 
Some  of  their  envoys  having  been  kept  in  prison  for  many  years  and 
only  released  as  a  favour  after  their  unsuccessful  siege  of  Hochau, 
the  Sung  authorities  wishing  thus  to  show  their  anxiety  for  peace. 
Before  setting  out,  Mangii  visited  the  ancient  ordu  of  Jingis  Khan 
and  made  a  sacrifice  to  the  colours  and  kettle-drums,  his  old  gauges 
of  victory  there  collected.  He  also  appointed  one  Kitat  governor  of  Russia, 
and  dismissed  him  with  a  present  of  300  horses  and  500  sheep.* 

He  set  out  for  China  in  1257,  leaving  his  brother  Arikbuka  in  com- 
mand of  Earakorum  with  Alemdar  as  his  coadjutor.  Having  sacrificed 
to  the  sky  and  received  the  renewed  homage  of  his  brother  Khubilai  and 
his  other  dependants,  who  then  returned  to  their  several  posts,  he  crossed 
the  Yellow  River  on  the  ice,  entered  Shensi,  and  encamped  near  the 
mountain  Liupan  where  Jingis  died.  There  he  gave  audience  to  the 
various  officials  of  that  great  province,  and  received  news  from  Khulagu 
of  his  successes  in  the  West.  He  thereupon  invested  him  with  the 
government  of  the  country  south  of  the  Oxus.t  Having  passed  the  three 
summer  months  there,  and  also  left  behind  his  heavy  baggage,  he 
advanced  with  40,000  men  (which  number  was  purposely  exaggerated  to 
loOyOoo)  in  three  divisions  upon  Suchuan ;  he  himself  went  towards 
San  kuan,  by  way  of  Lu  chau  ;  his  brother  Muke  Ogul  towards  Mi 
tsang  kuan,  by  way  of  Sian  chau  ;  and  Burtchak,  the  commander  of  the 
third  division,  towards  Mian  chan,  by  way  of  Yui  koan.  Two  other 
armies  made  diversions  in  Kiang  nan  and  Hu  kuang.  Khubilai  was 
at  the  head  of  the  former  and  Thugatshar,  son  of  Utsukcn,  of  the  latter. 
Uriangkadai  was  ordered  to  march  from  Tunking  and  join  Khubilai  at 
Vu  chang  fu.  The  campaign  commenced  with  a  doubtful  struggle  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Ching  tu  fu,  in  Suchuan,  in  which  both  sides  gained 
successes.  Niuli,  who  commanded  the  Mongol  advanced  guard  there, 
at  length  compelled  his  adversary  to  retire.  He  received  the  submission 
of  several  towns  in  the  district  of  Ching  tu  fu,  and  was  raised  to  the 
rank  of  a  general  for  his  conduct. t  He  now  rejoined  his  master,  who 
was  laying  siege  to  Khu  chu  yai.  After  an  attack  of  ten  days  one  of  its 
gates  was  opened  and  the  Mongols  entered  by  stealth  ;  Yangli,  the 
commander,  was  killed  and  his  army  fled.  The  treacherous  officer  who 
had  opened  the  gate  was  rewarded  with  a  State  robe  and  the  command  of 
a  small  town  in  the  district  of  Pao-ning-fu.  The  troops  were  rewarded 
with  presents  of  wine  and  meat,  and  the  general  Vang-te-cheng  with  a 
belt  of  jade.§ 

Mangu  now  captured  the  defile  of  Chang-ning-shan,  and  was  soon  after 
joined  by  the  other  divisions  of  his  army,  which  had  overrun  considerable 
districts  of  Suchuan.     They  then  proceeded  to  take  many  important 

*  D*Ohtson,  ii.  324.  t  D'Ohtson,  ii.  325.    De  Mailla,  ix.  266. 

I  D'OhstOD,  ii.  326.  j  D'Ohsson,  ii.  337. 


towns  of  that  province.  The  first  day  of  the  Mongol  year  (February 
1 8th)  1259  was  celebrated  in  the  Imperial  camp,  pitched  at  the  foot  of 
the  Chung-kue  mountains,  with  a  great  fete,  at  which  it  was  discussed 
whether  they  should  brave  the  summer  heats  in  these  southern  latitudes 
or  return  northward.  It  was  determined  to  remain,  and  they  proceeded 
to  lay  siege  to  Hochau,  a  great  town  situated  at  the  confluence  of  the 
rivers  Kialing  and  F^u.  During  March  and  April  the  town  repulsed 
several  assaults.  In  May  there  happened  a  terrible  storm,  during  which 
it  rained  for  twenty  days.  Outside  the  town  the  Sung  troops  also  fought 
bravely,  they  destroyed  the  bridge  built  across  the  river  F6u  by  the 
Mongols,  and  having  collected  a  thousand  boats  at  Chung-king-fii  they 
advanced  along  the  river  Eia-ling ;  this  flotilla  was  however  attacked  and 
dispersed  by  the  Mongols.  The  siege  lasted  for  two  months  longer,  but 
it  was  unavailing.  It  had  already  cost  the  besiegers  very  dear,  their 
army  was  suffering  from  dysentery,  with  which  Mangu  himself  was 
attacked.  He  determined  at  length  to  raise  the  siege,  and  to  merely 
blockade  the  town.  A  few  days  after  be  died  of  dysentery,  aggravated 
probably  by  the  Imperial  vice  of  the  Mongols,  that  of  drunkenness. 

This  account  of  his  death,  which  is  that  given  in  the  Tong  kien  kang 
mu,  is  perhaps  the  correct  one.  The  official  history  of  the  Yuen  dynasty 
says  he  died  at  the  mountain  Tiao  yui,  one  league  to  the  east  of  Ho-chau, 
while  Raschid  tells  us  he  died  of  dysentery.*  De  Guignes  and  Gaubil  both 
assert  thatduringthe  siege  of  Ho-chau  the  Khakan  ordered  a  general  assault, 
and  himself  drew  near  to  scale  the  walls,  when  there  came  on  a  great  storm, 
which  caused  the  ladders  to  fall.  The  Mongols  lost  a  large  number  of 
men,  and  the  Emperor's  body  was  afterwards  found  pierced  with  many 
wounds.t  The  Syrian  chronicler  Abulfaragius  says  he  was  killed  by  an 
arrow  ;  while  the  Armenian  Haithon  says  that  while  besieging  an  island 
in  the  Chinese  seas,  divers  made  holes  in  the  bottom  of  his  ship,  which 
sank,  and  with  it  the  Khakan. t  The  Khakan's  brother,  Moku  Ogul, 
determined  to  raise  the  siege,  and  to  retire  into  Shensi  with  the  corpse  of 
Mangu.  The  other  Mongol  generals  who  were  in  Suchuan  did  the  same.S 
The  Kang  mu  says  the  Imperial  corpse  was  carried  on  two  asses; 
while  Marco  Polo  tells  us  that  the  inhuman  custom  of  slaughtering  the 
people  met  with  on  the  way  was  carried  out  in  his  case,  and  that  20,000 
thus  perished. II  For  four  days  funeral  honours  were  paid  to  the  corpse 
in  the  tents  of  Mangu*s  four  wives,  where  it  was  placed  on  a  throne, 
where  the  attendants  broke  out  into  tears  and  groans.  He  was  buried  at 
Burkan  Kaldun,  near  his  father  and  grandfather.  By  his  first  wife, 
Kutuktai,  he  left  two  sons,  Baku  and  Orengias  ;  and  by  two  concubines 
two  other  sons,  Shireki  and  Assutai.^    He  is  described  as  of  a  severe 

*  D'Ohsson,  ii.  33a.  t  Gaubil,  izi,    De  Guigocff,  iv.  136. 

I  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  i.  2x6.    De  Mailla,  ix.  374, 275.    Note.  S  Gaubil,  I2X. 

6  D'OhuoD,  ii.  333.    Note. 


character,  speaking  little,  and  eschewing  extravagance  and  display.  The 
chase  was  his  favourite  amusement,  and  he  often  avowed  that  he  pre- 
ferred the  simple  life  of  his  ancestors  to  the  luxury  of  southern  sovereigns. 
He  was  very  superstitious,  and  much  under  the  influence  of  the  Shamans 
and  others  at  his  court.*  With  the  usual  Mongol  toleration,  he  also 
patronised  the  other  religions.  Several  anecdotes  are  told  which 
illustrate  the  vicious  influence  and  power  of  the  Shamans. 
Rubruquis  was  told  at  Karakorum  by  a  lady  of  Metz,  named  Paquette, 
who  had  been  captured  in  Hungary  and  was  in  the  service  of  one  of 
Mangu's  wives,  that  one  of  these  princesses  having  received  a  rich 
present  of  furs,  these  were  purified  by  tire.  According  to  custom  the 
Shamans  had  retained  a  portion.  One  of  the  waiting  women  thought 
they  had  kept  too  much,  and  told  her  mistress,  who  was  very  wroth  with 
them.  Some  time  after  the  latter  fell  ill,  and  the  Shamans  revenged 
themselves  by  declaring  she  had  been  bewitched  by  the  maid  who  had 
denounced  their  theft.  She  was  seized  and  subjected  to  torture  for  seven 
days.  Meanwhile  the  princess  died.  The  accused  maid  then  begged  they 
would  kill  her  too,  saying  she  wished  to  follow  her  mistress,  to  whom  she 
had  done  no  harm  ;  but  the  Khakan  would  not  consent,  and  she  was  set 
at  liberty.  The  Shamans  then  chose  another  victim.  They  accused  the 
nurse  of  her  child  of  having  killed  her.  She  was  the  wife  of  one  of  the 
principal  Nestorian  preachers.  Put  to  the  torture  she  confessed  that  she 
had  used  a  charm  to  gain  the  good-will  of  her  mistress,  but  that  she  had 
never  done  her  any  harm.  She  was  nevertheless  condemned  to  death 
and  executed.  Some  time  after,  one  of  Mangu*s  wives  having  given  birth 
to  a  son,  the  Shamans  who  drew  his  horoscope  predicted  a  long  life  for 
him,  and  that  he  would  become  a  great  and  prosperous  monarch.  The 
prince  having  died  in  a  few  days,  his  mother  summoned  and  severely 
reproached  the  Shamans.  They  excused  themselves  by  laying  the  blame 
on  the  magical  arts  of  the  nurse  who  had  been  put  to  death.  The 
princess  was  furious,  and  wished  to  wreak  her  vengeance  on  her 
children.  She  had  left  a  son  and  daughter,  and  orders  were  given 
that  the  former  should  be  killed  by  a  man  and  the  latter  by  a  woman. 
Mangu  was  much  annoyed  by  these  executions  ;  he  ordered  his  wife  to 
be  imprisoned  for  seven  days,  and  then  banished  from  the  court  for  a  month. 
He  also  ordered  that  the  man  should  be  executed  who  had  killed  the 
boy,  and  that  his  head  should  be  suspended  about  the  neck  of  the  woman 
who  had  killed  the  girl.  She  was  then  beaten  with  hot  firebrands  and 
put  to  death. t  The  Nestorians,  as  I  have  said,  were  little  better  than  the 
Shamans  in  their  superstitious  practices.  They  attended  with  the 
Shamans  at  the  great  annual  feast  of  the  9th  of  May,  when  white  cattle 
were  consecrated.  They  recited  the  offices  in  Syriac,  which  they  did  not 
understand.     They  are  accused  by  Rubruquis  of  being  corrupt,  liars, 

*  Do  IfailU,  ix.  375.  t  D'Ohsson,  ii.  302.    Note. 


usurers,  practising  simony,  and  great  drunkards.  Some  of  the  sect  were 
polygamists.  Their  patriarch  hved  at  Baghdad,  but  they  had  a  special 
bishop  in  China.  As  he  only  made  his  visitation  very  seldom,  hardly 
more  than  once  in  fifty  years,  they  profited  by  his  arrival  to  have  their 
young  sons  ordained,  even  in  the  cradle,  so  generally  too,  that  nearly  all 
the  men  were  priests  ;  and  Rubruquis  confesses  that  the  Mongol  bonzes 
were  more  respectable  than  they.* 

Mangu  was  a  severe  disciphnarian.  In  the  campaign  in  Suchuan  he 
forbade  his  troops  to  pillage,  and  having  learnt  that  his  son  Assutai  had 
in  hunting  overrun  a  field  of  grain,  he  severely  reprimanded  him,  and  had 
several  of  his  companions  beaten.  A  soldier  was  put  to  death  for  having 
taken  an  onion  from  a  peasant.  He,  on  the  other  hand,  distributed 
largess  freely  among  the  soldiers. t 

In  this  account  1  have  adopted  the  form  of  the  name  Mangu,  which  is 
well  known  in  the  West,  but  according  to  Schmidt  it  is  the  Turkish 
form.  The  native  form,  which  is  found  in  Ssanang  Setzen  and  on  Cufic 
coins,  is  Mongk6 ;  in  Arabic  orthography,  Mungka.t  The  name  in 
Turkish  means  eternal ;  in  Mongol,  silver.§ 


The  death  of  Mangu  was  most  unexpected,  and  as  the  Mongol  habit 
was  not  to  name  a  successor  until  after  the  Khan's  death,  it  is  hardly  to  be 
wondered  at  that  the  death  of  the  sovereign  under  such  circumstances  in 
such  a  vast  empire  was  a  very  serious  matter.  The  custom  seems  to  have 
been  to  call  a  Kuriltai  as  soon  after  the  chief's  death  as  possible,  and 
there  to  choose  a  successor  ;  a  custom  well  adapted  to  a  small  pastoral 
tribe,  but  pregnant  with  confusion  when  applied  to  a  great  heterogeneous 
empire.  In  the  present  case  the  difficulty  was  greater,  inasmuch  as 
Mangu's  brothers,  to  one  of  whom  the  succession  would  devolve  according 
to  the  Mongol  theory  of  succession,  were  scattered  far  asunder.  Khubilai 
was  prosecuting  his  campaign  in  China,  Khulagu  was  busy  in  Syria,  while 
Arikbuka  was  in  command  of  Karakorum,  the  Mongol  capital,  and 
probably  also  of  the  main  body  of  troops  of  Mongol  blood,  and  was  in 
this  position  no  doubt  sorely  tempted  to  displace  his  elder  brother 
Khubilai  from  the  succession. 

*  De  Mailla,  ix.  253.  t  D'Ohsson,  ii.  333.  I  Stanang  Setzen,  394.    Note  11. 

$  D'Ohuon,  ii.  333.    Note. 


Mangu  had  assigned  to  Khubilai  the  district  of  Honan  chau,  north  of 
the  Great  Wall,  for  a  summer  residence.  There  in  1256  he  built  himself 
a  palace,  some  temples,  &c.,  on  a  spot  chosen  for  him  by  a  Chinese 
astrologer.  This  new  town,  situated  some  twenty-two  leagues  N.E.  of 
the  most  northern  gates  of  the  Great  Wall,  was  widely  known  as  Shangtu 
or  Kai  ping  fu.  Thence  he  set  out  in  the  latter  part  of  1258  to  take  his 
part  in  the  war  against  the  Sung  empire.  He  marched  leisurely  through 
Honan,  and  having  divided  his  army  into  two  bodies  he  captured  several 
fortresses  near  Ma  ching,  in  Hukuang,  where  he  received  news  of  the 
Khakan's  death.*  He  determined,  notwithstanding  this,  to  advance.  We 
are  told  he  climbed  the  mountain  Hianglu,  whence  he  surveyed  the  course 
of  the  river  Kiang.  He  noticed  how  the  river  was  crowded  with  Chinese 
ships  beautifully  appointed,  and  was  reminded  by  one  of  his  generals 
named  Tong-wen-ping  that  the  Chinese  were  abundantly  confident  that 
the  Kiang  was  an  insurmountable  obstacle  which  heaven  had  planted  there 
as  a  barrier  to  himself.  He  volunteered  to  force  the  passage.  With  his 
brother  and  a  body  of  determined  men  he  boarded  some  large  barges, 
crossed  the  river  amidst  a  terrible  din  of  drums,  and  pressed  the  troops 
on  the  other  side  so  vigorously  before  their  fleet  could  come  to  the  rescue, 
that  the  Chinese  abandoned  the  further  bank,  and  Khubilai  with  the 
main  army  crossed  over  and  proceeded  to  lay  siege  to  Wu  chang  fu,  the 
capital  of  Hu  kuang. 

The  Sung  Emperor  now  began  to  be  frightened,  and  sent  a  large  force 
under  the  general  Kia-se-tao  to  the  relief  of  Wu  chang.  The  new  general 
was  no  soldier  but  a  literary  character,  who  disgusted  the  army  by  his 
jq>pointments.  He  made  secret  advances  to  Khubilai,  and  promised  that 
his  master  would  become  the  vassal  of  the  Mongol  Khakan  if  he  would 
laise  the  siege  and  retire.  Khubilai  at  first  refused,  but  messengers 
arrived  at  his  camp  with  news  that  intrigues  were  in  progress  at  Kara- 
komm  to  place  his  brother  Arikbuka  on  the  throne.  This  news  prevailed 
with  him.  He  agreed  to  retire  on  condition  that  the  Sung  Emperor 
acknowledged  himself  his  vassal,  and  paid  him  an  annual  tribute  of  200,000 
ounces  of  silver  and  2,000  pieces  of  silk.  It  was  further  agreed  that 
the  river  Kiang  should  be  the  boundary  between  the  two  empires. 
Khubilai  set  out  with  his  cavalry,  and  left  his  infantry  to  await  the 
arrival  of  Uriangkadai.  The  latter  general  had  been  ordered  after  the 
campaign  inTunking  to  march  and  meet  Khubilai  before  Wu  chang.  He 
marched  victoriously  from  one  town  to  another  until  he  arrived  in 
Northern  Hu  kuang,  when  the  convention  concluded  by  Khubilai 
caused  him  to  retire  behind  the  Kiang.  His  rear  guard  was  treacherously 
attacked  by  Kia-se-tao  as  it  was  crossing  the  river  ;  the  latter  hid  from 
his  master  the  humiliating  conditions  of  peace,  and  persuaded  him  his 
valour  had  caused  the  Mongol  retreat.t 

•  GanbU,  133.  t  Do  MaiUa,  iz.  981. 



Ehubilai  pitched  his  camp  under  the  walls  of  Pe-king  and  sent  to 
his  brother  for  men,  provisions,  and  money;  these  he  received,  as  also  very 
reassuring  messages.  Arikbuka  had  summoned  a  Kuriltai  in  the  great 
Ordu  of  Mangu,  in  the  Altai,  to  do  the  last  honours  to  the  deceased 
Khakan,  and  to  this  he  invited  Khubilai,  who  excused  himself.  It  is 
probable  that  he  had  some  ulterior  object.  Either  he  had  secured  the 
votes  for  himself  or  wished  to  get  Khubilai  into  his  power.  At  all  events 
the  latter  and  his  friends  called  a  special  Kuriltai  at  Shangtu.  There 
assembled  his  brother  Muk^  ;  Kadan,  son  of  Ogotai ;  Togatshar,  son  of 
Utsuken  noyan,  and  others.  Neither  Khulagu  nor  the  descendants  of 
Juji  and  Jagatai  were  summoned,  the  excuse  being  that  they  were  too  far 
off,  and  all  agreeing  that  the  circumstances  admitted  of  no  delay,  they 
proceeded  to  elect  Khubilai  to  the  office  of  Khakan.  He  was  then  forty-four 
years  old.  The  election  was  followed  by  eight  days'  feasting,  when  as  usual 
largess  was  distributed  among  his  supporters.  This  election  was  the 
beginning  of  a  long  strife  among  the  Mongols,  which  ultimately  crumbled 
their  power.  It  was  no  doubt  against  the  whole  theory  of  their 
hierarchical  government,  that  the  Khakan  should  be  elected  by  only  a 
section  of  the  Royal  house,  and  although  Khubilai  both  by  his  age  and 
his  acquirements  was  entitled  to  the  position,  and  it  would  seem  to  have 
been  allowed  by  both  Khulagu  and  Bereke,  it  gave  a  colourable  excuse  to 
both  Arikbuka  and  the  descendants  of  Ogotai  and  Jagatai  to  oppose  hinu 

When  Arikbuka,  who  was  at  Karakorum,  heard  that  Khubilai  had  had 
himself  proclaimed  Khakan  of  the  Mongols,  he  sent  Alemdar  to  collect  an 
army  among  the  northern  hordes,  and  sent  him  considerable  sums  of 
money  and  silk  to  distribute  among  the  soldiers.  He  also  collected  large 
stores  of  grain  in  the  country  of  Koan  chong.*  Kuntukai,  who  had 
60,000  men  in  the  country  of  Lupinj  having  been  placed  there  by  Mangu, 
declared  for  him,  and  persuaded  the  Mongol  commanders  stationed  at 
Ching  tu,  the  capital  of  Suchuan,  and  at  Ching  kin  to  do  the  same. 
Arikbuka  finding  he  was  so  well  supported  had  himself  proclaimed 
Khakan  at  Karakorum.f  Among  his  supporters  were  the  chief  widow  and 
three  sons  of  Mangu,  the  late  Khan,  and  the  grandsons  of  Jagatai' 
Khubilai  had  appointed  Apisga,  son  of  Buri,  to  the  khanship  of 
Jagatai,  and  sent  him  home  with  his  brother,  but  they  were  intercepted  in 
Shensi  and  handed  over  to  Arikbuka,  who  shortly  after  had  them  both 

Meanwhile  Khubilai  was  not  idle,  he  appointed  one  of  his  best 
generals,  called  Lien  hi  hien,  a  Uighur  by  birth,  to  be  governor  of 
Shensi  and  Suchuan.  Kadan,  son  of  Kuyuk,  asked  to  be  allowed  to 
serve  under  him.  He  went  at  once  to  Si  ngan  fu,  the  capital  of  Shensi, 
where  he  proceeded  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the  partisans  of  Arik- 
buka.   He  pubUshed  the  decrees  by  which  he  had  been  named  governor ; 

*  Do  Mailla,  ix.  283.  t  De  If  ailla,  ix,  285*  284.    Gaubil,  133. 


took  rigorous  steps  to  put  down  the  nascent  rebellion ;  and  seized  some 
of  the  more  important  rebels.  Khubilai  had  published  a  general  amnesty, 
but  Lien  hi  hien  was  determined  that  the  chief  offenders  should  not  escape, 
so  be  hastened  to  have  Liau  ti  ping  and  Halukai  killed  in  prison,  and 
then  with  Turkish  unction,  and  according  to  custom,  he  walked  in  front 
of  the  messengers  who  brought  the  amnesty  and  had  it  proclaimed. 
Kuntxikai  finding  it  was  not  possible  to  possess  himself  of  Si  ngan  fu, 
crossed  the  Hoang  ho,  captured  the  town  of  Kan  chau,  and  having  been 
joined  by  Alemdar  with  a  body  of  troops  from  Karakorum  he  marched 
southwards  towards  Suchuan,  which  he  hoped  to  secure,  but  he  was 
attacked  to  the  east  of  Kan  chau  by  the  Prince  Kadan,  who  had  posted 
himself  so  as  to  cut  off  the  enem/s  retreat  to  Karakorum,  a  cloud  of  dust 
assisted  the  latter,  but  after  a  fierce  and  long  sustained  struggle  they 
were  surroimded  and  completely  beaten.  Both  Kuntukai  and  Alemdar 
were  IdUed,  and  Shensi  and  Su-chuan  were  effectually  secured  for 

After  several  ineffectual  attempts  at  conciliation,  Khubilai  marched  in 
the  end  of  1261  with  the  Princes  Kadan  and  Togatshar  into  Tartary. 
They  encountered  the  forces  of  Arikbuka  at  a  place  called  Simutu.  In  a 
sanguinary  battle  the  latter  were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  3,000  men. 
Arikbuka  fled  towards  the  Kirghises,  and  Khubilai  subdued  several  of 
the  refractory  tribes  in  the  north.t  In  his  distress  Arikbuka  had 
appointed  Algu,  the  son  of  Baidar,  Khan  of  Jagatai,  which  was  still 
governed  by  the  widow  Organa.  He  bade  him  send  him  arms  and  pro- 
visions, and  to  guard  his  eastern  frontier  so  that  neither  Khulagu  nor  the 
Golden  Horde  should  send  assistance  to  Khubilai.  But  being  hard 
pressed  in  the  country  of  the  Kirghises  he  sent  to  Khubilai,  saying  that 
his  horses  were  worn  out,  and  that  he  only  waited  until  Khulagu,  Bereke, 
and  Algu  came  to  do  homage,  to  come  himself.  Khubilai  replied,  that  if 
sincere,  he  need  not  wait,  and  having  left  a  body  of  troops  at  Karakorum 
to  escort  him  if  he  shotild  go,  he  himself  returned  to  Kai-ping-fu. 

The  influence  of  Chinese  cultiwe  upon  the  Mongol  sovereigns  begins 
to  be  very  marked  in  the  reign  of  Khubilai.  He  was  a  g^eat  patron  of 
learned  men,  and  the  annals  contain  many  anecdotes  of  his  intercourse 
with  them.  He  had  at  his  ct>urt  a  distinguished  Chinese  literate,  named 
Changt6  hoeL  He  one  day' asked  him,  "  Is  it  true  that  the  Liao  dynasty 
fell  through  the  Ho  chang,  and  that  it  was  the  literates  who  brought 
down  the  Kin  ?"  "  I  can't  speak  for  the  Liao,"  said  Changt6,  "  but  in 
regard  to  the  Kin  it  was  not  so ;  among  their  ministers  they  had  but  few 
literates.  Most  of  the  ministers,  and  these  too  the  all  powerful  ones, 
were  military  men.  Of  thirty  suggestions  made  by  the  literates,  hardly 
one  was  adopted.  The  good  or  ill  government  of  a  country  depends  on 
those  to  whom  power  is  intrusted.     Can  the  fall  of  the  Kin 

*  Ganbil,  X35.    De  If  ailla,  ix.  285.  t  De  MaiUa,  ix.  298.    Gaubil,  138. 


ascribed  to  the  literates  ? "  The  Emperor  acceded  to  this  argument.  On 
another  occasion  the  Emperor  inquired  how  it  was  that  those  who 
practised  agriculture,  notwithstanding  their  constant  toil  and  zeal,  were 
always  so  very  poor.  It  is  not  surprising,  was  the  reply.  Agriculture 
has  always  been  encouraged  by  the  State ;  it  draws  its  chief  wealth  from 
it;  but  the  labourers  are  constantly  harassed  by  the  exactions  of  those 
under  whom  they  work,  and  the  best  part  of  the  crop  goes  to  pay  the 
taxes  and  the  cost  of  collecting  them. 

Yesterday,  Khubilai  once  said  to  one  of  the  literates,  there  was  an 
earthquake.    The  princes  do  not  sufficiently  attend  to  these  things;  can 
you  tell  me  why  they  are  ?    There  are  five  causes,  was  the  answer.    First, 
because  the  princes  permit  low  and  bad  people  to  be  about  them,  who 
sacrifice  everything  to  their  own  interests ;   that  they  have  too  many 
women  in  their  palaces  ;  that  intriguers  and  cheats  combine  against  the 
public  interest ;  that  justice  is  too  severe  in  its  punishments  ;  and,  lastly, 
that  war  is  made  too  rashly,  without  inquiring  properly  into  its  justice* 
One  only  of  these  reasons  would  suffice.    Heaven  loves   a   king    on 
his  throne  like  a  father  his  son.    It  causes  the  earth  to  quake  as  a 
warning  of  impending  punishment ;    but  if  kings  put  away  flatterers, 
tolerate  only  sincere  and  truthful  people,  limit  the  number  of  their  wives, 
drive  away  intriguers,  &c.,  soften  the  rigours  of  justice,  and  only  under- 
take war  tremblingly  and  when  compelled,  and  with  the  assent  of  heaven 
and  their  subjects,  they  will  have  nothing  to  fear  from  such  presages. 
Khubilai  appointed  Se  tien  ch6,  a  man  of  great  repute  for  probity  and 
integrity,  who  had  a  command  in  Honan,  to  be  Minister  of  State.    He 
also  ordered  the  literates  who  had  been  captured  by  the  Mongols  and 
reduced  to  slavery  to  be  released.     There  were  several  thousands  of 
them.*    He    was  the    first    of    the    Mongol    Khakans    to  definitely 
abandon  Shamanism  and  to  adopt  Buddhism  as  the  State  religion,  an 
example  which  was  followed  by  many  Mongols.    The  Buddhist  priests 
were  called  Lamas  by  the  Mongols,  and  in  January,  1261,  Khubilai  pro- 
moted a  young  Lama,  called  Mati  Dhwadsha,  more  widely  known  by 
his  title  Pakba  Lama,  or  Supreme  Holy  Lama.    He  was  bom  at  Sazghia, 
in  Thibet,  and  belonged  to  one  of  its  best  families,  that  of  the  Tsukoans, 
who  had  for  more  than  six  centuries  furnished  ministers  to  the  kings  of 
Thibet  and  other  western  princes,  and  by  his  wisdom,  &c.,  won  the 
confidence  of  Khubilai,  who  not  only  made  him  Grand  Lama,  but  also 
temporal  sovereign  of  Thibet,  with  the  title  of  King  of  the  Great  and 
Precious  Law  and  Institutor  of  the  Empire.    Such  was  the  origin  of  the 
dignity  of  Grand  Lanuuf    Khubilai  divided  China  and  Liao  timg  into 
ten  departments,  each  with  its  officers  and  mandarins.    He  also  ordered 
that  the  head  of  each  bureau  should  be  a  MongoL 
Wang  ch^,  the  King  of  Corea,  after  a  long  resistance  had  submitted  to 

*  De  MailU,  ix.  29X.  t  Gaubil,  137.    De  M ailU,  ix.  387. 


the  Khalan  Mangu,  and  had  sent  him  his  son  Wangtien  as  a  hostage. 
He  was  now  dead,  and  Wangtien  asked  Khubilai  for  his  father's  kingdom 
and  was  duly  invested  with  it  The  turbulent  Coreans  at  first  refused  to 
receive  him  and  were  determined  to  break  the  Mongol  yoke,  and  it  was 
only  when  Wangtien  agreed  to  assist  them  in  this  that  they  would  accept 
him.  When  the  revolt  was  reported  to  Khubilai  he  wrote  Wangtien  a 
condliatoiy  letter,  in  which  he  represented  to  him  the  vast  power  of  the 
Mongols,  that  of  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  the  Coreans  and  the  Sung 
alone  bearded  his  authority,  that  the  latter  had  trusted  to  the  strong 
country  of  Hu  kuang  and  Suchuan  and  their  brave  inhabitants  to  protect 
them,  but  that  most  of  their  strong  places  had  been  captured,  and  they 
were  now  like  fish  out  of  water  and  like  birds  in  the  fowler's  net.  He 
recalled  how  he  had  granted  him  his  father's  throne,  spoke  of  the  folly  of 
resistance,  and  the  ingratitude  he  had  shown  hun.  He  said  he  did  not 
wish  to  ravage  his  country,  and  that  he  was  willing  to  pardon  the  offenders. 
At  the  same  time  he  released  the  Corean  prisoners  taken  in  the  last  war, 
and  sent  back  those  who  had  emigrated  on  account  of  the  troubles  of 
their  coimtry,  and  forbade  the  soldiers  on  the  frontier  to  molest  the 
Coreans.  This  conciliatory  policy  had  its  due  effect,  and  for  the  future 
Wangtien  sent  an  annual  embassy  to  Khubilai  to  congratulate  him 
on  the  New  Year.* 

Arikbuka  having  recruited  his  horses  in  the  latter  part  of  1261,  again 
marched  against  his  brother;  the  latter  collected  his  forces,  and  the  two 
armies  met  on  the  borders  of  the  great  desert  of  Gobi,  in  a  place  called 
Akchia  Kungur,  near  the  mountains  Khudja  Buka  and  the  lake 
Stmultai.t  Arikbuka  was  completely  defeated  ;  but  Khubilai  forbade  a 
pursuit,  saying,  that  reflection  would  bring  repentance,  but  misinterpreting 
this  action,  which  he  thought  showed  weakness,  he  returned  and  was  again 
defeated;  this  time  on  the  borders  of  that  portion  of  the  desert  called 
Alt,  near  the  hills  SilguiUct 

Arikbuka  now  had  to  face  another  enemy,  namely,  his  proteg^  Algu, 
the  Khan  of  Jagatai,  who  quarrelled  with  him  and  espoused  the  cause  of 
Khubilai.  He  at  once  marched  against  his  new  enemy,  leaving  instruc- 
tkms  with  the  spiritual  chiefs  of  the  Christian,  Buddhist,  and  Moslem 
rdigions  at  Karakorum,  whose  courage  he  doubted,  to  surrender  that  city 
on  the  approach  of  Khubilai,  which  they  accordingly  did.  Khubilai 
confirmed  the  privileges  granted  them  by  Ogotai  and  Mangu.  Arikbuka 
now  had  a  considerable  struggle  with  Algu  and  occupied  a  large  part  of 
his  dominions,  but  his  cruelties  so  disgusted  his  soldiers  that  they  went 
over  to  Khubilai,  and  stripped  of  troops  and  resources  he  determined  at 
length  in  1264  to  submit  to  his  brother.  He  prostrated  himself,  as  was 
customary,  at  the  door  of  the  Imperial  tent.  Having  entered,  and  being 
bathed  in  tears,  he  was  addressed  by  Khubilai.   "  Well,  my  brother,  which 

*  De  Mailla,  1. 39X-394.  t  D'Ohtton,  U.  351.  I  D'OhMon,  ii.  331. 


of  we  two  have  justice  on  our  side  ?"  '*  Formerly  it  was  I,  now  it  is  you," 
was  the  reply  of  Arikbuka.  The  next  day  was  appointed  for  the  trial  of  the 
latter  and  his  chief  supporters.  He  then  confessed  that  he  had  been 
•tempted  to  usurp  the  supreme  authority  by  some  of  his  generals,  who 
represented  to  him  the  remoteness  of  his  brothers  Khubilai  and  Khulagu 
from  the  centre  of  authority,  and  the  ease  mth  which  it  might  be  usurped. 
Ten  of  the  genelals  were  put  to  death,  but  the  life  of  Arikbuka  was  spared 
at  the  solicitation  of  his  brother,  a  judgment  which  was  acquiesced  in  by 
Khulagu  and  Bereke.  Arikbuka  then  did  homage,  but  died  a  month 
after,  and  was  buried  with  his  father  Tului  and  his  grandfather  Jingis. 
This  was  in  1266,  and  was  followed  directly  afterwards  by  the  deaths  of 
Khulagu,  Bereke,  and  Algu,  the  chiefs  of  the  three  great  dependencies  of 
the  empire.  Khubilai  appointed  Abaka  to  succeeded  his  father  Khulagu  in 
Persia ;  Mangu  Timur,  the  grandson  of  Batu,  was  given  the  khanship  of 
the  Golden  Horde  ;  while  the  Horde  of  Jagatai  was  given  to  Mobarek 
Shah,  the  son  of  Kara  Hulagu.* 

On  the  submission  of  Arikbuka,  Kaidu,  the  representative  of  the  house 
of  Ogotai,  still  held  out,  as  I  have  already  described  in  the  former 
chapter,  and  provoked  a  long  and  severe  struggle  in  the  north.  Mean- 
while Khubilai  determined  to  subdue  the  portion  of  China  still  governed 
by  the  Sung  dynasty.  We  have  already  mentioned  the  treaty  by  which 
Kia-se-tao,  the  Sung  minister,  agreed  that  his  master  should  be  tributary 
to  him,  a  treaty  which  he  did  not  disclose  to  his  master,  and  managed  to 
keep  secret  by  having  everybody  put  to  death  who  was  aware  of  it.  In 
1260  Khubilai  sent  an  envoy  to  notify  his  accession  to  the  throne,  and  to 
announce  that  he  wished  the  treaty  fulfilling.  This  envoy  was  im- 
prisoned ;  upon  which  the  Mongol  chief  issued  a  proclamation  calling 
attention  to  the  bad  faith  of  the  Chinese  and  bidding  his  troops  make 
ready.  His  scheme  was  delayed  by  his  war  with  Arikbuka  and  by  the 
revolt  of  one  of  his  generals  named  Li-tan.t 

Li-tan  was  a  Chinese  of  considerable  repute,  and  had  been  appointed 
viceroy  of  Shang  tung  and  the  conquered  parts  of  Kiang  nan,  with  the 
title  of  King  of  Thsi  kiun,  by  the  Mongol  Khakan.  He  murdered  the 
Mongol  soldiers  who  were  with  him,  recalled  his  son,  who  was  a  student 
at  Kai  ping  fu,  and  having  repaired  the  fortifications  of  Thsi  nan  and 
Itu  (Thsing  chau  fu),  in  Shang  tung,  he  declared  for  the  Sung.  The 
Mongol  general  Apichi  was  sent  against  him,  and  besieged  him  in  Thsi 
nan.  The  siege  lasted  for  four  months,  during  a  portion  of  which  the 
garrison  fed  on  himian  flesh.  In  despair  Li-tan  killed  his  wife  and 
concubines,  and  then  threw  himself  into  a  lake  adjoining  the  city,  but 
was  taken  out  alive  and  killed.} 

«  D'Ohsson,  ii.  351-359.  t  De  Mailla,  ix.  298. 

I  Yttle's  Marco  Polo,  ii.  lOo.     Pauthier't  Marco  Polo,  44«.    Note.    D'Ohtson,  ii«  382. 
Gaubil,  X39. 


Early  in  1263  Khubilai  built  a  Tai  miao,  or  Hall  of  Ceremonies,  at 
Yenking.  This  was  meant  for  the  ancestor-worship  prescribed  by 
Chinese  custom.  He  gave  honorary  titles  to  each  of  his  ancestors, 
beginning  with  Yissugei,  who  was  styled  Liei-tsu  ;  Jingis  was  styled 
Tai-tsu ;  Ogotai,  Tai-tsong  ;  then  Tului  was  interposed,  with  the  title  of 
Juei-tsong.  Although  he  had  not  occupied  the  throne,  he  was  deemed  as 
the  legal  successor.  Kuyuk  came  next,  with  the  title  of  Ting-tsong ;  and, 
lastly,  Mangu,  with  that  of  Hien-tsong.  Each  of  them  had  a  tablet, 
with  his  name  upon  it,  set  up  in  a  separate  chamber,  while  the  Lama 
priests  were  ordered  to  recite  prayers  before  them  for  seven  days  and 
seven  nights.    This  afterwards  took  place  annually.* 

The  Mongols  hitherto  had  used  cither  the  Uighur  or  the  Chinese 
characters  in  writing  their  language.'  Khubilai  ordered  the  Lama  Pakba, 
whom  he  had  so  much  honoured,  to  construct  a  special  alphabet,  so  that 
his  people  might  be  like  those  of  the  Liao  and  the  Kin  dynasties,  who 
each  had  a  writing  of  their  own.  The  Lama  acquitted  himself  well,  and 
the  new  character  was  published  in  1269,  when  Pakba  received  the  title 
ofTapaofa  wang.^  About  this  time  Lien  hi  hien,  a  faithful  officer  of 
Khubilai,  was  disgraced.  He  had  been  required  to  submit  to 
the  precepts  of  the  Lama  religion.  He  objected,  saying  that  he  had 
always  been  a  faithful  disciple  of  Confucius,  two  of  whose  precepts  were 
directly  at  issue  with  the  teaching  of  the  Lamas,  namely,  that  which  pre- 
scribed that  subjects  should  be  faithful  to  their  sovereign,  and  another 
that  children  should  be  obedient  to  their  parents.  Khubilai  did  not 
gainsay  this.  Sometime  after  a  Lama  magician  claimed  to  have  discovered 
a  specific  for  immortality.  He  was  encouraged  by  Khubilai.  Lien  hi 
hien,  on  the  other  hand,  raised  strong  objections  to  encouraging  such 
impostors,  who,  he  said,  had  brought  much  evil  on  the  State,  and  injured 
the  health  of  those  Emperors  who  had  been  misled  by  them.  Khubilai 
was  displeased  with  his  frankness,  and  it  became  easy  for  those  who  had 
become  discontented  through  his  integrity  to  intrigue  against  him.  He 
was  exiled  from  the  court.  The  chief  of  his  enemies  was  one  Ahama  , 
(Ahmed),  a  native  of  the  West,  who  had  by  his  address  raised  himself  to 
considerable  authority  at  the  Mongol  court.  He  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Imperial  finances,  and  is  described  as  a  shrewd,  artful,  and  crafty  man, 
with  a  persuasive  manner  and  address.  Under  his  control  the  treasury 
was  fiiU,  but  the  people  were  oppressed,  and  he  became  almost  supreme 
in  the  empire.  Khubilai  was  served  by  others,  however,  of  greater 
integrity.  One  of  them  called  Hiu  heng,  was  appointed  head  of  the 
Imperial  college.  He  is  praised  for  the  tact  and  skill  with  which  he 
filled  his  office,  in  which  he  treated  the  opinions  of  the  young 
scholars  with  a  respectful  demeanour,  as  if  they  were  older  men,  and 
taught   the   young   Mongols  the  various   duties  and   ceremonies  pre- 

*  De  MailU,  ix.  301.  t  De  Mailla,  ix.'sxx,  3x3. 


cribed  by  the  Chinese  moral  classics ;  the  behaviour  incumbent  upon 
intercourse  with  superiors,  equals,  and  inferiors  ;  the  precepts  of 
charity  and  humanity,  &c.  So  famous  did  his  system  become  that 
his  scholars  were  picked  out  for  the  more  arduous  duties  of  the  State. 
In  1 27 1  Khubilai  gave  his  dynasty  the  Chinese  name  of  Yuen,  that  is, 
original  or  chief;  he  also  chose  a  calendar  name  for  the  years  of  his  reign. 
He  surrounded  himself  with  learned  men,  founded  a  central  academy  for 
the  empire  of  the  first  literati,  [and  schools  for  the  young  in  all  the 
provinces.  He  appointed  a  conmiission  to  write  the  history  of  the  empire 
and  to  reclaim  the  Mongols;  he  had  some  of  the  Chinese  classics  and  an 
abridgment  of  Chinese  history  and  chronology  translated  into  Mongol* 
This  was  done  by  Hiu  heng.*  He  encouraged  the  learned  men  of  every 
nation  and  creed.  Jemal  ud  din,  a  Persian  astronomer,  drew  out  a 
calendar  and  presented  the  Emperor  with  beautiful  astronomical  instru- 
ments. Gaisui,  from  the  kingdom  of  Fu-lin,  f>.,  the  Byzantine  empire, 
was  the  chief  physician,  while  one  of  the  chief  mandarins  was  put  at  the 
head  of  the  bureau  of  mathematics.  Khubilai  appointed  commissioners 
to  regulate  the  number,  rank,  and  pay  of  the  mandarins  and  the  principal 
offices  of  State,  such  as  the  Imperial  censors,  the  ministers  of  rites,  of 
justice,  of  public  works,  of  war,  &c. 

Let  us  now  turn  once  more  to  the  Sung  empire,  against  which,  as  I 
have  said,  Khubilai  had  long  meditated  a  campaign.  The  Sung  Emperor 
Li  tsong  died  in  1264  and  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew  Chaoki,  who  took 
the  name  of  Tu  tsong.  It  was  not  till  1267  that  Khubilai  fairly  began 
his  attack.  The  plan  of  the  campaign  was  entrusted  to  a  very  noted 
Chinese  general  called  Liau-ching,  who  had  deserted  the  Sung  cause 
and  been  appointed  governor  of  Kuei  chau,  a  town  oh  the  frontier  of 
Hu  kuang  and  Su  chuan,  by  Khubilai.  t  He  advised  that  they  should 
conmience  with  the  siege  of  Siang-yang,  called  Saianfu  by  Marco  Polo, 
situated  on  the  river  Han,  in  Honan,  and  conunanding  the  great 
military  road  from  Shensi,  decribed  by  Marco  Polo  as  a  very  great 
and  noble  city,  ruling  over  twelve  other  large  and  rich  cities.  On  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river  was  the  city  of  Fan  ching.  In  October,  1268, 
an  army  of  60,000  men  sat  down  before  and  invested  it,  the  lines 
embraced  a  mountain  three  leagues  from  the  city,  while  forts  were  built 
on  mountains  to  the  south  and  east  of  it ;  but  meanwhile  the  river 
was  open,  and  a  flotilla  ^of  Chinese  vessels  managed  to  re-victual  the 
place,  a  good  many  of  the  ships  were  afterwards  captured  and  destroyed. 
After  a  blockade  of  twelve  months,  it  was  found  necessary  to  extend  the 
blockade  to  Fan  ching,  which  communicated  with  Siang  yang  by  several 
bridges.  The  besieged  were  left  to  their  own  resources  for  some  time  by 
the  listless  Kia-s6-tao,  who  kept  the  Sung  Emperor  ignorant  of  what  was 
going  on.    At  length  he  sent  an  army  under  Fan-wen-hu   to  relieve 

*  De  Mailla,  iz.  320.  t  D'Ohsson,  ii.  383. 



it.  Its  advance  guard  was  cut  to  pieces  by  the  Mongols,  and  the  rest 
of  the  army  disbanded  and  fled.  Khubilai  also  reinforced  the  besiegers, 
and,  according  to  Raschid,  opened  the  prisons,  and  marched  20,000 
criminals  to  assist  in  the  siege.  After  an  investment  of  four  years  the 
city  still  held  out,  but  they  began  to  need  salt,  straw,  and  silk.  A  brave 
plan  of  supplying  these  things  was  suggested  by  the  Chinese  governor 
of  Ngan  lo ;  he  sent  a  flotilla  of  boats,  three  abreast,  the  centre  one  laden 
with  these  articles,  the  outside  ones  filled  with  armed  men:  this  broke 
through  the  Mongol  barriers  and  arrived  safely.*  Gaubil  says  the 
Chinese  took  advantage  of  a  flood,  by  which  the  Han  overflowed  its  banks, 
to  re-victual  the  place,  but  that  the  relieving  fleet  was  severely  defeated 
on  its  retum.t 

After  the  siege  had  lasted  three  years,  Khubilai  by  the  advice  of  a  Uighur 
general  called  Alihaya,  sent  to  his  nephew  Abaka,  in  Persia,  for  some 
engineers  skilled  in  making  catapults,  called  mangonels  by  Marco  Polo. 
Two  such  engineers  were  sent  to  him,  and  they  constructed  machines  which 
threw  stones  of  125  Chinese  pounds,  or  166  pounds  avoirdupois.}  These 
were  placed  before  Fan  ching,  and  made  holes  of  seven  and  eight  feet 
deep  in  the  walls  ;  a  practicable  breach  was  soon  effected,  and  the  city 
was  taken  by  assault  after  a  stubborn  defence,  in  which  the  Chinese 
generals,  as  on  many  other  occasions,  died  heroically.  The  defence  was 
carried  on  from  street  to  street,  and  the  victors  captiured  little  more  than 
a  pile  of  ruins.  Gaubil  has  the  quaint  remark,  that  the  long  catalogue  of 
Chinese  officers  who  distinguished  themselves,  may  be  interesting  to 
Chinese  or  Tartar  genealogists,  but  would  be  dreary  to  a  European.§ 
The  catapults  were  now  ranged  before  Siang  yang,  and  the  besieged  were 
terrified  at  the  terrible  pounding  they  gave  the  towers  and  walls,  and 
began  to  get  discouraged.  Khubilai  offered  them  terms  and  praised 
their  gallant  defence.  Upon  this  they  surrendered,  and  their  brave 
commander  Liu-wen-hoan  was  made  governor  of  the  district  of  Siang 
yang.  Soon  after  this,  in  August,  1274,  Tu-tsung,  tlie  Sung  Emperor, 
died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  second  son  Chao-hien,  who  was  only 
four  years  old.  Khubilai  now  issued  another  manifesto,  in  which  he 
recalled  all  his  endeavours  to  preserve  peace,  and  the  constant  bad  faith 
of  the  Sung  authorities.  He  then  organised  two  armies,  one  under 
Tolohoan,  and  some  subordinate  officers  were  ordered  to  march  towards 
Yang  chan,  in  Kiang  nan  ;  while  the  other  under  Bayan  and  some  other 
generals  was  given  the  duty  of  conquering  Hu  kuang.  The  two  armies 
probably  numbered  200,000  men.  Bayan  was  the  son  of  Gueukju,  of 
the  Mongol  tribe  of  the  Barins;  he  had  passed  his  younger  days  in  Persia, 
and  had  accompanied  some  ambassadors  from  Abaka  a  few  years 
previously.    Khubilai  was  charmed  with  his  merits,  and  in  1265  named 

*  De  MailU,  ix.  319, 325.  t  Op.  cit.,  149. 

I  G«Dbil,  155.    Yule*!  Marco  Polo,  ii.  121,  et.  Mq.  S  Op.  cit.,  136. 



defeat  greatly  discouraged  them,  and  was  followed  by  the  surrender  of 
many  towns  of  Kiang  nan  and  Che  kiang.  Among  other  towns  surren- 
dered was  Kien  kang,  the  modern  Nan  king.  Its  governor,  who  wished 
to  die  in  the  service  of  the  Simg,  took  poison  at  a  feast  where  he  had 
collected  his  friends  and  relatives.  One  of  the  Mongol  officers  found  in 
his  house  a  memoir,  addressed  to  Kia-se-tao,  containing  an  elaborate  plan 
for  opposing  the  Mongols.  When  this  was  shown  to  Bay  an,  he  was 
surprised,  and  said,  "  Is  it  possible  the  Sung  had  such  a  sage  councillor 
among  them.  If  they  had  followed  this  advice  we  should  not  have  been 
here ; "  and  he  ordered  his  family  to  be  treated  with  respect,  as  that  of  a 
faithfid  subject.  He  prohibited  the  pillaging  of  his  goods,  and  his  body 
was  buried  with  those  of  his  ancestors.* 

The  hot  season  was  now  at  hand,  and  Khubilai  wished  Bayan  to  stop 
operations  till  the  autumn,  but  the  latter  rephed  that  it  is  not  prudent  to 
allow  your  enemy  breathing  time  when  you  have  hold  of  his  throat,  a 
sound  piece  of  philosophy,  which  was  justified  amply ;  for  the  successes 
of  the  Mongols  had  created  quite  a  panic  among  the  governors  of  the 
neighbouring  fortresses,  several  of  which,  and  among  them  the  arsenal 
of  Kwang  ti,  in  Kiang  nan,  were  surrendered. t 

The  Empress  Regent  now  issued  a  stirring  proclamation,  which 
aroused  the  spirit  of  several  military  chiefs,  and  a  few  towns  were  retaken. 
Hao  king,  the  ambassador  who  had  been  sent  to  the  Sung  court  to  notify 
the  accession  of  Khubilai,  had  been  all  the  while  imprisoned.  He  vrzs 
now,  at  the  demand  of  Khubilai,  released  with  his  suite,  but  he  fell  ill 
and  died  on  the  way.  He  was  the  author  of  several  esteemed  Chinese 
works.t  Khubilai  sent  another  embassy,  consisting  of  two  of  the  digni- 
taries of  his  court  ;  this  was  treacherously  attacked  near  the  fortress  of 
Tu-song,  one  of  the  envoys  being  killed  and  the  other  wounded.  The 
Sung  court  disavowed  and  promised  to  punish  the  assassins,  and  offered 
to  recognise  the  suzereignty  of  the  Mongols.  Bayan  doubted  the 
sincerity  of  the  proposals,  and  sent  an  officer  under  the  pretext  of  treating 
for  peace,  the  real  object  being  to  survey  the  condition  of  Lin  ngan, 
the  capital.  He  also  was  assassinated  on  the  way.  Bayan  was  naturally 
enraged  at  so  much  perfidy,  but  he  was  recalled  at  this  juncture  to  go 
and  make  head  against  Kaidu.§ 

The  Chinese  now  made  an  effort  to  recapture  Wu-chang-fu,  and 
collected  a  large  flotilla  for  the  purpose,  but  Alihaya,  the  Mongol 
governor  of  the  town,  a  general  of  consummate  ability,  whose  renown 
was  only  second  to  that  of  Bayan,  and  who  had  done  his  duty  admirably 
during  the  late  campaign,  attacked  them  sharply,  defeated  them, 
and  captured  their  general,  who  had  been  governor  of  Yo  chau.  His 
head  was  carried  on  a  lance  under  the  walls  of  that  city,  which  surren- 
dered at  the  first  sunmions.     Alihaya  then  attacked  Kian  ling,  the  chief 


*  De  MaiUa,  iz.  354.  t  D*  Mailla,  iz.  355.  |  De  Maillm,  ix.  353-  S  Vide  infra. 


town  of  a  large  district  in  Kwang  si.  Its  governor  thought  he  had  been 
slighted  by  the  Sung,  surrendered  the  town,  an  example  which  was 
followed  by  fifteen  others  in  his  jurisdiction.  According  to  the  usual 
policy  in  such  cases,  the  various  Chinese  governors  retained  their  posts. 
Alihaya  was  much  complimented  upon  his  success  by  the  Emperor, 
who  wrote  him  an  autograph  letter  to  thank  him.* 

The  southern  part  of  Su  chuan  was  then  subject  to  the  Sung ;  its 
governor  was  attacked  and  defeated  by  the  Mongols  ;  and  his  capital  Kia 
ting  invested.  He  then  surrendered,  and  sent  to  them  a  detailed 
account  of  the  different  places  in  his  department,  for  which  he  was 
rewarded  by  being  reappointed  governor.  The  final  conquest  of  this 
province  was  not  effected,  however,  until  1278.  Instead  of  profiting  by 
the  absence  of  Bayan,  the  Chinese  now  proceeded  to  try  their  chief 
minister,  the  notorious  Kia-se-tao,  to  whom  they  owed  so  many  misfor- 
tunes. He  was  found  guilty ;  his  goods  were  confiscated,  and  himself 
transported  to  a  place  in  Fukien,  but  he  was  murdered  on  the  way  by 
one  of  his  escort,  who  had  an  old  grudge  against  him.  He  jeered  him 
for  his  cowardice  in  surviving  his  disgrace,  instead  of  putting  an  end 
to  himself  like  a  brave  man.  He  put  him  to  great  indignity  on  the  way, 
made  him  walk  in  the  scorching  sun,  and  scattered  his  harem,  sending 
its  members  to  their  various  homes.  He  pressed  him  hard  to  drown 
himself  in  a  river  which  they  passed,  and  as  he  would  not  he  at  length 
killed  him.    For  this  he  was  himself  executed.t 

A  brave  Sung  general  named  Chang  chi  ki^  having  equipped  an  immense 
fleet  of  10,000  vessels,  proceeded  with  them  along  the  Kiang,  intending  to 
attack  the  Mongols  who  were  stationed  near  Yang  chau  under  the  com- 
mand of  Atchu.  The  latter  surveyed  the  flotilla  from  the  summit  of  the 
mountain  Ch6  kong,  north  of  Chin  kiang,  and  made  up  his  plans.  He 
placed  1,000  balistas  on  some  of  his  heavy  boats  and  ordered  them  to 
fire  burning  arrows  into  the  enemy's  fleet.  These  set  fire  to  the  ships  and 
caused  a  general  panic.  Atchu  captured  700  ships,  and  the  greater  part 
of  the  Chinese  force  was  disi>ersed. 

Bayan  now  returned,  after  having  been  raised  to  the  rank  of  minister  of 
State,}  and  arranged  a  fresh  plan  for  the  campaign.  Atchu  was  to  con- 
tinue the  war  in  Hoai  nan,  Alihaya  in  Hu  nan,  three  other  generals  were 
sent  into  Kiangsi,  while  he  himself  advanced  upon  Lin  ngan,  the  Sung 
capital  On  the  way  he  attacked  Chang  chau,  a  famous  town  called 
Chinginju  by  Marco  Polo.  This  was  early  in  1275.  Having  beaten  the 
armies  that  came  up  to  try  and  raise  the  siege,  he  destroyed  the  faubourgs 
and  then  raised  a  rampart  as-  high  as  the  wall,  and  took  it  in  that  way. 
Marco  Polo  mentions  that  in  the  Mongol  army  was  a  body  of  Christian 
auxiliaries  ;  they  were  Alans,  and  no  doubt  came  from  the  Caucasus.  The 
inhabitants  were  spared,  but  the  Alans  having  got  drunk  after  they  had 

*  Dc  M aUU,  ix.  399.    Gaubil,  167.  t  De  Mailla,  iz.3  61.  I  De  Mailla,  ix.  361. 


taken  the  city,  were  treacherously  attacked  and  killed  by  the  Chinese. 
Bayan  sent  another  army  which  destroyed  the  inhabitants  without  pity.* 
Q^yan  had  in  vain  summoned  it  to  surrender.  He  collected  a  large 
number  of  people  from  the  neighbourhood,  whom  he  compelled  to  build  a 
vast  rampart  about  it.  The  Chinese  history  makes  him  put  a  large 
number  of  these  people  to  death,  use  their  fat  to  grease  the  battering 
engines  with,  and  bum  their  bodies.  The  defence  was  vigorously  kept 
up,  and  Bayan  encouraged  his  soldiers  by  his  presence.  The  town  was 
attacked  on  all  four  sides  at  once.  It  was  captured,  and,  as  I  have  said, 
its  inhabitants  were  slaughtered.  The  commander  showed  the  usual 
Chinese  intrepidity,  and  refused  to  escape,  t  Colonel  Yule  remarks  that 
this  use  of  human  fat  may  have  another  explanation,  for  Carpino  says 
the  Mongols  mixed  it  with  Greek  fire,  which  then  burnt  unexting^ishably.t 
The  victorious  Mongols  captured  one  position  after  another,  and  the 
Chinese  court  began  to  be  very  frightened.  At  Lin  ngan,  the  capital,  a 
general  call  to  arms  was  made  for  every  one  over  fifteen,  while  a  fresh  envoy 
was  sent  to  Bayan  with  apologies  for  what  had  occurred  to  the  envoy, 
the  whole  being  laid  at  the  door  of  the  perfidious  Kia  se  tao,  who  had 
been  punished,  and  to  the  inexperience  of  the  Emperor,  who  was  only  a 
boy.§  An  offer  was  made  that  the  Emperor  would  ccmsider  himself  a 
subject  of  the  Khakan,  and  wotild  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  250,000  ounces 
of  silver  and  the  same  number  of  pieces  of  silk.  These  terms  were 
refused,  and  Bayan  continued  his  advance.  Meanwhile  the  other  armies 
were  equally  successful.  Ailhaya,  who  was  in  Hunan,  «>.,  that  part  of 
Hu  kwang  south  of  the  great  lake  Tong  ting  hu,  laid  siege  to  Tan-chau 
(Chang  ch^).  Some  of  the  garrison  wished  to  surrender,  but  its 
governor,  Lifu,  answered  that  he  had  not  been  put  in  a  position  of  trust 
in  order  to  resign  it  at  the  first  crisis,  and  that  he  would  without  fail  make 
an  end  of  those  who  spoke  of  surrendering.  When  the  Mongols  stormed 
the  walls,  a  Chinese  officer  who  was  there,  brought  out  his  two  young 
sons  and  made  them  undergo  the  ceremony  of  taking  the  bonnet> 
equivalent  to  adopting  the  toga  or  the  symbol  of  manhood  (this  is  done 
at  the  age  of  twenty).  He  then  threw  himself  with  them  and  with  his 
servants  into  the  flames.  Lifu  ordered  a  libation  of  wine  to  be  poured 
out  on  the  ground  in  their  honour.  Having  made .  sure  of  the 
constancy  of  his  officers,  he  summoned  a  slave,  gave  him  a  bag  of  money, 
bade  him  save  his,  Lifu's,  family  from  base  servitude,  and  ordered  him  to 
kill  them  and  then  to  kill  him,  Lifu,  himself.  In  vain  the  slave  protested 
against  the  revolting  deed.  He  insisted.  He  thereupon  made  them 
drunk  and  performed  his  duty.  After  which  Lifu  offered  his  own  head, 
which  the  slave  cut  off.  The  latter  then  fired  the  palace,  returned  home,  . 
destroyed  his  own  family,  and  ended  by  stabbing  himself.    The  greater 

*  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  ii.  141. 
t  Pauthier's  Marco  Polo,  485.  J  Yule'i  Marco  Polo,  ii.  242.  i  De  Mallla,  ur«  365* 


part  of  the  garrison  and  inhabitants  followed  his  example,  the  wells  were 
choked  with  corpses,  others  hanged,  others  again  poisoned  themselves, 
and  the  Mongols  entered  an  almost  deserted  city.*  There  is  surely 
something  terribly  faithful  to  a  sense  of  duty  and  honour  in  such  an 
example.  Object  as  we  may  to  the  code  which  prescribes  such  a  test  of 
courage  and  devotion,  enlarge  as  we  may  on  the  indifference  to  life 
that  is  the  supposed  heritage  of  some  races,  we  cannot  refuse  a  respectful 
admiration  for  the  feeling  which  will  not  survive  disgrace  and  dishonour. 
It  would  surdy  be  a  good  discipline  to  our  Western  notions  of  duty  if, 
instead  of  bowing  before  and  licking  the  dust  from  the  feet  of  successful 
villainy  imder  whatever  pretentious  name  it  lives,  if  we  were  to  preach 
that  dishonour  is  not  condoned  by  success,  and  can  only  be  survived  by 
cowards  and  contemptible  people. 

The  capture  of  Chang  ch6  was  followed  by  the  surrender  of  the  other 
towns  of  Hu  nan. 

Meanwhile  the  Mongols  were  no  less  successful  in  Kiang  si.  Town 
after  town  was  surrendered  or  captured.  One  of  them,  Hoang  wan  tan, 
was  remarkable  for  the  bravery  of  its  commander.  Mi  yau.  Despe- 
rately wounded  by  four  arrows  and  three  lance  thrusts,  he  still  insisted  in 
rushing  upon  the  enemy,  but  in  crossing  a  bridge  a  plank  broke  under 
him  and  he  was  captured.  The  Mongols  wished  him  to  enter  their 
service,  and  offered  him  one  of  their  official  seals.  His  son  too  pressed 
him,  recalling  to  him  the  miserable  condition  in  which  he  himself  would 
be  left.  Appear  only,  said  the  hero,  in  the  public  square  and  say  you  are 
the  son  of  Mi  yau,  and  every  one  will  be  eager  to  assist  you.  He  then 
disrobed  and  insisted  upon  beingput  to  death.  This  Mongol  army,  with  that 
of  Alihaya  now  converged  upon  Lin  ngan,  where  Bayan  also  arrived  with 
his  troops.  The  Empress  Regent  sent  him  the  Imperial  seal  as  a 
sign  of  submission.  Bayan  sent  it  on  to  the  Khakan.  Repeated 
embassies  were  sent  out  to  treat  for  terms,  who  did  not  forget  the  reminder 
that  the  southern  provinces  of  the  empire  were  still  unconquered,  and  that 
the  issue  of  war  was  not  always  certain.  It  would  seem  that  the  city  was 
quietly  occupied.  Bayan  appointed  a  council  of  Mongols  and  Chinese  to 
govern  it,  and  extracted  from  the  Empress  Regent  an  order  to  the  various 
provincial  governors  to  submit  to  the  Mongols.  They  all  obeyed  except 
Kia-hiuen-hong,  whom  no  threats  could  intimidate.  Four  Mongol 
officials  were  ordered  to  collect  the  seals  of  the  various  departments,  and 
the  books,  registers,  historical  memoirs,  geographical,  and  charts,  &c., 
found  in  the  archives.  Having  placed  guards  in  different  points  of  the 
city,  Bayan  at  the  head  of  a  splendid  cortege,  preceded  by  the  great 
standard  and  drums,  and  followed  by  his  generals,  made  an  entry  in  state. 
The  Emperor  and  Empress  asked  to  see  him,  but  he  excused  himself  by 
saying  he  did  not  know  what  ceremony  he  ought  to  observe,  and  left  the 

•  De  Mailla,  ix.  368, 369* 


following  day.  We  are  told  that  while  in  the  city  he  had  the  curiosity  to 
go  to  the  banks  of  the  river  Tsien-tang-kiang  to  watch  the  tide  rise, 
which  it  did  so  violently  that  it  was  mistaken  for  a  white  wall  shattered 
by  a  cannonade  of  artiller>'.»  Marco  Polo  has  left  us  an  elaborate 
account  of  the  great  capital.  It  has  been  most  admirably  noted  by 
Colonel  Yule,  from  it  I  shall  extract  freely. 

He  makes  the  circuit  of  the  walls  to  be  one  hundred  miles ;  Odoric 
makes  the  same  statement,  while  Vassaf  makes  it  twenty-four  parasangs, 
which  is  nearly  the  same.  Ibn  Batuta  makes  its  length  to  be  three  days' 
journey.  Raschid  says  its  enceinte  had  a  diameter  of  eleven  parasangs, 
and  Colonel  Yule  shows  that  the  circuit  of  the  walls  has  progressively 
diminished,  and  that  it  is  probable  that  in  the  days  of  Polo  its  circuit, 
exclusive  of  the  suburbs,  was  one  hundred  li.  Polo  says  that  it  contained 
12,000  bridges.  Colonel  Yule  calls  this  number  a  mere  popular  saw. 
Vassaf  makes  the  number  360.  As  the  city  was  built  amidst  lagunes, 
like  Venice,  the  number  may  well  have  been  1,200.  The  size  of  the 
bridges  there  is  noted  by  modern  travellers.  Barrow,  quoted  by  Marsden, 
says  some  have  the  piers  of  such  an  enormous  height  that  the  largest 
vessels  of  200  tons  sail  under  them  without  striking  their  masts.  Polo 
says  there  were  twelve  guilds  of  different  crafts  ;  each  guild  had  12,000 
houses  in  the  occupation  of  its  workmen.  Each  house  contained 
twelve,  twenty,  and  even  forty  men.  He  also  reports  that  every  man  was 
bound  to  follow  his  father's  trade,  even  if  he  owned  100,000  bezants,  a 
custom  which  Colonel  Yule  remarks  is  nowhere  now  found  in  China, 
where  it  is  very  rare  for  a  son  to  follow  his  father's  trade.  Inside  the 
city  was  a  great  lake,  thirty  li  in  circumference  (the  celebrated  Si  £u,  or 
Western  Lake,  described  by  Abulfeda,  and  by  Barrow  and  others,  who 
all  describe  it  as  a  Chinese  paradise).  It  was  surrounded  with  palaces 
and  grand  mansions,  having  islands  on  it  on  which  were  pleasure-houses, 
&c.,  where  the  inhabitants  held  their  marriage  feasts ;  silver-plate, 
trenchers  and  dishes,  napkins,  &c.,  being  supplied  to  order.  Sometimes 
there  would  be  a  hundred  parties  there  ;  some  holding  a  banquet,  others 
a  wedding,  &c.  Most  of  the  houses  were  built  of  timber,  with  stone 
towers  to  store  articles  of  value  in,  and  thus  protect  them  from  the 
frequent  fires.  The  people  dressed  very  gaily,  most  of  them  in  silk. 
(The  inhabitants  are  still  celebrated  for  their  dandyism,  everybody  but 
the  lowest  labourers  and  coolies  wearing  silk.)  The  Mongols  placed  a 
guard  upon  each  of  the  bridges ;  each  guard  had  a  hollow  stick,  a  metal 
basin,  and  a  time-keeper.  With  the  stick  he  struck  the  basin  at  every 
hour,  one  for  the  first  hour,  two  for  the  second,  &c.  A  section  of  these 
watchmen  patrolled  about,  arrested  those  wandering  at  unlawful  hours, 
and  reported  to  the  magistrates  all  lights  and  fires  burning  after  lawful 
hours.    They  removed  cripples  and  others  to  the  hospitals,  of  which 

*  De  Mailla,  ix.  373. 


there  are  still  many  there,  as  Mr.  Gardner  reports.  They  also  acted  as 
iiremen  at  fires,  for  no  citizen  except  the  watchmen  and  the  owners  of  the 
property  dare  go  out  at  night  or  approach  a  fire.  There  was  also  a  high 
watchtower  in  the  city,  in  which  a  man  beat  violently  on  a  slab  of  wood, 
which  resounded  far  and  wide,  when  fires  or  other  alarms  broke  out.  All 
its  streets  were  paved  with  stone  or  brick,  except  the  sides,  which  were 
kept  unpaved  for  the  Imperial  couriers  to  gallop  along.  Large  covered 
drains  ran  down  the  centre  of  the  streets,  and  emptied  themselves 
into  the  canals.  There  were  three  thousand  baths  in  the  city, 
large  enough  for  one  hundred  persons  to  bathe  together.  They 
were  supplied  with  hot  water.  (Mr.  Gardner  says  the  natives  always 
take  hot  baths,  but  that  only  the  poor  go  to  the  public  baths,  the 
tradesfolk,  &c.,  having  them  supplied  at  home.)  The  port  was  situated 
twenty-five  miles  from  the  city,  and  was  called  Ganpu.  This  was 
most  probably  the  Kanfu  frequented  by  the  early  Arab  traders.  The 
Emperor's  palace  is  described  by  Polo  as  the  largest  in  the  world.  It 
was  surrounded  by  a  demesne  of  the  compass  of  ten  miles,  girdled 
with  embattled  walls,  inside  which  were  beautiful  gardens  with  fountains, 
and  lakes  full  of  fish.  The  palace  itself  contained  twenty  great  halls, 
the  largest  of  which  was  used  as  a  State  dining  room,  all  painted  in  gold, 
with  histories  and  representations  of  beasts  and  birds,  of  knights  and 
dames,  sustained  by  columns  painted  and  wrought  in  gold,  and  the  finest 
azure.  Besides  these  great  halls,  the  palace  contained  1,000  large 
chambers,  all  painted  in  gold  and  colours.  Altogether  the  city  comprised 
1,600,000  houses,  among  which  were  many  palaces,  and  one  Nestorian 
church.  Every  burgess  wrote  at  his  door  the  name  of  each  person,  and 
the  number  of  animals  inside,  so  that  a  census  could  be  collected  at  once. 
Every  hosteller  was  bound  to  register  the  inmates  of  the  house,  so  that 
information  could  be  found  about  all  the  travellers  in  the  country.  These 
regulations  are  a  sarcasm  on  our  Western  progress  and  civilization. 
There  were  ten  principal  markets,  besides  a  vast  number  of  lesser  ones, 
the  former  all  half-a-mile  square ;  along  their  front  was  a  street  forty 
paces  wide,  which  traversed  the  city  from  end  to  end,  having  a  great 
market  at  every  four  miles.  Parallel  with  this  street,  and  at  the  back  of 
the  market,  ran  a  canal,  whose  banks  were  lined  with  the  merchants' 
stores,  from  India,  &c.  Three  days  a  week  40,000  or  50,000  assembled 
at  each  of  these  markets,  supplying  abimdance  of  roebucks,  red 
deer,  fallows,  hares,  rabbits,  partridges,  pheasants,  francolins,  quails, 
fowls,  capons,  ducks,  and  geese.  For  a  Venice  groat  of  silver  you  might 
buy  a  couple  of  geese  and  two  couple  of  ducks.  There  were  shambles 
where  calves,  beeves,  kids,  and  lambs  were  slaughtered.  Among  the 
fruits  displayed  were  enormous  pears,  weighing  ten  pounds  each,  with  a 
white  and  fragrant  pulp,  and  yellow  and  white  peaches  of  very  delicate 
flavour.  No  grapes  were  produced  there,  but  very  good  raisins  and  wine 
were  import^     Their  fish  were  of  sundry  kindsi  and  owing  to  the 


impurities  of  the  city,  which  passed  into  the  lake,  were  remarkably  fat 
and  savoury.  The  chief  beverage  drunk  was  made  of  rice  and  spices. 
Some  streets  were  occupied  by  handicraftsmen,  others  by  physicians  and 
astrologers.  In  each  great  square  were  two  palaces  for  the  officers,  who 
superintended  the  traffic.  To  give  a  notion  of  the  consumption  of 
provisions  in  this  vast  city,  Polo  mentions  the  article  pepper,  of  which 
forty-three  loads,  each  of  223  lbs.,  were  daily  introduced.  The  lake  was 
covered  with  beautifully  furnished  flat  bottomed  boats,  having  nice  cabins, 
while  the  streets  were  supplied  with  vehicles  shaped  like  palanquins,  each 
holding  six.  Colonel  Yule  says  these  public  conveyances  were  generally 
disused  in  China  about  the  time  when  they  were  introduced  into  Europe. 
Vassaf  tells  us  that  the  salt  excise  brought  in  daily  700  balishs,  in  paper 
money.  The  number  of  craftsmen  may  be  guessed  from  the  number  of 
dyers,  which  was  32,000.  There  were  700  temples.  Polo  calculates  the 
salt  dues  as  bringing  in  yearly  eighty  tomans  of  gold,  each  toman  being 
worth  70,000  saggi  of  gold.  Colonel  Yule  makes  an  elaborate  calculation 
of  this  amount,  and  values  it  at  ;£2,633,333  sterling  annually,  while  the 
whole  revenue  of  the  province  is  put  down  at  ;£  147,000,000.  He 
concludes  that  the  account  of  Polo  is  a  great  exaggeration,  due 
probably  to  his  calculating  the  revenue  in  gold  instead  of  paper  money, 
which  would  enlarge  it  by  one-half.* 

Lin  ngan  is  the  modem  Hang  chau  fu,  the  capital  of  the  province  of 
ChS  kiang  ;  it  was  also  called  King  ts6,  i.e..  Imperial  residence,  because 
the  last  nine  Emperors  of  the  Sung  dynasty  had  lived  there.t  Having 
described  Lin-ngan,  we  will  now  continue  our  history. 

The  Empress  Regent  was  not  allowed  to  continue  her  parade  of  royalty 
very  long.  Atahai,  with  several  officers,  entered  the  palace  and 
stopped  the  ceremonies  which  were  practised  in  presence  of  the  Emperor, 
her  grandson,  who  with  his  mother  and  a  great  company  of  grandees, 
comprising  the  chief  persons  about  the  court,  were  despatched  north- 
wards to  the  court  of  Khubilai.  Before  leaving,  the  Emperor  and  his 
mother,  facing  the  north,  went  through  the  prescribed  and  humiliating 
ceremony  of  prostating  themselves  seven  times,  and  thus  saluting  their 
conqueror,  the  Elhakan.}  ' 

Some  faithful  adherents  of  the  Sung  dynasty  raised  a  body  of  soldiers, 
and  attacked  the  Mongol  escort  in  the  town  of  Eua  chau,  but  were 
defeated.  The  Emperor  was  well  received  by  Khubilai,  but  was  deprived 
of  his  rank,  and  given  that  of  a  Kong,  or  a  prince  of  the  third  order, 
with  the  title  of  Hiao-kong.§  The  title  of  Empress  was  also  erased  from 
the  names  of  the  Emperor's  mother  and  grandmother.  We  are  told  that 
Ehubilai's  chief  wife  treated  these  ladies  Mrith  great  attention  and 
tiumanity.      The  gold  and  silver  and  other  treasures   captured  in  the 

*  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  ii.  135 -274.  t  D'Ohston,  ii.  416.    Note. 

I  Ganbil,  176.    De  MaiUa,  iz.  376.  %  De  Mailla,  ix.  378. 


Kmperor's  palace  were  conveyed  by  sea  to  Ta-tu  or  Peking.  When  the 
Empress  (the  wife  of  Khubilai)  saw  it  all  laid  out,  she  wept,  and  said 
with  some  pathos  she  was  thinking  that  the  empire  of  the  Mongols  would 
one  day  also  ccnne  to  an  end. 

Two  of  the  Sung  Princes,  brothers  of  the  Emperor,  had,  on  the  siege 
of  Lin  ngan,  been  sent  for  safety  into  the  South.  On  arriving  at 
Wen  chau  they  passed  the  ruins  of  a  temple  called  Kiang  sin,  and  in  it 
the  throne  where  the  Emperor  Kaotsong  had  been  seated  when  he,  like 
them,  had  been  forced  to  find  shelter  in  the  South.  The  chief  attendants 
about  the  young  princes  caused  the  elder  to  mount  this,  and  declared  him 
Governor  General  of  the  Empire.*  The  chief  cities  of  Fu-kien  were  at 
this  time  on  the  point  of  surrendering  to  the  Mongol  general  Hoang  wan 
Un.  The  arrival  of  the  princes  raised  the  spirits  of  the  inhabitants. 
They  rose  and  drove  them  out,  and  soon  after  I  wang  was  proclaimed 
Emperor  at  Fu  chau,  the  capital  of  the  province,  whose  name  was 
changed  to  Fu  ngan  fu.  He  was  then  nine  years  old.  The  title  of  Toan 
tsoog  was  given  to  him,  while  that  of  his  captive  brother  was  changed 
from  Kuang  wang  to  Wei  wang.t  A  great  levy  of  troops  was  made,  and 
the  chief  conmiand  given  to  Wen  tien  siang,  who  had  escaped  from  the 

Yang  chau,  one  of  the  chief  towns  of  Kiang  nan,  still  held  bravely 
out  In  vain  the  Mongols  sent  their  summonses  to  surrender,  counter- 
signed by  the  Empress  Regent.  Its  intrepid  commander  replied  that  the 
only  order  he  knew  was  to  defend  the  place  which  had  been  confided  to 
him,  and  he  put  to  death  the  successive  envoys  who  brought  him  promises 
of  pardon  and  offers  of  good  terms.  Having  heard  that  I  wang  had 
been  proclaimed  Emperor,  he  quitted  the  city  with  7,000  men  for  Tai 
chau,  intending  to  embark  there  for  Fu  chau.  No  sooner  was  he  gone 
than  the  town  surrendered.  He  and  his  men  were  sharply  pursued,  lost 
ipoo  of  their  number,  and  were  again  invested  in  Tai  chau.  The 
commander  of  the  latter  town  treacherously  admitted  the  Mongols,  and 
the  intrepid  Li-ting-tchi,  who  was  prostrated  by  a  tumour  in  his  leg,  was 
captured.  As  he  refused  to  submit  or  to  pass  into  the  service  of  Khubilai, 
he  was  put  to  death.  Atchu,  the  Mongol  commander,  was  now  recalled 
to  fill  some  post  at  the  Mongol  court,  and  Bayan,  his  superior  officer, 
published  an  eulogium  on  him.^ 

Kue  lin  fu,  the  capital  of  Kwang  si,  was  governed  by  Ma-ki,  a  man  of 
similar  courage  to  Li-ting-tchi.  Its  walls  were  protected  by  rivers, 
exc^t  on  one  side,  where  the  garrison  concentrated  its  defence.  The 
Mongols  followed  an  old  plan  ;  they  turned  aside  the  rivers,  and  rushed 
across  their  dry  beds  upon  the  city.  Ma-ki  defended  the  town  street  by 
Mtsettf  but  it  was  at  length  captured,  and  its  inhabitants  put  to  the  sword. 
The  Mongols  divided  into  various  bodies,  and  captured  the  different 

•  De  If  aiUa,  is.  379-  t  Dt  MailU,  ix.  380.  ;  Oaubil,  x8o. 


towns  of  Kwang  si.*  Meanwhile  they  had  been  equally  successful  in 
Kwang  tung,  where  a  wealthy  Chinese  named  Hiong-fei  had  raised  an 
army.  The  Mongol  commander  Alihaya  sent  some  troops  against  him ;  he 
made  a  show  of  submission,  and  was  entrusted  with  the  command  of  the 
two  towns  Chao  chau  and  Hoei  chau ;  but  he  proved  treacherous,  rejoined 
the  side  of  his  old  masters,  was  defeated,  and  sheltered  himself  in  Chao 
chau,  which  having  been  surrendered  to  the  enemy,  he  fought  his  way 
from  street  to  street,  and  ended  by  drowning  himself.  Other  disasters 

Among  those  who  deserted  the  Sung  at  this  crisis  was  Pu-chau-keng, 
who  for  thirty  years  had  superintended  the  merchant  shipping  at  Siuen 
chau,  and  who  had  amassed  a  considerable  fortune.  The  Sung  Emperor, 
with  the  Imperial  fleet,  having  arrived  in  that  port,  the  merchants  refused 
to  supply  them  with  provisions,  upon  which  a  raid  was  made  upon  their 
ships,  in  which  raid  some  of  the  property  of  Pu-chau-keng  was  captured. 
He  collected  a  body  of  his  followers,  attacked  the  pillagers,  and  even 
compelled  the  Imperial  fleet  to  set  sail  again.  Fearful  of  being  punished, 
he  retired  to  Chao  chau,  in  Kwang  tung,  and  soon  after  joined  the 

Bayan  had  been  recalled  by  Khubilai  to  make  head  against  his  enemies 
in  the  North.  A  large  portion  of  the  Mongol  army  now  followed  his  steps. 
Those  who  remained  behind  were  left  in  command  of  Li  heng.  The 
Sung  employed  the  opportunity  in  recapturing  several  towns  in  the 
southern  provinces.  Khubilai  organised  a  fresh  campaign,  and  early  in 
1 278  several  of  these  towns  were  again  recaptured.  Among  the  new  successes 
was  the  capture  of  Canton  and  of  Chao  chau.  The  young  Emperor, 
Toan  tsong,  had  not  a  port  where  he  could  land.  He  wandered  about 
with  his  fleet  from  one  place  to  another,  and  at  length  died  on  the  desert 
island  of  Kang  chau,  in  May,  1278,  at  the  age  of  eleven.  His  chief 
officers  now  proclaimed  his  younger  brother  Wei-wang,  Emperor ;  under 
the  title  of  Ti  ping,  and  saluted  him  on  their  knees. 

The  Chinese  fleet,  which  is  said  to  have  been  manned  by  200,000 
combatants,  was  anchored  at  the  island  of  Ysu,  in  the  Gulf  of  Canton. 
They  built  a  wooden  palace  on  the  island  for  the  Emperor,  and  worked 
assiduously  at  refltting  their  ships,  receiving  supplies,  &c.,  from  Canton 
and  other  cities,  even  from  those  subject  to  the  Mongols. 

Chang-hong-fan,  the  son  of  the  celebrated  general  Chang  ju,  now 
pressed  upon  Khubilai  the  necessity  of  a  vigorous  campaign  in  Kwang 
tung  to  terminate  the  war.  Having  been  girt  with  a  jewelled  sword  and 
made  commander-in-chief,  he  attacked  the  Sung  army,  which  had  latterly 
recovered  several  positions  in  that  province,  and  Anally  crushed  it.  The 
redoubtable  Wen  tien  siang  was  among  the  captured.  He  had  tried  to 
poison  himself,  unsuccessfully.    A  subordinate  general  had  shown  even 

*  De  If  ailU,  317,  et.  Mq.  t  De  Mailla,  ix.  387.  ]  De  MaiUa,  ix.  394. 


greater  fortitude,  and  had  tried  to  pass  himself  off  as  Wen  tien  siang, 
hoping  that  the  Mongols  would  execute  him,  and  that  his  friend  would 
thus  escape ;  but  his  deception  was  discovered,  and  he  was  broiled  over 
a  slow  fire.  Wen  tien  siang  himself  demanded  to  be  put  to  death,  but 
the  generous  Mongols  spared  him,  and  although  he  would  not  enter  their 
service  they  set  him  free.*  Chang  hong  fan  now  collected  a  fleet  and 
proceeded  against  the  Chinese  flotilla,  which  was  anchored  at  the  estuary 
Chao  Yang.t  He  flrst  tried  to  burn  it  by  means  of  Are  ships,  but  the 
Chinese  commander  protected  his  ships  by  covering  the  hulls  and  rigging 
with  mud  and  putting  out  beams  which  staved  ofl"  the  Are  boats.  The 
Mongols  then  made  a  night  attack  with  their  fleet.  This  was  not 
successful,  nor  was  a  second  venture  of  a  similar  kind  ;  but  at  length  a 
more  determined  effort  was  made.  The  Mongol  fleet  was  divided  into 
several  divisions,  which  made  a  simultaneous  attack  to  the  sound  of 
martial  music,  and  assisted  by  a  high  tide  and  a  storm,  the  crowded 
Chinese  armament  was  thrown  into  confusion.  The  young  Emperor  was 
on  board  the  largest  ship,  which  was  jammed  in  by  the  rest,  and  too  big 
to  swim  over  the  shallows.  Seeing  no  hope  of  escape,  Lu  siu  fu,  one  of 
the  two  chief  ministers,  having  thrown  his  wife  and  children  overboard, 
seized  hold  of  the  Emperor,  and  saying  that  a  Sung  Emperor  ought  to 
prefer  death  to  capitulation,  he  jumped  overboard  with  him.  Both  were 
of  course  drowned.  The  greater  part  of  the  Chinese  officers  followed  his 
example.  More  than  Soo  ships  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mongols,  and 
the  sea  was  laden  with  corpses,  t 

The  Emperor's  body  was  eventually  found  and  upon  it  the  Imperial  seal. 
Chang  chi  ki6,  the  co-regent  of  the  empire,  escaped  ;  having  joined  the 
Empress  mother,  he  pressed  her  to  choose  some  member  of  the  family 
of  Chao  (Chao  was  the  family  name  of  the  Sung  Emperors)  to  put  upon 
the  throne,  but  she  was  so  overcome  with  grief  by  the  news  she  threw 
herself  into  the  sea.  Having  buried  his  mistress  on  the  shore  he  went 
towards  Chen  ching  (Ton  kin),§  where  he  got  some  forces  together  with 
which  he  set  out  to  return  to  Canton.  He  was  overtaken  by  a  storm, 
refused  to  land,  and  mounting  the  deck,  he  burnt  some  incense,  and 
addressing  the  heavens,  said  :  "  I  have  done  my  best  to  support  the 
throne  of  the  family  of  Chao  ;  on  the  death  of  one  of  its  princes  I  pro- 
claimed another ;  and,  do  I  still  survive,  O  heaven !  have  I  acted  contrary 
to  thy  will  in  seeking  to  place  on  the  throne  another  prince  of  this  family?" 
The  wind  still  rose,  the  ship  foundered,  and  with  it  the  faithful  officer, 
whose  body  was  afterwards  recovered  and  buried  on  the  shore.  ||  Thus 
ended  the  dynasty  of  the  %Sung  which  had  been  on  the  throne  for  alto- 
gether a  period  of  320  years,  and  thus  the  Mongols,  after  a  struggle  of 
half  a  century,  became  masters  of  all  China. 

*  De  M«ilU,  ix.  395.    Gaubil.  187.  t  De  Mailla,  ix.  396.  I  De  MailU,  ix.  395-J97* 

CimbU,  188.  S  De  Mtilla,  ix.  399.        Q  De  Mailla.  ix.  399, 40a    Gaubil,  1894 


After  the  great  naval  fight  near  the  island  of  Yai,  the  Mongol  admiral, 
Chang  hong  fan,  gave  a  banquet  to  the  various  officers,  to  which  Wen 
tien  siangwas  invited,  "the  Sung  empire  is  destroyed;  you  who  have  been 
its  bravest  general  and  most  faithful  minister  may  now  employ  the  same 
zeal  in  the  service  of  our  sovereign."  He  refused,  and  was  respected  for 
doing  so  by  the  Mongol,  who  sent  him  to  Yen  king.  The  Mongol 
minister  there  pressed  him  to  join  his  master^s  service;  he  replied  that  the 
oath  of  fealty  bound  a  subject  for  ever  to  the  cause  of  his  sovereign. 
When  told  that  he  had  forsaken  his  Emperor  when  imprisoned,  and 
helped  to  replace  him  by  his  brothers;  he  replied,  in  effect,  that  necessity 
knows  no  law,  that  it  was  better  to  choose  the  lesser  of  two  evils,  and 
that  it  was  necessary  above  all  things  in  the  crisis  they  were  passing 
through  to  preserve  the  Sung  dynasty,  whose  continuity  and  existence  was 
destroyed  when  the  young  Emperor  was  captured ;  a  subject  ought  to 
feel  for  his  sovereign  the  affection  of  a  son  for  his  father ;  one  cannot 
control  events  always  ;  what  heaven  decrees  must  be  ;  and  he  demanded 
to  be  put  to  death.  Chang  hong  fan,  who  was  irritated  by  his  continued 
constancy,  asked  for  his  death ;  but  Khubilai  intervened  to  save  him, 
truly  a  perfect  model  of  fidelity.* 

In  1280  Alihaya  had  captured  a  great  number  of  prisoners  in  the 
southern  provinces  of  King  nan,  Kiang  si,  Kwang  si,  &c.  These  had  been 
sold  as  slaves,  but  Khubilai  set  them  at  liberty.  He  now  despatched  the 
mathematician  Tuchi  to  trace  the  great  river  Hoang  ho  to  its  sources. 
He  accomplished  the  task  in  four  months,  and  on  his  return  presented  a 
memoir  on  its  course,  which  is  given  by  Mailla.t 

The  Mongol  Khakan  now  turned  his  arms  against  the  Japanese.  J^^ian 
is  a  Chinese  name,  derived  from  the  position  of  the  island  towards  the 
rising  sun.  J^  meaning  sun,  and  pen  origin  or  rising.^  So  early  as 
1266,  Khubilai  had  sent  the  following  letter  to  the  J^^anese  sovereign. 
"The  most  powerful  rampart  between  small  countries  and  their  strong 
neighbours  is  peace  between  their  sovereigns.  This  political  axiom, 
supported  by  long  experience,  becomes  most  certain  when  it  refers  to  the 
weak  neighbours  of  an  empire  such  as  I  have  received  from  my  ancestors, 
which  is  especially  favoured  by  heaven.  I  am  now  master  of  China.  A 
crowd  of  kingdoms  filled  with  fear  and  respect  by  the  renown  and  virtue 
of  my  ancestors,  have  submitted  to  my  laws,  notwithstanding  thdr 
distance.  When  I  mounted  the  throne  the  Coreans  were  suffering^^m  a 
disastrous  war  that  had  lasted  for  a  long  time ;  the  cries  of  a  crowd  of 
innocent  victims  having  reached  me,  I  caused  hostilities  to  cease^  restored 
the  land  which  the  Mongols  had  conquered  firom  them,  and 
returned  the  prisoners  they  had  captured.  The  Corean  King,  whom  we 
number  among  our  subjects,  touched  by  our  generosity,-  came  to  theifoet 
of  our  throne  to  do  homage.    I  in  return  covered  him  ¥^h  /arears, 

*  De  MaiUa,  ix^  404*  t  Op.  cit.i  ix.  404*  403.  I  De  ICaillm,  it.  404* 


detennined  to  treat  him  rather  as  a  father  than  as  an  emperor  and 
matter.  Yoa  lad  your  people  have  surely  heard  of  this.  Corea  is  close  to 
Japan.  Since  the  foundation  of  your  kingdom  you  have  constantly 
trafficked  with  China.  How  is  it  you  have  never  sent  any  one  to  my 
court  since  I  came  to  the  throne.  Have  you  not  heard  of  my  accession. 
I  have  sent  you  two  officers  to  remind  you  of  this  and  to  secure  a  mutual 
friendship  and  a  regular  correspondence,  which  will  be  the  bond  of  a 
lasting  peace.  The  wise  men  who  are  about  me  tell  me  that  all  men  are 
brothers,  the  universe  consists  of  but  one  family,  and  how  can  useful  rules 
or  good  laws  be  upheld  in  a  family  where  there  is  discord  ?  Woe  to 
those  who  love  confusion  and  wish  for  war ;  O  King,  think  of  this,  you 
and  your  people." 

The  envoys  who  bore  this  letter  proceeded  to  Corea,  when  they  reached 
the  coast  the  Coreans  enlarged  so  much  upon  the  dangers  that  were 
before  them  that  they  detennined  to  return  to  China,*  Two  years  later, 
!>.,  in  1268,  Khubilai  began  to  prepare  for  a  descent  upon  Japan,  he 
ordered  the  Coreans  to  furnish  a  flotilla,  and  made  inquiries  as  to  the  best 
route  for  his  troops.t 

In  1274  he  sent  a  fleet  of  300  ships  and  15,000  men,  which  was  defeated 
near  the  island  of  Tsiusima  with  heavy  loss.  He  again  sent  envoys  in 
1280,  but  they  were  put  to  deaths  The  Sung  empire  having  been 
destroyed,  the  Mongols  now  had  leisure  to  prepare  on  a  larger  scale  to 
punish  their  refractory  neighbour  ;  100,000  men  were  collected,  and  the 
command  given  to  Alahan  or  Argan,  Fan  wen  hu  (the  Van  sain  chin  of 
Marco  Polo),  &c.  Ai;gan  died  at  the  port  of  embarkation  and  his  place 
Mras  taken  by  Atahai  or  Atagai  (Abacan  of  Polo). 

These  troops  were  embarked  at  Zayton  and  Kinsay.§  Zayton  is 
Thstuan  diau  fii,  or  Chin  chau  in  Fukien  ;  ||  and  Kinsay  (in  Chinese  Kin 
Bse,  or  the  court)  is  the  town  of  Hang  chau  fu,  in  Che  kiang.f  They  first 
proceeded  to  Corea,  where  they  were  joined  by  a  contingent  of  900  ships 
and  10,000  men.  The  combined  forces  sailed  for  the  island  of  Goriosan, 
where  the  troops  landed  and  overran  the  open  country.  Marco  Polo 
refers  to  a  quarrel  between  the  two  generals  in  command,  which  much 
impeded  the  campaign.  Meanwhile  the  fleet  was  driven  by  a  fierce  storm 
upon  a  small  island  called  Ping  hu.**  The  greater  part  was  destroyed. 
The  Japanese  account  says  that  "  the  general  (i>.,  Fan  wen  hun)  fled 
with  the  other  generals  on  the  vessels  that  had  least  suffered ;  nobody  has 
ever  heard  what  became  of  them.''  By  one  writer,  who  has  written  a  book 
to  prove  his  marvellous  theory,  this  last  army  is  made  the  founder  of  the 
Peruvian  monarchy  of  the  Incas.  Mongo  Capac  being  identified  with  the 
Mongol  general ! !  ! ft  .The  army  left  upon  the  island  was  attacked  and 
defeated,  and  30,000  captives  were  put  to 

•  De  If  aillR,  is.  3^303.  t  De  MailU,  308, 309.  ;  Yule't  If  arco  Polo,  ii.  305. 

iVal«*slf«co  Polo,  U.  900.       I  Vule'o  Marco  Polo,  U.  188.       H  De  IMU.  ii.  4x0.    Note. 

«*  Do  If  ailla.  Is.  409.       It  Raakiae'a  Conqueat  of  Pern.       H  ViUe'a  Marco  Polo,  ii.  207. 


The  Venetian  traveller  has  a  stor)',  which  is  doubted  by  his  learned 
editor,  to  the  effect  that  the  Mongols  surprised  and  captured  the  Japanese 
fleets  on  which  they  sailed  to  the  capital,  which  they  also  captured  ;  and 
says  that  it  was  after  being  besieged  there  in  turn  for  seven  months  that 
they  at  length  surrendered.  This  story  is  unconfirmed,  and  looks  much 
like  a  Chinese  invention  to  throw  a  halo  round  the  disaster. 

Gaubil  makes  the  invading  force  to  consist  of  70,000  Chinese  and 
Coreans  and  30,000  Mongols.  He  says  the  former  were  all  put  to  death, 
while  the  latter  were  reduced  to  slavery.*  The  Chinese  annals  in  De 
Mailla  state  that  only  12,000  or  13,000  Southern  Chinese  were  spared, 
and  they  were  reduced  to  slavery.! 

Khubilai  determined  to  send  a  second  expedition  to  revenge  this 
disaster.  He  appointed  Atagai  to  its  command.  Vessels  were  built 
and  sailors  pressed  at  the  different  ports,  and  the  King  of  Corea  was 
ordered  to  furnish  a  contingent  of  500  ships.  The  expedition  was  very 
unpopular.  The  men  deserted  in  bodies  and  took  to  brigandage,  and  it 
had  eventually  to  be  abandoned.  J 

Notwithstanding  the  overthrow  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  several  rebels 
arose,  especially  in  Fu-kien,  under  pretence  of  sustaining  its  cause. 
These  were  vigorously  put  down.} 

At  the  end  of  1280,  a  commission,  headed  by  a  celebrated  astronomer 
named  Eochauking,  issued  a  grand  work  on  astronomy.  Already 
in  the  reign  of  Jingis,  Yeliu  chutsai  had  profited  by  that  monarch's 
expedition  in  the  west  to  acquire  many  new  notions,  and  had  pub* 
lished  a  new  astronomy,  and  at  the  beginning  of  Khubilai's  reign, 
the  western  astronomers  (probably  Persians  are  meant)  published  two 
astronomies,  one  according  to  the  western  method,  the  other  according 
to  the  Chinese.  Eochauking  and  his  assistants,  who  had  deeply  studied 
western  methods,  reconciled  the  two  systems.  A  great  number  of  new 
instruments,  astrolabes,  armillary  spheres,  gnomons,  &c.,  were  manufac- 
tured. Fresh  observations  were  made  at  twenty-seven  stations ;  the 
meridians  were  revised  and  reduced  to  one  standard  ;  and  other  reforms 
were  made.  The  results  were  then  presented  to  the  Emperor  with  a 
memoir.  II 

In  1 28 1  ELhubilai  lost  his  favourite  wife  Honkilachi.  She  was  of  a 
tender  disposition,  and  doubtless  tempered  considerably  the  weight  of 
the  Mongol  arms.  When  the  young  Sung  Emperor  was  taken  in  triumph 
to  the  court,  she  was  much  depressed  ;  Ehubilai  was  somewhat  piqued, 
and  asked  the  reason.  From  early  times,  she  said,  there  has  been  no 
Imperial  family  which  has  lasted  1,000  years,  and  who  dare  say  that  I 
and  my  children  may  not  have  to  suffer  the  fate  of  this  boy.  When  the 
Imperial  treasures  of  the  Sung  were  spread  out,  she  only  peeped  at  them 

Gaubil,  X9S.  t  De  Mailla,  ix.  409.  ;  De  Mailla,  ix.  4x8  and  418. 

§  De  Mailla,  ix.  406,  407.  jj  De  Mailla,  ix.  408.    Gaubil,  192. 


and  then  retired.  The  Sung,  she  said,  Kave  brought  these  together  for 
their  descendants.  We  have  got  them  only  because  those  descendants 
could  not  protect  them.  How  dare  I  take  the  least  thing.  She  also  busied 
herself  in  nursing  the  Empress  Regent  of  the  Sung,  whose  health  suffered 
from  the  severity  of  the  Mongol  climate.*  Later  in  the  year,  the  assessor 
of  the  Emperor's  Privy  Council  presented  a  petition  against  the  sect  of 
Tao  se.  Khubilai,  who  was  much  attached  to  the  Buddhist  religion, 
easily  granted  permission  to  have  the  Tao  se  books  burnt. 

The  greed  of  conquest  with  which  the  Chinese  historians  charge 
Khubilai  was  still  upon  him,  or  perhaps  rather,  as  the  Russians  have 
found  in  our  day,  there  are  few  boundaries  in  Asia,  and  conquest  leads 
to  further  conquesty>  so  long  as  the  march-lands  of  the  empire  are 
occupied  by  turbulent  tribes. 

In  1 27 1  the  Mongol  commander  in  southern  Yunnan  had  sent  envoys 
to  the  King  of  Mien  (/.^.,  of  Burma),  calling  upon  him  to  become 
tributary .t  Some  negotiations  ensued,  his  letters  to  the  Emperor  being 
traced,  we  are  told,  on  golden  leaves  ;  they  also  employed  paper  and  the 
leaves  of  trees  for  this  purpose. 

The  issue  of  this  correspondence  was  not  pacific,  for  the  Burmese 
crossed  the  frontier  of  Yunnan  in  1277,  in  order  to  fortify  the  posts  of 
Theng  yue  and  Yung  chang  (the  Vocian  of  Marco  Polo),}  which  probably 
commanded  the  approach  to  their  country.  The  Chinese  conmnanders 
in  Yunnan,  among  whom  Nasir-ud-din,  mentioned  by  Marco  Polo,  was 
one,  although  he  did  not  fill  the  first  position,  §  ordered  an  attack  to  be 
made  on  certain  frontier  tribes  as  yet  unsubdued,  namely,  the  Kinchi 
(tribes  with  golden  teeth),  the  Ho  chang,  Fu  piao,  and  Theng  yue, 
whose  country  lay  west  of  Yung  chang.  The  Burmese  forces  under  their 
general  OTio,  were  assembled  in  the  country  of  Nan-tien,  on  the  frontiers 
of  Thibet,  and  west  of  Yung  chang,  and  consisted  of  from  40,000  to  50,000 
men,  800  elephants,  and  10,000  horses.  The  army  of  the  Mongols  is 
said  in  the  official  annals  of  the  Yuen  dynasty  to  have  been  only  700 
strong.  This  is  clearly  a  mistake,  and  ought  probably  to  be  7,000. 
Marco  Polo,  who  describes  the  battle,  makes  the  Mongols  12,000  strong, 
and  their  opponents  60,000  cavalry  and  infantry,  with  2,000  elephants, 
each  carrying  sixteen  men,  so  that  the  disparity  is  equally  great.  He 
calls  the  King  of  Burma  King  of  Mien  and  Bangala.  Colonel  Yule  has 
shown  that  the  Burmese  dynasty  probably  claimed  to  rule  in  Bengal  after 
the  Muhammedan  invasion,  and  that  they  were  descended  from  a  Bengal 
stock.]  The  Mongols  were  encamped  in  the  plain  of  Yung  chang,  and 
the  troops  of  Burma  came  to  attack  them,  the  cavalry  advancing  first, 
then  the  elephants,  and  lastly  the  foot  soldiers.^  Marco  Polo  relates  how 

*  De  Mailla,  ix.  408.  t  PauUiier's  Marco  Polo,  415.    Note. 

I  Panthier,  op.  cit,  410.  f  Vale's  Marco  Polo,  ii.  69. 

I  Ynle'a  Marco  Polo,  ii.  64, 63.  Ii  The  Yuen  se,  quoted  by  Pauthier,  op.  cit.,  411. 



the  Mongol  horses  were  frightened  at  the  elephants,  and  could  not  be 
made  to  face  them.  "  But  their  captain  acted  hke  a  wise  leader,  who  had 
considered  everything  beforehand.  He  immediately  gave  orders  that 
every  man  should  dismount,  and  tie  his  horse  to  the  trees  of  the  forest 
that  stood  hard  by,  and  that  they  should  take  to  their  bows,  a  weapon 
that  they  knew  how  to  handle  better  than  any  troops  in  the  world.  They 
did  as  he  bade  them,  and  plied  their  bows  stoutly,  shooting  so  many 
shafts  at  the  advancing  elephants,  that  in  a  short  space  they  had 
wounded  or  slain  the  greater  part  of  them,  as  well  as  of  the  men  they 

carried When  the  elephants  felt  the  smart  of  these  arrows  that 

pelted  them  like  rain  they  turned  and  fled,  and  nothing  on  earth  would 
have  induced  them  to  turn  and  face  the  Tartars.    So  off  they  sped,  with 
such  a  noise  and  uproar,  that  you  would  have  trowed  the  world  was 
coming  to  an  end  ;    and  then,  too,  they  plunged  into  the  wood,  and 
rushed  this  way  and  that,  dashing  their  castles  against  the  trees,  bursting 
their  harness,  and  smashing  and  destroying  everything  that  was  on  them. 
....     The  Tartars  then  got  to  horse  at  once,  and  charged  the  enemy. 
And  then  the  battle  began  to  rage  furiously  with  sword  and  mace."*    The 
Mongols  at  length  won,fand  pursued  the  troops  of  Burma  a  long  way,  and 
captured  200  elephants.    The  Chinese  account  says  the  carnage  was 
terrible,  that  the  limbs  of  the  elephants  and  men  who  had  been  slain 
filled  three  large  ditches,  and  that  seventeen  forts  which  the  Burmese  had 
built  for  the  defence  of  their  territory  were  captured.!     In  this  campaign, 
which  was  fought  in  1277,  Nasir-ud-din  advanced  as  far  as  the  town  of 
Kiang    thu,    on    the    Irawadi,    which    ofi'ered  a  stout  resistance ;    the 
intense  heat  of  the  climate  at  length  compelled  him  to  retreat?     Nasir- 
ud-din  having  reported  at  the  court  that  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  of 
Mien  would  be  easy,  an  army  was  fitted  out  in  1283,  under  the  command 
of  Siang  taur,  a  prince  of  the  blood,  who,  as  Colonel  Yule  says,  was 
doubtless  the  Singtur  who  some  years  later  took  part  in  the  insurrection 
of  Nayan.  The  army  set  out  from  Chung  khing,  />.,  Yun  nan  fii,  the  capital 
of  Yunnan  of  our  day.     They  embarked  in  boats  on  the  river  Oho  {?  the 
Bhamo  river),  and  arrived  at  Kiang  thu  (probably  the  Kaun  taung  of  the 
Burmese).  §    This  they  captured,  and  there  perished  there  more  than 
10,000  men.  II 

The  Mongols  then  summoned  the  King  to  submit.  He  refused ;  upon 
which  they  laid  siege  to  his  capital,  Tai  kung,^  i,e,,  Tagaung,  traditionally 
the  most  ancient  royal  city  of  Burma. •»  The  Burmese  annals,  which  are 
much  given  to  exaggeration,  say  the  King  had  pulled  down  6,000  temples 
to  furnish  materials  for  the  fortifications  :  "  But  after  all  he  lost  heart, 
and,  embarking  with  his  treasure  and  establishments  on  the  Irawadi,  fled 

*  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  ii.  66  and  68. 

f  Pauthier,  op.  cit.,  411.       I  Pauthier,  op.  cit.,  4x5.       ^  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  ii.  69  and  74. 

I  Pauthier,  416.  %  Pauthier's  Marco  Polo,  405.  •*  Yule,  op.  cit.,  ii.  76. 


down  that  river  to  Bassein,  in  the  Delta."  Having  captured  the  Burmese 
capital,  the  Mongols  continued  the  pursuit  till  they  reached  the  place 
now  called  Tarokmau,  or  the  Chinese  Point,  thirty  miles  below  Prome. 
Here  they  were  forced  by  want  of  provisions  to  return.*  De  Mailla  says 
further,  that  the  people  of  Kin-chi,  who  had  hitherto  been  prevented 
by  the  Burmese  from  acknowledging  the  Mongols,  now  did  so.  Kin-chi, 
or  golden  teeth,  is  the  Chinese  name  of  the  Zardandan  of  Marco  Polo, 
and  probably  connotes  the  Singphos,  a  tribe  of  Yunnan  and  Assam.t 
The  Pegu  annals  also  mention  a  raid  made  into  their  territory  by  the 
Mongols,  and  the  capture  of  several  towns  at  this  time.+ 

The  old  Venetian  traveller  has  a  very  romantic  story  about  the 
conquest  of  Burma ;  he  would  have  us  believe  that  it  was  effected  by  the 
gleemen  and  jugglers  at  Khubilai's  court,  of  whom  he  had  a  great  number. 
"  He  said  to  them  one  day  that  he  wanted  them  to  go  and  conquer  the 
aforesaid  province  of  Mien,  and  that  he  would  give  them  a  good  captain 
to  lead  them,  and  other  good  aid.  And  they  replied  that  they  would  be 
delighted.  So  the  Emperor  caused  them  to  be  httec}  out  with  all  that  an 
army  requires,  and  gave  them  a  captain  and  a  body  of  men-at-aiins  to 
help  them;  and  so  they  set  out  and  marched  until  they  came  to  the 
country  and  province  of  Mien,  and  they  did  conquer  the  whole  of  it."§ 
This  is  one  of  the  few  paragraphs  which  would  be  nautically  described 
as  yams  that  enliven  the  pages  of  the  very  truthful  old  traveller. 

At  his  accession  Khubilai  had  intrusted  the  Imperial  finances  to  a 
Muhanmiedan,  a  native  of  Bokhara,  named  Seyid  Edj^ll.  He  had  died 
in  1270,  leaving  a  high  reputation  for  honesty.  He  was  replaced  by 
Ahmed,  a  native  of  Fenaket,  on  the  Jaxartes.  He  had  been  attached  to 
the  household  of  Khubilai's  chief  wife  before  she  married  him,  and  by  his 
insinuating  manners  and  tact  had  won  the  confidence  of  the  Khakan.||  1 
have  already  mentioned  his  oppression  of  the  people.  As  he  kept  the 
coffers  full  Khubilai  was  satisfied,,  and  we  are  told  that  no  person,  however 
high  in  rank,  dare  cross  him,  nor  was  any  woman  of  considerable  beauty 
safe  from  his  advances.  If  she  was  unmarried  he  forced  her  to  be  his 
wife,  otherwise  he  compelled  her  to  submit  to  his  desires.  Marco  Polo 
quaintly  describes  his  manner  of  procedure.  "  Whenever  he  knew  of  any 
one,"  he  says,  "  who  had  a  pretty  daughter,  certain  ruffians  of  his  would 
go  to  the  father  and  say,  *  What  say  you  ?  Here  is  this  pretty  daughter 
of  yours  ;  give  her  in  marriage  to  the  Bailo  Achmath  (for  they  called  him 
'  the  Bailo,'  or  as  we  should  say  the  *  vice  regent '),  and  we  will  arrange 
for  his  giving  you  such  a  government,  or  such  an  office,  for  three  years.' 
And  so  the  man  would  surrender  his  daughter.  And  Achmath  would  go 
to  the  Emperor  and  say  ;  such  a  government  is  vacant,  or  will  be  vacant 
on  such  a  day.    So  and  so  is  a  proper  man  for  the  post,  and  the  Emperor 

*  Yale,  op.  cit.,  ii. 76.  t  Yule's  Mmrco  Polo,  ii.  56. 

I  Ynle's  Marco  Polo,  il.  76.  ^  Yule*8  Marco  Polo,  ii.  73.  0  D'Ohnoo,  ii.  467. 


would  reply :  *  Do  as  you  think  best/  and  the  father  of  the  girl  was 
immediately  appointed  to  the  government.  Thus  either  through  ambition 
of  the  parents,  or  through  fear  of  the  minister,  all  the  beautifiil  women 
were  at  his  beck  either  as  wives  or  mistresses."  His  twenty-five  sons 
occupied  places  of  high  trust,  and  he  had  amassed  a  vast  fortune  from  the 
black  mail  he  levied  on  place  hunters.*  But  his  enemies  were  increasing 
fast,  and  his  day  was  nearly  over.  Tsui  yu,  one  of  the  mandarins  who 
governed  in  Kiang  nan,  who  was  also  a  lieutenant  of  Alihaya,  was  brave 
enough  to  present  a  report  to  the  Emperor  against  him.  Ahmed  in  a  rage 
accused  him  of  embezzling  more  than  two  millions,  and  of  having  wrong- 
fully deprived  mandarins  of  their  offices.  A  commission  was  sent  to 
inquire,  which  found  him  innocent.  Ahmed  sent  a  second,  composed  of 
his  own  creatures,  who  convicted  and  executed  him.  This  judicial  mur- 
der caused  much  dissatisfaction  at  the  court,  in  the  army,  and  the  pro- 
vinces.t  Among  his  enemies  was  Ching  kin,  Khubilai's  son,  who  went 
the  length  of  kicking  him  in  his  father's  presence.  At  length  one  Chen 
chu,  a  commander  of  a  thousand,  whose  mother,  daughter,  and  wife  had 
been  dishonoured  by  Ahmed,  entered  into  a  plot  with  Wang  chu,  the 
conunander  of  a  tuman,  i.e,y  10,000  men,  and  determined  to  destroy  him. 
They  chose  the  time  when  the  Emperor  was  at  Shangtu,  and  the  Prince 
Ching  kin  absent  elsewhere,  and  when  Ahmed  remained  in  charge  of  the 
city.  They  communicated  their  intention  to  their  friends  in  various  cities, 
stating  that  they  had  determined,  on  a  certain  day,  at  a  signal  given  by  a 
beacon,  to  massacre  all  the  men  with  beards,  and  that  the  other  cities 
should  stand  ready  to  do  the  like  on  seeing  the  signal  fires.  The  reason 
being,  that  the  Chinese  had  no  beards,  while  beards  were  worn  by  the 
TarUrs,  Saracens,  and  Christians,  **  and  you  must  know,"  says  Polo,  "the 
Chinese  detested  the  Grand  Khan's  rule,  because  he  set  over  them  gover- 
nors who  were  Tartars,  or  still  more  frequently  Saracens,  and  these  they 
could  not  endure,  for  they  were  treated  by  them  just  like  slaves.  .  .  . 
On  the  day  appointed,  the  two,  Chen  chu  and  Wang  chu,  entered-the  palace 
at  night.  Wang  chu  sat  down  and  caused  a  number  of  lights  to  be 
kindled  before  him.  He  then  sent  a  messenger  to  Ahmed,  who  lived  in 
the  old  city,  as  if  to  summon  him  to  the  presence  of  Ching  kin,  who  (it 
was  pretended)  had  arrived  imexpectedly.  Ahmed  obeyed  the  summons. 
As  soon  as  he  got  inside  the  palace  and  saw  all  the  illuminations,  he 
bowed  down  before  Wang  chu,  supposing  him  to  be  Ching  kin,  and  Chen 
chu,  who  was  standing  ready  with  a  sword,  straightway  cut  his  head  off. 
The  captain  of  the  guard,  who  was  standing  at  the  door,  shouted  treason, 
and  instantly  discharged  an  arrow  at  Wang  chu  and  shot  him  dead  as  he 
sat,  at  the  same  time  he  ordered  Chen  chu  to  be  seized,  and  sent  a  pro- 
clamation through  the  city  that  any  one  found  in  the  streets  would  be  put 
to  death.     The  Chinese  saw  that  the  plot  was  discovered,  and  having 

*  Yule'i  Marco  Poloi  i.  371.  t  Gaobil,  193*    De  MaUl««  is.  411. 


lost  their  leaders^  remained  quiet.  Messengers  were  sent  off  to  Khubilai, 
who  ordered  an  investigation,  which  ended  in  several  of  the  ringleaders 
being  put  to  death."*  I  have  followed  the  account,  and  partially  the 
language  of  the  Venetian  traveller  whose  narrative  of  the  event  is  very 
circumstantial.  His  Chen  chu  is  doubtless  the  Chang-y  of  the  Chinese 
annalsi  who  name  a  third  conspirator,  a  sorcerer  called  Kao-Hoshang. 
They  also  say  Ahmed  was  killed  by  a  blow  from  a  copper  mace.  They  do 
not  mention  any  plot  for  the  murder  of  foreigners,  although  from  what  we 
know  of  them  in  later  times,  this  is  a  very  probable  event.  Neither  do  they 
mention  that  Wang  chu  was  killed  on  the  spot.  They  say,  on  the  contrary, 
that  he  died  heroically;  saying  that  he  had  done  the  State  great  service 
and  would  yet  be  rewarded.  Khubilai  gave  a  large  sum  towards  paying 
for  Ahmed's  funeral  ceremonies ;t  but  his  regret  was  soon  converted  into 
resentment.  When  he  returned  from  Shang  tung  he  summoned  Polo,  the 
assessor  of  the  privy  council,  our  old  friend  Marco  Polo,  and  asked  him 
why  Wang  chu  had  committed  the  murder.  Polo  spoke  bravely  out,  and 
when  Khubilai  learnt  how  avaricious  his  servant  had  been,  and  had  even 
appropriated  for  the  use  of  one  of  his  wives  a  large  diamond  which  some 
merchants  had  brought  to  his  court  for  him,  he  ordered  the  corpse  to 
be  exhumed,  the  head  to  be  cut  off  and  exposed,  and  the  body  to  be  Icfl 
CD  the  dogs.  Two  of  his  sons  and  some  of  his  widows  were  put  to  death  ; 
others,  to  the  number  of  forty,  with  400  concubines,  were  distributed  as 
presents.^  Two  hundred  mandarins,  who  had  been  Ahmed's  accomplices, 
were  deprived  of  their  offices,  and  altogether  700  persons  were  more  or 
less  implicated  and  punished  accordingly.  Polo  concludes  his  chapter  by 
saying  that  these  discoveries  greatly  irritated  Khubilai  against  the 
Saracens,  i>.,  the  Muhammedans,  and  he  prohibited  them  doing  many 
things  ^hich  their  religion  required.  Thus  he  ordered  them  to  regulate 
their  marriages  by  the  Tartar  law,  and  forbade  them  killing  animals  by 
cutting  their  throats.  This  partial  revival  of  one  of  Jingis*s  laws  is  also 
referred  to  by  Raschid.  It  was  revoked  seven  years  later,  when  it  was 
found  the  Muhammedans  gave  over  making  their  visits,  and  trade 
accordingly  sufrered.S  Ahmed's  place  was  given  to  a  Uighur  named 
Sanga,  whose  brother  had  succeeded  Pakba  as  Grand  Lama.|| 

One  of  Sanga's  chief  advisers,  who  was  also  a  favourite  of  Khubilai's, 
was  a  mandarin  of  Tai  ming  fii,  named  Luchiyong  ;  he  had  obtained  his 
post  by  bribery,  from  Ahmed.  He  persuaded  the  Emperor  that  he  could 
largely  increase  the  revenue,  and  those  who  inveigled  against  him  and 
his  plans  were  punished.  His  suggestions  were  at  least  curious  :  he 
proposed  that  a  large  number  of  copper  pieces  should  be  coined,  that 
these  should  be  distributed  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  great  ports  of  Hang 
chau  and  Tsuen  chau,  to  be  used  in  traffic  with  the  foreign  merchants, 

•  TqIc's  Marco  Polo,  i.  37a-374-  t  D'Ohsaon,  ii.  470.     De  MailU,  ix.  4x3. 

I  D'Ofanoo,  ii.  471.  i  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  i.  376, 377.  |  De  Mailla,  ix.  423. 


and  that  seven-tenths  of  the  profit  should  go  the  State,  while  three-tenths 
were  retained  by  the  people.  The  grandees,  it  would  seem,  had  some 
kind  of  monopoly  in  the  manufacture  of  arms  ;  this  he  proposed  to 
abolish,  and  to  let  the  State  take  possession  of  the  forges,  the  profit  to  be 
used  in  filling  the  granaries,  so  that  food  could  be  sold  at  a  cheaper  rate. 
He  wished  to  abolish  free  trade  in  wine,  and  make  the  vendors  take  out 
licenses,  for  which  they  were  to  pay  heavily.  He  proposed  to  exchange 
on  a  large  scale,  the  silks  and  stuffs  of  China  for  the  horses  and  sheep  of 
the  Mongols,  and  arranged  that  the  Imperial  studs  and  herds  should  be 
taken  charge  of  by  the  Mongols,  who  should  be  paid  one-fifth  of  the 
profit  accruing  from  the  sale  of  the  hides,  wool,  horns,  and  milk,  &c.  These 
plans  do  not  seem  very  extravagant,  but  they  were  very  unpopular, 
especially  so,  perhaps,  as  their  author  reinstated  a  good  many  of  the 
creatures  of  Ahmed  in  their  old  places.  The  heir  to  the  throne  took  part 
against  him  ;  several  mandarins  accused  him  of  exactions  and  cruelty, 
&c.,  and  he  also  was  tried,  condemned  to  death,  and  torn  in  pieces.* 

Cochin  China,  called  by  the  Chinese  Chen  ching,  and  by  Marco  Polo, 
Champa,  comprised  at  this  time  the  whole  coast  between  Tung  king  and 
Cambodja.  It  was  conquered  by  the  King  of  Tung  king  in  the  fifteenth 
century;  but  in  the  time  of  Khubilai  was  an  independent  kingdom.  In 
1278,  So-tu,  the  military  governor  of  the  Canton  district,  sent  an 
envoy  to  demand  the  submission  of  its  King.  This  was  rendered, 
and  for  some  years  he  sent  his  tribute.  Marco  Polo  says  the  tribute 
consisted  of  twenty  elephants.  When,  in  1282,  So-tu  sent  a  resident  and 
Chinese  official,  to  receive  tribute,  &c.,  the  heir  to  the  throne  resolutely 
opposed  the  proceeding  ;f  but  the  Mongol  officers  were  content  with  the 
submission  of  the  father,  until  he  drew  a  large  party  over  to  himself.  It 
was  then  time  to  interfere.  So-tu  therefore  sent  an  army,  which  captured 
the  capital.  The  prince  took  refuge  in  the  mountains,  and  cajoled  So-tu 
into  delay  by  his  envoys.  Meanwhile  he  was  fortifying  himself,  while 
one  of  his  officers  fell  upon  a  body  of  Mongols  and  killed  several 
hundred  of  them.  So-tu  fought  several  engagements  in  which  he  was 
successful,  but  while  he  was  besieging  an  almost  impregnable  fortress, 
the  prince  of  Cochin  China  cut  off  his  retreat.  So-tu  raised  the  siege 
and  managed  to  retire,  but  only  with  severe  loss.}  Khubilai  was  much 
pained  by  this  defeat,  and  in  1284  he  ordered  his  son  Togan,  who 
conmianded  in  Yunnan,  to  march  against  Cochin  China ;  the  general  So-tu 
received  orders  to  co-operate  with  him.  Between  Yunnan  and  Cochin 
China  lay  Tung  king,  which  had  for  some  time  been  tributary,  and  had  sent 
every  three  years  a  tax  of  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  medicinal  drugs, 
ivory,  and  rhinoceros'  horns.  This  tribute  was  found  very  onerous,  and 
a  new  king,  who  mounted  the  throne  in  1277,  determined  to  resist  the 

*  De  Mailla,  ix.  433,  424.    Gaubil,  aox,  aoi. 
t  Yole'i  Marco  Polo,  ii.  1x4.  I  De  Mailla,  ii.  4x5.    Caubil,  i^. 


passage  of  the  Mongol  army.  Togan  crossed  the  river  Fu  leang  on 
rafts,  and  the  army  of  Tung  king  dispersed,  but  they  rallied  again  the 
summer  following.  The  heat  and  heavy  rains  caused  a  pestilence  among 
the  Mongols,  who  were  forced  to  retire  into  Yunnan.  Liheng,  Togan's 
chief  general,  was  killed  by  a  poisoned  arrow,  and  So-tu,  who  had  gone 
some  distance  ahead  with  his  army,  shortly  after  lost  a  battle  on  the 
Kien  moan,  in  which  he  was  killed.* 

Astrology  was  much  favoured  by  Chinese  philosophers.  A  regular 
college  of  astrologers  existed,  in  which  the  various  conjunctions  of  the 
planets,  eclipses,  &c.,  were  studied  and  interpreted.  In  the  end  of  1282, 
a  bonze  of  the  province  of  Fu-kien  published  intelligence  that  the  planet 
Saturn  was  very  near  a  star  called  Ti-tso,  which  was  the  particular  star 
presiding  over  the  empire.  This  was  apparently  interpreted  lo  mean 
that  a  revolt  in  favour  of  the  Sung  dynasty  was  imminent,  and  at  this 
time  an  impostor  did  appear,  who  collected  more  than  100,000  adherents, 
called  himself  Emperor  of  the  Sung,  and  issued  seditious  placards.t 
These  things  troubled  the  Emperor,  who  assembled  at  Chang  tu  the 
young  Sung  Emperor,  his  family,  and  his  minister  Wcn-tien- 
siang,  who  had  been  kept  so  long  in  restraint,  and  who  was 
especially  suspected.  He  was  again  pressed  to  join  the  Mongol  service, 
but  he  remained  inflexible.  He  had  received  favours  much  exceeding 
his  deserts  from  the  Sung  family,  and  he  would  not  now  abandon  it  in 
its  distress.  He  v/as  therefore  condemned  to  death,  and  received  the 
news  joyfully,  went  laughing  to  the  place  of  execution,  faced  the  south, 
stooped  his  head  several  times  to  the  ground,  and  offered  his  neck  to 
the  axe.  He  was  only  forty-seven  years  old,  and  was  endowed  with 
many  graces  and  virtues.  The  remaining  members  of  the  Sung  family 
were  transported  into  Tartar>'.}  His  first  wife  having  died,  as  I  have 
mentioned,  Khubilai  now  raised  another  of  his  wives,  who  was  of  the 
stock  of  the  Kunkurat,  to  be  his  Empress  ;  she,  loo,  bore  the  name  of 

In  the  same  year  Khubilai  sent  a  conmiissioner  to  the  islands  of  the 
Eastern  Archipelago,  to  report  upon  their  products  and  riches.  Some 
time  after  ships  from  ten  of  these  states  arrived  at  Tsiuen  chau,  the 
celebrated  port  of  Fu  kien.  These  were  the  kingdoms  of  (i)  Mapar,  ue,, 
Mobar  or  Malabar ;  (2)  Samundra,  identified  by  Colonel  Yule  with  the 
kingdom  of  the  Bilal  Rajahs  north  of  Malabar,  and  constantly  coupled 
with  it  by  Muhanmiedan  writers  ;§  (3)  Sumenna,  />.,  Sumnath;  (4) 
Sengkili  (the  Shinkali  of  Abulfeda,  the  Singiugli  of  Jordanus,  the  Cynkalli 
of  MarignoUi),  ue.y  Cranganor,  one  of  the  old  Malabar  principahties;||  (5) 
Malantan,  i>.,  the  Tana  Malayu  of  De  Barros,  one  of  the  Sumatran 

*  De  Mailla,  ix.  420-422.    Gaubil,  203. 
t  De  Mailla,  ix.  416.    Gaubil,  198.  I  De  Mailla,  ix.  4x7.    Gaubil,  xg8. 

(  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  7;.         0  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  75. 


kingdoms;*   (6)   Sumutu,  Sumatra;   (7)   Lailai  (Lo,  or  Lo  hoh),  i,€.. 
Southern  Siam  ;t  (8)  Navang  (?),  Tinghor  (?),  and  Kelanitai  ?{ 

In  1287  a  second  expedition  was  fitted  out  against  Tun  king,  of  which 
the  command  was  again  given  to  Togan,  while  a  fleet  was  ordered  to 
co-operate  with  the  army.  The  Tungkingese  were  defeated  in  seventeen 
combats,  and  their  capital,  Chen  chen,  with  a  very  rich  booty,  was 
captured.  The  King  escaped  by  sea.§  Not  satisfied  with  his  victory, 
Togan  rashly  returned  again  during  the  hot  season  of  1288.  The  King 
of  Tung  king  threatened  a  descent  on  the  coast,and  he  there  upon  ordered 
the  ports  to  be  fortified ;  but  the  hot  weather  was  a  more  difficult  enemy. 
Once  more  it  proved  fatal  to  the  Mongols,  who  were  forced  to  retire 
towards  Kwang  si.  They  lost  many  men  and  two  of  their  chief  com- 
manders in  encounters  with  the  natives.  Togan  was  deprived  of  the 
government  of  Yunnan,  and  forbidden  to  appear  at  court.  Meanwhile 
the  King  of  Tung  king  submitted,  and  sent  Khubilai  a  present  of  an  image 
of  solid  gold.  II 

While  Khubilai  was  stretching  his  hands  out  towards  the  south  and 
east  a  terrible  rebellion  on  his  northern  frontier  was  sapping  the  influence 
of  the  Mongol  Khakans  in  Mongolia.  It  was  headed  by  Kaidu,  his 
nephew.  I  have  already  traced  it  out  in  the  former  chapter,  and 
described  its  different  phases,  and  how  it  was  more  or  less  controlled  by 
the  skill  of  Khubilai's  generals,  who  defeated  both  Kaidu  and  his  con- 
federates,  and  also  put  down  the  very  serious  rebellion  of  Nayan,  in 
Eastern  Tartary.  In  the  end  of  1287  Atchu,  who  had  won  such  renown 
in  the  conquest  of  the  Sung  empire,  died,  and  was  honoured  with 
the  posthumous  title  of  Prince  of  Honan.  In  the  spring  of  the  following 
year  Khubilai  was  persuaded  by  his  minister  Sanga,  much  to  the 
chagrin  of  his  Chinese  subjects,  to  convert  the  various  palaces  of 
the  late  dynasty  into  Buddhist  temples  ;1[  and  later  on  in  the  year  the 
imprisoned  Sung  Emperor  was  sent  to  Putula,  in  Thibet,  to  learn  the 
Buddhist  doctrines.  The  Chinese  literates,  who  cordially  despised  the 
Buddhists,  were  very  angry  with  the  young  prince  for  not  having  put  an 
end  to  himself  rather  than  survive  such  an  indignity.**  The  cruel  exac- 
tions of  the  Mongol  governors  gave  rise  this  year  to  several  rebellions 
in  the  southern  provinces.  A  judge  of  Fu  kien,  named  Wangiun,  made 
a  report  to  the  Emperor,  in  which  he  called  attention  to  them.  His 
representations  were  well 

Various  public  works  were  also  carried  on  at  this  time  with  energy,  the 
grand  canal  called  Hoeitong,  running  from  Tsining  chau,  in  Shantung, 
to  Ling  tsing  chau,  in  the  same  province,  was  opened,  at  least  so  say  the 
narratives  of  De  Mailla  and  Gaubil,  but  the  lattePs  editor,  in  a  note,  says 

*  Yale's  Marco  Polo,  ii.  224.  t  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  ii.  aai.  I  De  MaiUm,  ix.  429. 

i  De  Mailla,  ix.  430.    Gaubil,  207.  |  De  Mailla,  ix.  435-437*    GaubU,  208. 

^  De  Mailla,  ix.  43S.  **  De  Mailla,  ix.  439.    Gaubil,  209.  it  Pe  Mailla,  ix*  437. 


<he  canal  wai^not  opened  till  the  days  of  the  Ming  dynasty.  Khubilai 
also  built  two  magnificent  colleges  at  Ta  tu,  /.^•.,  the  Mongol  part  of 
Peking.  He  encouraged  literary  work  of  various  kinds,  and  especially 
the  literature  of  Buddhism,  and  we  are  told  that  in  1290,  a  copy  of  the 
Thibetan  sacred  books  was  written  in  large  golden  letters.*  This  year  a 
census  of  those  liable  to  pay  tribute  was  made.  It  showed  there  were 
13,196,206  families,  comprising  58,834,711  persons,  not  counting  fugitives 
and  rebels.f 

Meanwhile,  Sanga,  the  Imperial  treasurer,  followed  in  the 
steps  of  his  predecessor,  and  his  exactions  caused  great  suffering  and 
complaint  in  the  empire.  Like  Ahmed,  he  also  gained  the  confidence  of 
Khubilai  so  well  that  it  was  dangerous  to  speak  against  him.  At  length, 
after  a  career  of  four  years,  his  turn  arrived  for  punishment.  An 
officer  named  Che  li,  who  was  much  in  the  company  of  Khubilai,  went 
with  him  on  one  of  his  hunting  excursions,  and  there  ventured  to  disclose 
to  him  the  malpractices  of  Sanga.  The  Emperor  was  in  a  rage  and 
ordered  him  to  be  chastised.  This  was  done  so  effectually  that  the  blood 
streamed  from  his  nose  and  mouth.  He  was  now  asked  to  confess  that 
what  he  had  said  was  a  calumny.  "  I  have  no  special  grudge  against  him,** 
said  Ch6  IL  "  It  was  only  in  the  interest  of  your  Majesty  and  of  the 
empire  that  I  spoke.  If  the  fear  of  punishment  had  stopped  my  tongue 
I  should  have  been  imworthy  of  being  in  your  service,"  &c.  The  Emperor 
ordered  an  inquiry.  When  this  was  instituted  quite  a  crowd  of 
accusations  poured  upon  the  head  of  the  devoted  minister.  Khubilai  was 
much  enraged,  in  that  the  accusers  had  kept  back  information  about 
his  ill  doing,  and  left  it  to  the  Imperial  censors  to  determine  what 
punishment  they  deserved  ;  most  of  them  were  dismissed.  Che  li  was 
tent  with  300  soldiers  to  make  an  inventory  of  Sanga's  goods.}  The 
Khakan  had  one  day  asked  for  some  pearls  ;  he  said  he  had  none  ;  but 
two  boxes  fidl  were  found  in  his  house.  These,  he  said,  he  had  received 
as  presents  from  the  different  provincial  governors.  The  Emperor  was 
naturally  enraged  at  the  effrontery  of  the  minister,  who  retained  the  rich 
presents  for  himself,  and  passed  off  mere  bagatelles  upon  him.  He  was 
condemned  to  death,  and  his  goods  were  confiscated.  With  him  perished  a 
large  number  of  his  creatures.  He  had  had  the  impertinence  to  put  up 
a  numument,  with  an  eulogium  on  himself ;  this  was  now  broken  down.§ 
His  place  was  given  to  Wan  tse,  who  alone,  among  the  employes  of  that 
chancellary,  appeared,  from  the  papers  found  in  Ahmed's  house,  to  have 
obtained  his  employment  without  bribery. 

The  tombs  of  the  Simg  Emperors  were  situated  near  the  town  of 
Chao  hing,  in  Che  kiang.  A  Lama  of  Thibet,  who  had  an  important 
^>pointment  in  the  southern  provinces,  and  was  exceedingly  avaricious, 

*  Gaobil,  «ia.  t  De  Mailla,  ix.  444. 

:  !>•  If  ailk,  iz.  447.  f  De  MaiUa,  ix.  447*    G«Hbfl,ax3. 

I  I 


proceeded  this  year  to  rifle  these  tombs,  and  to  rob  them  of  their  golden 
and  jewelled  ornaments.  He  look  the  bones  out  of  the  tombs,  and 
mixing  them  with  those  of  oxen,  &c.,  made  pyramids  of  them.  One 
cannot  easily  find  an  explanation  for  this  senseless  indignity,  which  seems 
to  have  been,  and  perhaps  was,  done  expressly  to  irritate  the  Chinese, 
who  had  an  especial  antipathy  to  the  Lamas.  The  mandarins  had  him 
arrested  and  imprisoned,  but  the  Lama  influence  at  the  court  was  so 
strong  that  he  was  afterwards  released,  and  even  retained  his  lugubriously 
acquired  booty.*  The  Chinese  historians  blame  Khubilai  very  much  for 
his  conduct  on  this  occasion,  and  on  others,  in  which  he  allowed  himself 
to  be  made  the  plaything  of  the  Lama  priests.t 

In  the  end  of  the  year  1291,  a  fleet  was  fitted  out  for  the  exploration  and 
conquest  of  the  Luchu  islands,  east  of  Fu-kien,  but  the  conmiander 
having  been  killed  on  the  way,  the  ships  returned.}  The  first  day  of  the 
year  is  a  grand  festival  in  China ;  the  mandarins  then  severally  do 
homage  according  to  the  prescribed  ceremonial ;  this  day  is  the  first  of 
that  month,  when  the  sun  enters  the  constellation  of  the  Fishes. §  An 
eclipse  of  the  sun  at  anytime  is  held  to  be  a  bad  omen.  If  it  occur  on 
the  first  day  of  the  year,  it  is  put  down  in  the  Chinese  astrology  as  fore- 
boding some  impending  disaster.  The  calculations  showed  that  this 
would  happen  on  the  first  day  of  1292,  and  the  day  was  ordered  to  be 
solenmly  observed.  The  judicious  Chinese  did  not  fail  to  remind  their 
Emperor  that  he  should  see  to  his  conduct,  to  discover  if  there  was 
anything  in  it,  or  in  the  affairs  of  State  that  needed  reform.  The  eclipse 
happened  as  foretold,  and  was  observed  with  becoming  seriousness.  | 
About  this  time  a  new  code  of  laws  was  issued.  Previously  the  country 
had  been  governed  by  the  laws  passed  during  the  Kin  dynasty,  but 
these  had  been  found  to  be  too  exacting.^"  ' 

Khubilai  was  constantly  sending  envoys  to  the  islands  of  the  Eastern 
Archipelago,  whose  ships  brought  to  the  port  of  Tsuen  chau,  the  rare 
products  of  the  Spice  islands.  Marco  Polo,  in  describing  the  island  of 
Java,  says  the  great  Khan  never  could  get  possession  of  it  because  of  its 
great  distance.  Soon  after  Polo  wrote  this  he  tried  with  but  scant  success. 
His  envoy,  a  Chinese  mandarin  called  Mengki,  returned  home  with  his 
face  branded  ;  the  punishment  there  awarded  to  highwaymen.  Khubilai 
was  furious,  ordered  a  great  fleet  to  rendezvous  in  the  ports  of  Fu-kien, 
under  the  conmiand  of  a  general  and  admiral  who  had  been  in  the  Indian 
seas,  and  knew  the  language  of  Java.  This  armament  consisted  of  1,000 
ships  of  all  kinds,  30,000  soldiers,  besides  sailors,  &c.,  and  provisions  for 
a  year.  It  set  out  in  January,  1293,  and  coasted  along  the  shores  of 
Cochin  China.  Having  entered  the  great  ocean,  they  came  to  the 
mountains     (?    islands)     Kanlan,     Yukia,      Limata,    and     Keoulang. 

"  Gaubil,  914.  t  De  Mailla,  ix.  448. 

I  De  Mailla,  ix.  449.  $  Gaubil,  2x5.    Note.  B  Gaubil,  316.  %  De  Matlla,  ix.  430. 


There  they  landed  to  cut  timber  for  making  transports.  The  King  of 
Java  (called  Kuava  by  the  Mongols)  pretended  to  submit,  and  persuaded 
the  Chinese  conmiander  to  attack  Kolang,  a  neighbouring  kingdom  with 
which  he  was  at  war.  The  King  of  Kolang  was  defeated  in  a  battle  which 
lasted  from  sunrise  to  mid-day,  and  in  which  his  forces  numbered  100,000. 
He  submitted,  but  was  put  to  death  with  his  family.* 

The  Javanese  having  thus  revenged  themselves  on  the  people  of 
Kolang  wished  to  be  rid  of  the  Mongols,  and  notwithstanding  that  he  had 
sent  in  his  submission,  acknowledging  Khubilai  as  his  suzereign,  and  sur- 
rendered his  royal  seal,  the  King  marched  against  the  Mongol  troops,  and 
planted  a  force  in  an  ambuscade,  causing  them  much  loss  in  their  retreat 
to  the  coast.  The  expedition  returned  to  China  after  losing  3,000  men. 
It  was  sixty-eight  days  on  the  way.  It  took  back  with  it  an  immense  booty 
in  gold  and  precious  stones,  but  Khubilai  was  much  dissatisfied  with  its 
partial  success,  and  also  with  the  fact  that  instead  of  punishing  ;  his  officers 
should  have  made  terms  with  his  enemies.  The  chief  officer  instead  of 
being  rewarded  was  severely  bastinadoed,  and  a  large  quantity  of  his 
possessions  were  confiscated.t  Meanwhile  the  struggle  on  the  northern 
frontier  with  Kaidu  and  his  supporters  continued  more  or  less  vigorously. 
In  1293,  two  hundred  Juchis  or  Niuchis  brought  Khubilai  a  tribute  of 
fish.  Fishing  was  their  sole  occupation.  Khubilai  wished  them  to  adopt 
a  more  settled  life,  and  furnished  them  with  cattle  and  agricultural 
implements,  and  sent  officers  into  their  country  to  furnish  the  same 
assistance  to  their  countrymen.  J 

Meanwhile  Bayan,  who  commanded  at  Karakorum,  and  who  for  his 
wonderful  successes  and  experiences  was  unrivalled  among  the  servants 
of  Khubilai,  became  the  object  of  envy  to  the  courtiers  of  the  Emperor, 
who,  succumbing  to  their  advice,  recalled  him,  and  replaced  him  by  his 
own  grandson  and  heir  Timur.  He  was  appointed  commander  of  the 
Imperial  guards,  and  of  the  troops  in  thd  neighbourhood  of  the  capital. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1293  there  appeared  a  comet,  a  great  event  in 
Chinese  astrology  ;  and  the  Emperor  betook  himself  to  the  learned 
mandarins  to  consult  them  as  to  his  conduct.  They  as  usual  advised 
him  to  be  warned  by  the  apparition  to  reform  the  administration  of  the 
empire.  At  this  time,  curiously,  Khubilai  fell  ill  and  died.  This  was 
early  in  1294,  in  the  eightieth  year  of  his  age  and  the  thirty-fifth  of  his 
reign.  In  the  hall  of  the  ancestors  he  is  styled  Chi  tsu.  The  Chinese  accuse 
him  of  an  excessive  devotion  to  the  Lamas,  a  love  of  women  and  of 
money,  and  of  being  very  superstitious.  They  accuse  him  of  having 
wasted  his  resources  in  ill-devised  and  ill-executed  expeditions  to 
Japan,  Cochin  China,  &c.,  and  of  having  employed  too  many  strangers. 
This  last  has  always  been  a  source  of  great  jealousy  to  the  Chinese. 

•  Ganbil,  2x7-2x9.    De  MailU,  ix.  451, 452.  t  Gaubil,  axg.    De  MaiUa,  iz.  433. 

I  De  Mailla,  ix.  45s. 


The  Mongols  and  western  writers  have  formed  a  diflbrent  estimate  of 
him.  His  reign  is  the  most  glorious  epoch  in  Mongol  history,  and  he 
was  certainly,  as  Gaubil  says,  learned  and  fond  of  learned  men, 
courageous,  enterprising,  and  magnificent.* 

Khubilai  was  the  sovereign  of  the  largest  empire  that  was  ever  controlled 
by  one  man.  China,  Corea,  Thibet,  Tung  king.  Cochin  China,  a  great 
portion  of  India  beyond  the  Ganges,  the  Turkish  and  Siberian  realms 
from  the  eastern  sea  to  the  Dnieper  obeyed  his  commands  ;  and  although 
the  chiefs  of  the  Hordes  of  Jagatai  and  Ogatai  refused  to  acknowledge 
him,  the  Ilkhans  of  Persia  (whose  empire  bordered  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  the  Greek  empire)  were  his  feudatories ;  in  fact,  as  D*Ohsson 
says,  nearly  all  Asia  was  subject  to  him.  This  was  in  different  ways.  Thus 
while  the  g^eat  Khanates  of  the  Ilkhans  and  of  the  Golden  Horde  owed 
him  allegiance,  probably  sent  him  large  quantities  of  riches  as  tribute, 
while  their  chiefs  received  investiture  at  his  hands,  their  internal  govern- 
ment was  controlled  entirely  by  their  special  rulers.  Their  history  was 
probably  similar  to  that  of  Canada.  At  first  an  integral  part  of  the 
empire,  then  having  a  substantive  government  of  their  own,  and  owning 
only  a  mediate  allegiance  to  the  central  Imperial  authority.  This  was  no 
doubt  immense  so  long  as  the  Mongol  Imperial  family  was  united ;  but  with 
the  rebellions  of  Arikbuka  and  Kaidu,  and  with  the  removal  of  the 
capital  from  Karakorum  to  China  it  became  weaker,  until  a  few  reigns  later 
it  snapped  altogether.  The  supreme  Khan  had  immediate  authority 
only  in  Mongolia  and  China,  and  it  will  be  interesting  to  inquire  how  he 
administered  this  vast  area. 

To  assist  him,  Khubilai  had  a  council  or  cabinet  of  twelve  officers, 
whom  Marco  Polo  calls  the  twelve  barons.  Pauthier  has  found  the 
same  number  mentioned  in  the  Chinese  annals.  Of  the  first  rank  were 
two,  styled  Chin  sang  ;  one,  minister  of  the  right ;  the  other,  of  the  left. 
They  had  the  appointment  of  the  various  functionaries  of  State,  and  also 
the  control  of  their  discipline.t  Pauthier  adds  in  a  note  that  the  number 
of  these  first  ministers  varied.  At  the  accession  of  Khubilai  in  1260 
there  was  only  one,  who  was  named  Mahmud,  and  who  was  a  Muham- 
medan.  From  1 261  to  1265  there  were  two,  and  in  1265  and  1266  there 
were  four,  among  them  being  Khandu  and  Bayan.  This  last  statement 
agrees  with  the  enumeration  of  Raschid,  who  says  there  were  four  Ching 
sang.  Next  to  these  were  four  Ping  chang  ching  se,  ministers  of  special 
departments  ;  they  had  special  control  of  military  matters.  They  answer 
to  the  four  Fan  chan  of  Raschid,  who  says  they  acted  as  inspectors  on 
behalf  of  the  council.  Thirdly,  were  four  assessors  :  two  of  the  right, 
Yau-ching  ;  and  two  of  the  left,  Tso  ching  ;  which  correspcnded  to  the 
Yer-jing,  and  Ur  or  U  jing  of  Raschid  ;  they  answered  to  our  under- 
secretaries of  State.  And  lastly,  two  reporters  on  public  affairs,  Thsan 
ching ;   the  San  jing  of  Raschid. 

*  Gftubil,  22a.  t  The  Yuen  se,  Pauthier's  Marco  Polo,  329.    Note. 


I  shall  now  extract  Ra3chid's  account  of  how  the  work  of  the  council 
was  done. 

"As  the  Kaan  generally  resides  at  the  capital/'  he  says,  "he  has  erected 
a  place  for  the  sittings  of  the  Great  Council,  called  Sing.  According  to 
established  custom  a  lieutenant  is  appointed  to  the  inspection  and 
charge  of  the  doors,  and  examines  all  the  drafts  of  memorials  that  are 

"  The  name  of  the  first  tribunal  is  In.  All  the  proceedings  are  copied 
and  sent  with  the  memorials  to  the  tribunal  called  Liisah,  which  is  of 
higher  rank  than  the  other.  Thence  all  is  carried  to  the  tribunal  called 
Ehalydn,  and  thence  to  the  fourth,  called  Kuijiin.  This  is  the  board 
which  has  charge  of  all  that  relates  to  the  posts  and  despatches.  The 
three  first  mentioned  tribunals  are  under  the  orders  of  the  last ;  and  from 
it  business  is  transferred  to  the  fifth,  which  bears  the  name  of  Rusn&yi, 
and  which  has  everything  that  concerns  the  army  under  its  charge. 
Lastly,  the  business  arrives  at  the  sixth  board,  which  is  called  Siiishtah.* 
All  ambassadors  and  foreign  merchants  when  arriving  and  departing 
have  to  present  themselves  at  this  office,  which  is  the  one  which  issues 
orders  in  council  and  passports.  In  our  days  this  office  is  entirely  under 
the  management  of  the  Amir  D&shiman. 

"  When  matters  have  passed  these  six  boards,  they  are  remitted  to  the 
Council  of  State,  -or  Sing,  where  they  are  discussed,  and  the  decision  is 
issued  after  being  verified  by  the  Khat  Angusht  or  *  finger-signature '  of 
all  who  have  a  right  to  a  voice  in  the  council.  This  *  finger-signature ' 
indicates  that  the  act,  to  which  it  is  attached  in  attestation,  has  been 
discussed  and  definitively  approved  by  those  whose  mark  has  been  put 
upon  it. 

**  It  is  usual  in  Cathay,  when  any  contract  is  entered  into,  for  the  outline 
of  the  fingers  of  the  parties  to  be  traced  upon  the  document.  For 
experience  shows  that  no  two  individuals  have  fingers  precisely  alike. 
The  hand  of  the  contracting  party  is  set  upon  the  back  of  the  paper 
containing  the  deed,  and  lines  are  then  traced  round  his  fingers  up  to  the 
knuckles,  in  order  that  if  ever  one  of  them  should  deny  his  obligation 
this  tracing  may  be  compared  with  his  fingers  and  he  may  thus  be 

"After  the  matter  has  thus  passed  through  all  the  boards,  and  has  been 
decided  on  by  the  supreme  authority,  it  is  sent  back  to  the  tribunal  before 
which  it  first  came. 

"  The  dignitaries  mentioned  above  arc  expected  to  attend  daily  at  the 
Sing,  and  to  make  themselves  acquainted  with  all  that  passes  there.  And 

*  **  These  are  the  six  boards  of  administration  which  still  exist  in  China,  under  the  names  of 
KiAf-Pu,  Hing-Pn,  &c  The  titles  given  by  Raschid  do  not  seem  to  attempt  any  imiution  of 
tfie  Chinese  names,  and  are  probably  those  in  use  among  the  Muhammedans.  The  third  board 
from  the  top,  called  Pingpu  by  the  Chinese,  has  still  authority  over  military  affain."  Yole'a 
Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  266.    Note. 


as  the  business  to  be  transacted  is  very  extensive,  the  Chingsang  take 
their  part  in  the  writing  that  has  to  be  done  as  well  as  the  other  members 
of  the  council  whose  positions  we  have  detailed.  Each  takes  his  place, 
according  to  his  degree,  with  a  kind  of  table  and  writing  materials  before 
him.  Every  great  officer  has  his  seal  and  distinctive  bearings.  It  is  the 
duty  of  certain  of  the  clerks  to  write  down  the  names  of  all  who  attend 
daily,  in  order  that  a  deduction  may  be  made  from  the  allowances  of 
those  who  are  absent.  If  any  one  is  habitually  absent  from  the  cquncil 
without  valid  excuse,  he  is  dismissed. 

"  It  is  the  order  of  the  Kian  that  the  four  Chingsang  make  all  reports 
to  him. 

"  The  Sing  of  Khanbaligh  is  the  most  eminent,  and  the  building  is  very 
large.  All  the  acts  and  registers  and  records  of  proceedings  of  several 
thousands  of  years  are  there  preserved.  The  officials  employed  in  it 
amount  to  some  two  thousand."* 

Such  is  Raschid's  account  of  the  council  and  its  work.  In  the  Yuen  Se, 
or  Imperial  annals,  we  have  further  details  about  the  administration  of 
the  empire.  We  are  told  that  at  his  accession  Khubilai  ordered  Hiu 
heng  and  Liau  kien  chung  to  search  out  precedents,  and  to  arrange 
the  administrative  machinery  of  the  empire.  This  was  done.  There 
were  three  classes  of  officials  of  the  first  rank.  Those  who  had  to 
do  with  the  general  administration,  Chung  chu  sing ;  those  who  looked 
after  military  matters,  Chu  mi  yuen ;  and  the  board  of  Imperial  censors, 
who  had  to  do  with  promotions,  &c.,  Yu  se  thai. 

Below  these  in  rank  were  certain  officers  belonging  to  the  interior 
management  of  the  Court  (nei).  These  included  the  officials  about  the 
Court  (se) :  the  superintendents  of  the  Palace  (kian) ;  those  charged  with 
the  Imperial  guard  (wei)  ;  those  attached  to  the  Treasury  (fu). 

Secondly,  those  who  had  to  do  with  external  matters,  as  (the  hing 
sing)  directors  of  the  provinces :  hing  thai,  financial  directors;  siuen  wei 
sei,  those  charged  with  the  public  peace  (/>.,  the  police) ;  and  Lien  fang  s^, 
the  bureau  of  intelligence. 

In  imitation  of  the  ancient  dynasties  there  were  also  created  three 
great  departments,  styled  san  kung  (the  three  dukes).  The  grand 
preceptor  of  the  empire,  tai  s^ ;  the  grand  reporter,  tai  chuan ;  and  the 
grand  conservator,  tai  pao.  There  was  also  a  grand  director  of  the 
armies,  ta  se  thu ;  his  lieutenant,  se  thu ;  and  the  "grand  chief  of  police,  tai 
wei  (i.e.,  the  great  tranquilliser).  Above  all  these  was  the  president  of  the 
secretariat  of  State,  chung  chu  ling.  He  had  a  silver  seal,  and  derived 
his  orders  immediately  from  the  Emperor. 

We  will  now  turn  to  the  administration  of  justice.  Pauthier  says  the 
number  of  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  varied  a  good  deal.  In  1260 
there  were  sixteen;  below  whom  were  thirty-one  magistrates.    In  1269, 

*  Cfttbfty  and  the  Way  Thither,  265-267. 


Seventeen  and  thirty-four  magistrates.  In  1270,  eighteen  and  thirty-five 
magistrates.  In  1271  they  began  to  use  seals.  In  1290  they  were 
divided  into  two  provinces.  In  1291  there  were  thirty-six  secretaries 
attached  to  the  grand  court.  Two  more  were  added  in  1294.  These  had 
a  president  and  a  first  and  second  clerk  over  them.  Attached  to  the 
grand  court  were  also  two  Mongol  secretaries  ;  twelve  chief  historia- 
graphers,  or  keepers  of  the  rolls,  also  Mongols  ;  one  keeper  of  the  rolls, 
who  was  a  Uighur,  and  a  Mussulman,  and  two  interpreters  of  the  Uighur 
language  ;  two  officers  charged  with  the  seals,  eight  reporters,  and  a  chief 
of  police.* 

Such  was  the  central  administration.  We  will  now  pass  on  to  the 
government  of  the  provinces.  The  part  of  the  empire  immediately  under 
the  control  of  Khubilai  was  divided  into  twelve  great  prefectures  or 
governments,  each  controlled  by  a  college  or  tribunal,  styled  Sing  in 

1.  The  central  province,  upon  which  the  rest  were  more  or  less 
dependent,  comprised  the  present  provinces  of  Shan  tung,  Shan  si, 
Pehcheli,  Honan  north  of  the  Yellow  River,  and  part  of  Mongolia.  It 
was  also  known  as  the  entrails  of  the  empire.  Its  chief  city  was 
Khanbaligh  or  Peking.  It  included  29  lu  (circuits)  and  8  chau  (arron- 
dissements).  On  it  were  also  dependent  3  fu  (departments),  91  chau,  and 
346  hien  (cantons). 

2.  The  province  of  the  Northern  Mountains  (/.^.,  of  Mongolia  proper). 
It  included  the  lu  of  Honing,  whose  chief  town  was  Karakorimi.  It  was 
ruled  by  a  military  governor. 

3.  The  province  of  Liau  yang  (including  Liau  tung,  and  probably 
Manchuria).  It  consisted  of  7  lu  and  i  fu,  and  had  dependent  upon  it  12 
chau  and  10  hien.    Its  capital  was  Liau  yang. 

4.  The  province  of  Honan  and  the  country  north  of  the  Kiang, 
including  12  lu,  7  fii,  and  i  chau;  on  it  depended  34  chau  and  182  hien. 
Its  capital  was  called  Tung  king  during  the  Sung ;  Nan  king  under  the 
Kin,  and  until  1288,  when  it  was  styled  Pian  lang.  It  was  afterwards 
known  as  Kai  fung  fu. 

5.  The  province  of  Shensi  and  other  districts.  In  1262  Shensi  and 
Su  chuan  were  formed  into  one  administrative  province,  with  its  capital 
at  King  chau  (Si  ngan  fu),  whose  name  in  1279  was  changed  to  Ngan  si. 
In  1286  Su  chuan  was  constituted  a  separate  province.  That  of  Shensi 
then  comprised  the  modern  province,  with  the  greater  part  of  Kan  su 
to  the  right  of  the  Yellow  River,  and  part  of  the  Ortus  country.  Its 
capital  was  in  1312  named  Fong  yuen  (Si  ngan  fu).  It  included  4  lu,  5 
fu,  and  27  chau,  and  had  K  chau  and  88  hien  dependent  upon  it. 

6.  The  province  of  Su  chuan,  included  parts  of  Hu  kwang 
and  Kwei  chau,  and  comprised  9  lu  and  3  fu.    On  it  were  dependent 

*  P«utbier*8  Marco  Polo,  328  and  332.    Notes. 


2  fu,  36  chau,  I  kiun  (military  camp),  and  81  hien.  It  also  contained 
some  wild  tribes  named  Man  i,  «V.,  barbarous  strangers,  i,e,,  the  Miaotze, 
who  still  remain  there.     Its  capital  was  Ching  tu. 

7.  The  province  of  Kan  su.  It  was  constituted  in  1281,  and  com- 
prised all  the  country  west  of  the  Yellow  River,  known  as  Ho-si.  It 
included  7  lu  and  2  chau.  Five  others  were  dependent  on  it.  Its  chief 
town  was  Kan  chau. 

8.  The  province  of  Yun  nan.  It  included  the  modem  province  with  part 
of  Kwei  cheu  and  parts  of  Thibet  and  Burma,  and  included  37  lu  and  2  hi. 
There  were  dependent  on  it  54  chau  and  47  hien,  besides  several  kiun 
or  military  encampments.     Its  capital  was  Chung-khing  (Yunnan  fii). 

9.  The  province  of  Kiang  che  and  other  places,  embracing  Che  kiang, 
Kiang  nan,  south  of  the  Kiang,  and  the  eastern  part  of  Kiang  si.  It  com- 
prised 30  lu,  I  fu,  and  2  chau,  and  on  it  were  dependent  26  chau  and  133 
hien.  Its  capital  was  Hang  chau,  which  when  the  Sung  made  it  their 
capital  in  1129,  was  named  King  se  (the  Quin  say  of  Marco  Polo). 

10.  The  province  of  Kiang  si  and  other  places.  It  comprised  18  lu  and 
9  chau,  and  on  it  were  dependent  13  chau  and  78  hien.  Its  capital  was 
Lung  hing,  now  Nan  chang  fu. 

11.  The  province  of  Hu  kwang  and  other  places,  comprising  30  lu,  3  fu, 
and  13  chau,  and  having  dependent  on  it  15  ngan  fu  se  (/.^.,  boards  of 
pacification),  3  kikn,  3  fu,  17  chau,  and  150  hien.  Its  capital  was 

12.  The  province  of  Ching  tung  and  other  places,  which  comprised  the 
kingdom  of  Corea.  It  included  2  ling  fu  (/>.,  superior  departments)  and 
I  se.     Its  capital,  the  residence  of  a  viceroy,  was  Fan  Yang. 

This  enumeration  is  taken  from  the  Yung  se  or  Mongols  aimals, 
and  I  have  abstracted  it  from  Pauthier's  Notes  ;*  and  also  from 
Yule's  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither.t  The  chief  towns  of  these 
provinces  were  seats  of  the  tribunals  styled  Sing,  and  Raschid  tells  us 
that  that  of  Khanbaligh  alone  had  Ching  sang  among  its  members.  The 
others  had  dignitaries  bearing  the  title  of  Shijangi  to  preside  over  them, 
aided  by  four  Fanchan  and  other  members  of  council  who  had  titles 
according  to  their  dignities. 

Besides  the  provincial  councils  there  were  local  governors  in  the 
various  cities,  towns,  villages,  &c.  In  regard  to  these  Raschid  says  : 
"  In  this  empire  of  Cathay  there  are  many  considerable  cities,  each  has 
its  appropriate  title  marking  a  particular  rank  in  the  scale.  The  relative 
precedence  of  governors  is  indicated  by  that  of  the  cities  wMdi  th^ 
administer,  so  that  there  is  no  need  to  specify  their  dignities  in  the 
diploma  of  appointment,  or  to  enter  into  curious  questions  of  precedenccL 
You  know  at  once  (by  the  rank  of  the  cities  to  which  they  are  attached) 
which  ought  to  make  way  for  another  or  to  bow  the  knee  before  hinL 

*  Pauthier't  Marco  Polo,  333-339*    Notes.  t  Op.  dt,  370.    Note. 


These  ranks  or  titles  are  as  follow  :— i,  King  (i,e.,  Imperial  residence,  as 
in  Peking,  Nanking,  &c.)  ;  2,  Du  or  Tu  (Court  or  Imperial  residence,  as  in 
Tatu,  Shangtu,  &c.) ;  3,  Fu  (a  city  of  the  first  class,  or  rather  the  depart- 
ment of  which  it  is  the  head,  as  in  Wu  chang  fu,  &c.)  4,  Chau  (a  city  of  the 
second  class,  or  district  of  which  it  is  the  head)  ;  5,  .  .  .  (this  is  a  blank 
in  Khaproth's  original);  6,  Kiun,  a  chief  military  garrison ;  7,  Hien,  a 
city  of  the  third  order,  or  sub-district  of  which  it  is  the  head.  Chin,  a 
small  town  ;  Tsun,  a  district.*  Colonel  Yule  adds  that  the  custom  of 
naming  a  dignitary  by  the  title  belonging  to  the  class  of  district  under 
him  still  prevails  in  China. 

The  chiefs  of  the  different  prefectures,  &c.,  were  generally  Mongols,  or 
strangers  from  the  west ;  Muhammedans,  Christians,  and  Buddhists. 
Many  Muhammedans  from  Persia,  Transoxiana,  and  Turkestan  settled 
in  China  under  the  administraticns'of  Abd  ur  Rahman,  Seyed  Edjell,  and 
Ahmed,  and  the  Chinese  historians  who  praise  his  reign  make  it  a  cause 
of  complaint  against  him  that  he  did  not  employ  Chinese  officials  instead 
of  these  double-dealing  and  crafty  Turks  and  Persians  to  superintend  his 
finances.  Before  the  invasion  of  the  Mongols,  the  literates,  who  had 
passed  very  searching  examinations,  were  alone  employed  in  the  public 
offices.  This  class  had  greatly  decayed.  Khubilai  restored  the  old 
Imperial  college  at  Yen  king  (Pekin),  which  had  fallen  into  decay  ;  the 
ablest  professors  in  China  were  placed  there,  and  the  children  of  the  best 
families  studied  at  the  same  place.  He  also  founded  a  second  college 
under  the  direction  of  the  Mussulmans  at  Ta  tu.t 

The  communications  between  different  parts  of  the  empire  were  kept 
up  by  an  elaborate  post  service.  This  post  service  was  admirably 
managed.  It  is  well  described  by  Marco  Polo. J  He  tell  us  Khanbahk, 
or  Peking,  was  the  focus  where  there  met  many  roads  ;  along  each  of 
these  roads  at  intervals  of  from  twenty-five  to  thirty  miles  were  situated 
post  houses  or  hostelries,  splendidly  furnished,  called  by  the  Mongols 
Yambs  (a  Mongol  word  which  Colonel  Yule  says  the  Tartars  carried  all 
over  Asia).  To  some  of  these  hostelries  were  attached  400  horses,  200 
in  use  and  200  at  grass.  At  others  there  were  fewer.  Where  the  mes- 
sengers had  to  pass  through  roadless  tracts,  where  neither  house  nor 
hostel  existed,  still  there  the  station  houses  had  been  established, 
except  that  the  intervals  were  greater,  ind  the  day's  journey  was  fixed 
at  thirty-five  to  forty-five,  instead  of  twenty-five  to  thirty  miles.  300,000 
horses  were  employed  in  this  service,  and  there  were  10,000  stations. 
There  were  two  kinds  of  State  messengers,  the  foot  and  horse  couriers;  both 
wore  broad  belts  with  bells  attached,  and  were  stationed  at  intervals  of  three 
miles.  The  bells  sounded  the  runner's  arrival,  and  prepared  a  fresh  man  to 
take  his  place,  and  Polo  says,  that  by  this  means  news  travelled  a  ten  days' 

*  BMchid,  in  YtUe'i  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  a6a.  t  D'Ohuon,  ii.  480. 

X  Colonel  Yule's  ed.,  i.  388. 



journey  in  a  day  and  a  night,  and  the  Khakan  could  eat  fruit  that  had 
only  been  gathered  twenty-four  hours  before  at  a  distance  of  ten  days' 
journey.  The  horse  couriers,  by  the  same  system  of  relief,  did  from 
400  to  500  miles  in  a  day  and  night.  He  thus  describes  th